Somalia: Security Council Establishes United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia

DOCUMENT

Acting on the recommendations of United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the Security Council today decided to establish the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) by 3 June for an initial period of 12 months, providing the United Nations "good offices" functions -- and a range of strategic policy advice -- in support of the Federal Government's peace and reconciliation process.

Unanimously adopting resolution 2102 (2013), the Council decided that the mandate of UNSOM -- which it intended to renew as appropriate -- would include the provision of policy advice to the Federal Government and the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) on peacebuilding and state-building in the areas of: governance, security sector reform and rule of law (including the disengagement of combatants), development of a federal system (including preparations for elections in 2016), and coordination of international donor support.

Among its other mandated functions, UMSOM would help build the Federal Government's capacity to promote respect for human rights and women's empowerment, promote child protection, prevent conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, and strengthen justice institutions. Further, it would monitor, help investigate and report to the Council on any abuses or violations of human rights or of international humanitarian law committed in Somalia, or any abuses committed against children or women.

In such work, the Council underlined the importance of Somali ownership, requesting the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Nicholas Kay, to align closely United Nations country team activities with the priorities of UNSOM and the Federal Government, as well as AMISOM, the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), the European Union and other regional, bilateral and multilateral partners.

By other terms, the Council decided that UNSOM would be based in Mogadishu and deployed across Somalia, as requested by the Federal Government and as conditions permitted, in line with arrangements set out by the Secretary-General in his 19 April letter to the Council (document S/2013/239). Further, it recalled provisions in resolution 2093 (2013) in relation to UNSOM as a structurally integrated United Nations mission, welcoming the proposed leadership and coordination structures, with a clear delineation of duties.

For his part, the Secretary-General was requested to keep the Council regularly informed of the implementation of UNSOM's mandate, including steps he was taking to ensure the presence of a structurally integrated mission by 1 January 2014, as well as an assessment on the political and security implications of wider United Nations deployments across Somalia, with a first report to be delivered no later than 2 September 2013 and every 90 days thereafter.

In his 19 April letter, the Secretary-General transmitted the results of a technical assessment mission to Somalia, deployed from 17 to 29 March. He notes that the team conducted its work on the basis of resolution 2093 (2013), adopted on 6 March, by which the Council defined a new United Nations presence in Somalia, guided by the Secretary-General's Strategic Review of the situation. It agreed that the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) should be replaced by a new special political mission as soon as possible.

Throughout its encounters, the mission had heard strong support for a United Nations mandate in all areas identified by resolution 2093 (2013), according to the letter. The team found the political environment to be extremely complex, but with "impressive" capacities for peace and dialogue, thanks to the strong political will of the Federal Government to rebuild the country. International commitment was critical to ensuring an enabling security environment.

Those findings depicted an environment in which a new United Nations mission could "do much good", the letter states. The team's "mission concept" outlined an approach for providing mandated activities, guided by the principles of Somali national ownership, flexibility, and collaboration and partnerships. The letter outlines the core substantive functions of the new mission in the areas of: political affairs and mediation; rule of law and security institutions; and human rights and protection, as well as a role for multidisciplinary task teams to ensure coherence between the United Nations country team and the mission.

After action, Elmi Ahmed Duale ( Somalia) expressed his full appreciation for the adoption of an "important" resolution, which would support and facilitate his Government in achieving its development, governance and security goals. The resolution also ensured that there was only "one door" to knock on, as opposed to fragmented approaches, in coordinating assistance. Indeed, today's action was a "first step" towards more effective Council support.

Against that backdrop, he called on all partners to abide by the principles of Somali sovereignty and ownership when extending support for the development of a Somali future, adding that regional authorities should also be consulted. Welcoming the emphasis on coordination and urgent action, he underlined the need for human and financial resources to help Somalia implement its mandate, drawing attention to the 7 May donor conference in London. "This year will be an opening of opportunities for Somalia's development," he declared.

The meeting began at 11:35 a.m. and adjourned at 11:42 a.m.

Resolution

The full text of Security Council resolution 2102 (2013) reads as follows:

"The Security Council,

"Recalling its previous resolutions on the situation in Somalia, in particular resolution 2093 (2013),

"Reaffirming its respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and unity of Somalia,

"Recognising the significant progress in Somalia over the past year, and recognising the importance of the Federal Government of Somalia, with the support of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), the United Nations and international partners, to consolidate security and establish the rule of law in areas secured by AMISOM and the Security Forces of the Federal Government of Somalia,

"Underlining the importance of supporting the Federal Government of Somalia's efforts towards peace and reconciliation in Somalia, including through effective regional cooperation, and in this regard commending the role of the African Union (including AMISOM), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and other international partners for their important contributions towards peace and stability in Somalia,

"Welcoming recent progress and positive dialogue between the Federal Government of Somalia and regional administrations, and stressing the importance of these administrations cooperating with the Federal Government of Somalia on peace, provision of basic services, reconciliation and the rule of law and to address the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Somalia,

"Emphasising the importance of international support to Somalia's security and justice institutions, as well as capacity building in maritime security and public financial management, and looking forward to the 7th May 2013 Conference on Somalia in London to support progress on these issues,

"Expressing concern at the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Somalia and its impact on the people of Somalia, commending the efforts of the United Nations humanitarian agencies and other humanitarian actors to deliver life-saving assistance to vulnerable populations, condemning any misuse or obstruction of humanitarian assistance, underlining the importance of the full, safe, independent, timely and unimpeded access of all humanitarian actors to all those in need of assistance, and underlining further the importance of proper accounting in international humanitarian support,

"Condemning the recent terrorist attacks which have undermined peace and security in Somalia, and reiterating its willingness to take action against those whose behaviour threatens the peace, stability, or security of Somalia,

"Welcoming the Federal Government of Somalia's commitment to improving human rights in Somalia, expressing its concern at the reports of violations of human rights, including extrajudicial killings, violence against women, children and journalists, arbitrary detention and pervasive sexual and gender-based violence, particularly in camps for internally displaced persons, and underscoring the need to end impunity, uphold human rights and to hold accountable those who commit any such related crimes,

"Underlining the importance of effectively-coordinated international support to the Federal Government of Somalia in line with the President's Six Pillar Policy priorities, and in this regard looking forward to the Conference on Somalia in Brussels scheduled for September 2013,

"Taking note of the Federal Government of Somalia's intention to implement the "New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States" in Somalia,

"Welcoming the appointment of Mr Nicholas Kay as the Secretary-General's Special Representative in Somalia (SRSG), and underlining its appreciation for the outgoing SRSG, Dr Augustine Mahiga for all his efforts towards greater peace and stability in Somalia,

"Considering the recommendations of the Secretary-General in his letter of 19 April 2013 to the Security Council,

"1. Decides to establish the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) by 3 June 2013, under the leadership of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG), for an initial period of twelve months with the intention to renew for further periods as appropriate, and in accordance with the recommendation of the Secretary-General;

"2. Decides that the mandate of UNSOM shall be as follows:

(a) To provide United Nations "good offices" functions, supporting the Federal Government of Somalia's peace and reconciliation process;

(b) To support the Federal Government of Somalia, and AMISOM as appropriate, by providing strategic policy advice on peacebuilding and statebuilding, including on:

(i) Governance;

(ii) security sector reform, rule of law (including police, justice and corrections within the framework of the United Nations Global Focal Point), disengagement of combatants, disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration, maritime security and mine action;

(iii)the development of a federal system; the constitutional review process and subsequent referendum on the constitution; and preparations for elections in 2016;

(c) To assist the Federal Government of Somalia in coordinating international donor support, in particular on security sector assistance and maritime security, working with bilateral and multilateral partners, and in full respect of the sovereignty of Somalia;

(d) To help build the capacity of the Federal Government of Somalia to:

(i) promote respect for human rights and women's empowerment, including through the provision of Gender Advisers and Human Rights Advisers;

(ii) promote child protection and to implement the relevant Somali Government action plans on children and armed conflict, including through the provision of Child Protection Advisers;

(iii)prevent conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, including through the provision of Women's Protection Advisers;

(iv) strengthen Somalia's justice institutions and to help ensure accountability in particular with respect to crimes against women and children;

(e) To monitor, help investigate and report to the Council on, and help prevent:

(i) any abuses or violations of human rights or violations of international humanitarian law committed in Somalia, including through the deployment of human rights observers;

(ii) any violations or abuses committed against children in Somalia;

(iii)any violations or abuses committed against women, including all forms of sexual and gender-based violence in armed conflict;

"3. Underlines the importance of Somali ownership in the context of United Nations support, and in this regard requests the SRSG to align closely United Nations Country Team activities in Somalia with the priorities of UNSOM and to coordinate United Nations activities with the Federal Government of Somalia, as well as the African Union (including AMISOM), IGAD, the European Union and other regional, bilateral and multilateral partners in Somalia;

"4. Decides that UNSOM shall be based in Mogadishu and deployed further across Somalia, as requested by the Federal Government of Somalia and as conditions permit, in line with the arrangements set out by the Secretary-General in his letter of 19 April 2013 to the Council;

"5. Recalls paragraphs 20 and 21 of resolution 2093 (2013) in relation to UNSOM as a structurally integrated United Nations Mission, welcomes the proposed leadership and coordination structures, with a clear delineation of duties as outlined in the Secretary General's letter of 19 April 2013;

"6. Emphasises in particular the need to ensure an integrated United Nations effort under the strategic direction of the SRSG and for the United Nations to work in a coordinated manner with AMISOM;

"7. Reiterates that with immediate effect, all appropriate activities of the United Nations Country Team should be fully coordinated with the SRSG, including through establishing joint teams and joint strategies, while ensuring the humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence of humanitarian assistance;

"8. Stresses the need for the Federal Government of Somalia to ensure that all perpetrators of serious violations and abuses of human rights and serious violations of international humanitarian law are held accountable, and emphasises the importance of UNSOM supporting the Government of Somalia in developing and implementing a national strategy for preventing and responding to sexual and gender-based violence;

"9. Encourages the implementation of the Somali Maritime Security Strategy, developed through the Kampala Process, which will assist the international community in coordinating with the Somali authorities on Somali maritime challenges, including capacity-building and development, for the benefit of the Somali people and in full respect of Somali sovereignty;

"10. Recognises the security constraints outlined by the Secretary-General, underlines the importance of the safety of United Nations staff, and in this regard welcomes AMISOM's commitment to provide a guard force of 311 troops as requested in paragraph 2 of resolution 2093 (2013);

"11. Emphasises the importance of UNSOM adhering to the Secretary-General's Human Rights and Due Diligence Policy and the United Nations Zero-Tolerance Policy on Sexual Exploitation and Abuse;

"12. Underlines the importance of UNSOM cooperating with the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group in the relevant areas of their respective mandates;

"13. Requests the Secretary-General to keep the Security Council regularly informed of the implementation of UNSOM's mandate, including the steps he is taking to ensure the presence of a structurally integrated mission by 1 January 2014, as well as an assessment on the political and security implications of wider United Nations deployments across Somalia, with a first report no later than 2 September 2013 and every 90 days thereafter;

"14. Decides to review the mandate of UNSOM no later than 30 April 2014;

"15. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter."

Hong Kong Calling: How China's Cheap Phones Make Their Way to Africa

Many traders of cheap Chinese phones have now established links with mainland factories, but the trade mainly began in Chungking Mansions in Hong Kong.

A mobile phone shop in Africa. Photograph by ICT4D.at.

Nathan Road is Hong Kong’s busiest shopping street. It is lined with skyscrapers and decorated with neon signs of every size, colour and shape. Most of the logos are familiar: McDonald’s, KFC, Samsung, Rolex, Carlsberg, 7-Eleven, Standard Chartered. This is Asia’s Times Square, a luminous roll call of the world’s biggest companies and products, a shrine to consumer culture in the modern world.

Workers, tourists and others cram the neon shadows of the sidewalks, clutching engorged wallets and sleek plastic bags. The luxury goods in the shop fronts of polished glass and mood lighting beckon their business. Lots of money changes hands. Many shiny new items are purchased. This is the apotheosis of globalisation as we know it best: big companies, handsome profits, fancy boardrooms, high-flying executives, top quality goods.

But this is not the globalisation I have come to Nathan Road to see. I know I am getting closer to my destination when an Asian gentleman outside a Rolex store approaches. “Want nice watch? Mister, nice Rolex for you? I give you best price.”

Despite admiring his brazen attempts to shift fakes not a metre outside a shop displaying the genuine articles, I shrug him off and turn into a narrow passage that takes me to the heart of a building called – in Hong Kong’s typically optimistic style – Chungking Mansions.

This three-towered utilitarian block is one of Hong Kong’s most notorious buildings. Unlikely as it may seem, it is one of the major drivers of Africa’s technological revolution.

The building’s history is infamous. Erected in 1961 to fulfil Hong Kong’s insatiable need for low-cost housing, it soon turned into one of the most legendary stops on Asia’s hippy backpacker trail, thanks to the proliferation of tiny, cheap guesthouses on its upper floors, many of which are still operating.

These cheap tourists enticed merchants of tacky goods, whose stalls swamped the building’s lower floors. In turn, this activity attracted illegal immigrants, drug dealers and prostitutes, turning Chungking into Hong Kong’s seediest underbelly; a place that locals avoided completely and even police feared to tread.

In recent years, the place has cleaned up its act somewhat, but still offers the city’s cheapest accommodation. It is home to a large South Asian community (primarily Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis) and plenty of cheap tat: luggage, souvenirs, fake football shirts, etc. But in the last decade or so, shopkeepers have introduced a new product which has kept Chungking Mansions ticking: the mobile phone.

Africa calling

Pause and shift your geographical attention to the markets of Africa, a continent that has also embraced the mobile phone in recent years. The informal nature of this business makes it difficult to cite exact figures, but it is likely that most mobiles sold in Africa are not traded through official, licensed channels. They are hawked in markets or sold in small family-run shops displaying a dizzying array of brands and phone styles, many unfamiliar.

Often the handsets are simply lined up on shelves, a tangle of headsets and charger cables in a box at the vendor’s feet. While quality may be unpredictable, price is not. These phones are inexpensive, much cheaper than their equivalents sold in slick shops or by service providers. Without these low-priced phones, the African telecommunications revolution may never have gotten off the ground. But where do they come from? And how do they get here?

The first question is easy. Their provenance is China, which makes the lion’s share of the world’s mobile handsets. According to figures released by China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology, the country produced over 915 million handsets in the first three quarters of 2012. By way of comparison, analytics firm Gartner estimates that around 1.2 billion handsets were sold throughout the world in this period. While China manufactures many smartphones too (including the iPhone and the Samsung Galaxy series), it specialises in the budget handsets favoured in Africa, meaning that the vast majority of handsets in Africa will have been made in China.

The more interesting question is how these cheap Chinese phones reach Africa’s markets from the huge factories in Guangzhou and Shenzhen, two major cities on the mainland north of Hong Kong. It is a story of low-end, informal globalisation on a massive scale – with dingy Chungking Mansions as its backdrop.

For African traders, there are obvious barriers to the Chinese factories and handset wholesalers. The first is language. Mainland China does not, as a rule, speak English, and African traders are yet to pick up Cantonese or Mandarin in any significant numbers.

Visas are another obstacle. China requires citizens of most countries to acquire visas in advance. This can be difficult for a small-scale African businessman who might not be able to demonstrate the necessary financial proof that he is economically independent. A third is connections. The factories are spread out around the sprawling megalopolis of Guangzhou and Shenzhen, difficult to find unless you know in advance exactly where you are going. All this makes it hard for traders to find the products or negotiate for them.

The simple solution is Hong Kong: easily accessible with many flights linking it to African countries such as Ethiopia, Kenya and South Africa. The island’s relaxed entry policy means that most nationalities can get in without a visa. Much of the city’s business is conducted in English so communication is easy. For the business connections: simply head to Chungking Mansions, take the stairs to the first floor, and start negotiating with the dozens of wholesalers operating from tiny shops filling the towers with every possible kind of handset.

Lessons on low-end globalisation

The importance of Chungking Mansions to the African telecommunications boom cannot be overestimated. Academic Gordon Mathews of the Chinese University of Hong Kong spent five years studying the building and wrote a book on it called Ghetto at the Centre of the World. In 2009 some 20% of all handsets in Africa, about 10 million, physically passed through this building, he estimated. And even more arrived in Africa thanks to deals made and business relationships formed within its walls.

“Low-end globalisation is globalisation not as practised by the big multinationals with their batteries of lawyers and their billion-dollar budgets,” Mathews said in an interview with CNN. “It’s globalisation done by individual traders carrying goods in their suitcases back and forth from their home countries.”

To understand Mathews, I have come to Chungking Mansions to buy phones. A Zambian friend has asked me to buy 20 handsets for a maximum of $15 each, which he intends to sell in a rural Zambian town.

This puts me in the same position as many would-be cellular entrepreneurs who are drawn from thousands of miles away by the building’s whispered but well-known reputation as a place where good business is done. My first lesson is that my order is laughably small. While some shops deal in hundreds of handsets, most only accept orders of a thousand handsets. One hopeful merchant even offered the exclusive rights to import his product into my country of choice.

My tiny order and small budget rule out some of the more serious-looking shops. They sell genuine new and used phones that cost the same as in any other shop in Hong Kong, beyond the prescribed budget. Some of them also sell “fakes”, exact replicas of top-brand originals in appearance, and “used fakes”, second-hand handsets where the genuine exterior has been preserved but the electronics inside have been replaced. These sell for significantly less, but no shopkeepers would even admit the existence of potentially illegal goods to first-time, unproven buyers like myself.

'China phones', however, are affordable. Chinese companies manufacture these handsets and brand them with their own logo. Often, they bear a striking resemblance to premium brands, but crucially, do not claim to be the real thing (except one obvious iPhone knockoff that carried a picture of a smiling Steve Jobs on the home screen). These phones are enormously popular in some parts of Africa, particularly Nigeria, as they offer more features than well-known name-brand phones at a fraction of the price.

Take, for example, the phones I ended up buying. The KGtel 8520 is made by a Chinese firm I have never heard of, and modelled on the BlackBerry 8520. Even the software looks the same. There are some obvious differences, of course, most notably it is a bit thicker, lacks a trackpad and does not connect to the BlackBerry Messenger services. But it also has features that the BlackBerry does not, such as a torch and dual-SIM capability, which allows the phone to run SIM cards from two different networks at the same time.

Then there is the price. The KGtel sells for $15 in Chungking, while the current BlackBerry equivalent goes for about $250. This huge price difference provides the potential for serious profit. Mickey, a Nigerian trader, can stuff his suitcase with 600 similarly-priced phones and sell them at home for triple the price a conservative estimate, he says. For his outlay of $9,000 he can recoup $27,000, which – after travel, expenses, tariffs and/or the inevitable cut paid to customs officials – is still a profit of around $15,000. In other African countries with less supply and higher selling prices, the margins are even wider. A Zambian friend reckons he can get between $80 and $90 a handset.

As I collect the phones, I suddenly realise why traders get away with such hefty margins. I am nearly out the door when the shopkeeper’s assistant – another Nigerian, employed to bring in customers and translate – slips something into my hand. “These are the stickers”, he says. “Keep them safe.” I look down, and there are 20 stickers each bearing the BlackBerry name and logo, designed to fit perfectly into an indent on the KGtel handset. It is a deception that would not fool anyone who has seen a BlackBerry, but there are many in Africa who have not.

Moving to the mainland

These days, as the trade in mobiles from China to Africa has become more established, the importance of Chungking Mansions is decreasing. The serious players in the industry – the ones who import containers rather than suitcases of phones – now deal directly with mainland factories. Some of the more adventurous smaller traders, looking for a better deal, are also venturing across the border, where China’s recent economic progress is making it easier to do business. This is reflected in Kenya Airways announcing in April 2013 that they are introducing direct flights between Nairobi and Guangzhou.

These new developments should not detract from Chungking Mansions’s continuing significance as a gateway for African traders into China. It will retain its place in history as the predominant single physical space that propelled Africa’s mobile boom. It remains a symbol of the informal, low-end globalisation which expedited Africa’s high-tech transformation.

This article was originally published here at Good Governance Africa.

Think Africa Press welcomes inquiries regarding the republication of its articles. If you would like to republish this or any other article for re-print, syndication or educational purposes, please contact:editor@thinkafricapress.com

For further reading around the subject see:

Somaliland: After Boroma: Consensus, representation and parliament in Somaliland

analysis

"Elections matter in Somaliland.

They are not mere formalities, conferring a thin veneer of legitimacy on a permanent incumbent; nor are they conducted solely as a sop to foreign donors insisting on greater democracy; nor is the prime motivation to further the pursuit of international recognition of Somaliland as a sovereign state.

For most Somalilanders, elections are above all an essential component of internal peace and security... " Edward Paice and Hannah Gibson, Africa Research Institute (May 2013).
Twenty years since the historic Borama conference in Somaliland, Africa Research Institute has produced a remarkable report on the development of democratic politics in the country.

It features interviews with a range of key Somalilanders who played a part in the historic moments of Somaliland's politics over the last 20 years and continue to do so today.

The report does not explicitly attempt to explain why Somaliland has achieved its political success of the last 2 decades, but rather to illustrate the thinking, from Somalilanders, that has underpinned this success.

Whilst it is important to acknowledge the role 'traditional' political structures have played in the country's transition, it must be understood that these structures - notably the Guurti (a meeting of traditional elders) - had to be actively engaged within this modern political process.

Somalilanders (or their representatives) sat down together, for months at a time, and came up with a workable political solution that incorporated established political structures into a new democratic system.

As Michael Walls writes in his postscript: "If Somaliland's success shows us anything, it is the importance of external links - but also the importance of real local "ownership" of political and developmental processes."

Looking forward, Abdirhamn Yusuf Duale, Somaliland's Minister of Information, asserts that whilst local councils of elders played a crucial part in post-war peacekeeping and administration, "what we have now is an old group of inexperienced people with a central role in legislation.

We need people who can talk about foreign policy and economics and legislation."
You can read the report in full here.

Somalia: Will London Respond to Somalia's Needs?

By Laetitia Bader, 

Analysis 

50 Countries will meet in London on May 7 to support the nation-building project in Somalia. It is crucial that women, children and displaced people are at the forefront of the debate.

I met Fatuma in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, late last year. A few days before, she had been raped by an armed militia man while she slept in one of the city's camps for displaced people.

She had nowhere to turn for redress.

Months earlier, 13-year old Abdi told me how he had been kidnapped from school by armed members of the militant Islamist group al-Shabaab and forced to serve in Mogadishu's battle zones. I asked Abdi, who had fled to Kenya in late 2011, about his hopes for the future:

"We, the children, are suffering, our fathers are killed, our mothers suffer, and we have been taken to the front line. We love our country and want to be its leaders."

Prioritising the most vulnerable

As representatives from over 50 countries gather in London on 7 May to pledge support for the new Somali government, which is barely eight months old, Abdi and Fatuma's stories continue to resonate.

The conference co-chairs, the Somali and UK governments, along with others, are expected to make a commitment to support police and judicial reform, which they have identified as top priorities, and to provide technical assistance to tackle sexual violence.

But these much-needed resources will only contribute to durable improvements if the rights of the most vulnerable Somalis - children, women, displaced people - are placed at the forefront of debates.

Despite much heralded improvements since Somalia's long transitional period ended and a new official government officially took over in August 2012, Somalia remains home to one of the world's worst human rights crises.

The 14 April attacks on the Mogadishu courts, claimed by al-Shabaab, killed 22 people, including three prominent lawyers and a judge, and highlighted the ongoing vulnerabilities.

Government forces, allied militia and others have raped, beaten and assaulted internally displaced people, restricted their access to food and limited their movement.

Al-Shabaab targets civilians perceived to be spies or collaborators throughout south-central Somalia. In areas under its control, the group administers arbitrary justice and imposes harsh restrictions on rights.

Reports persist of children being forcibly recruited to fight. The group has turned schools into battlegrounds, using them as weapons depots and firing positions, sometimes with children and teachers still inside.

In Mogadishu and other towns which are no longer under al-Shabaab control, boys and men risk arbitrary arrest and detention by government forces and their affiliates on suspicion of al-Shabaab ties.

The need for accountability

The story of Somalia throughout two decades of conflict is one of abuses of civilians by all sides with little or no effort being made to bring the abusers to account.

Addressing this mistreatment has rarely been on anyone's agenda. Somali journalists and activists pay a heavy price for their efforts to bring these issues to national and international attention.

On 21 April, Mohamed Ibrahim Raage was killed by armed assailants, the second journalist this year.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's government appears willing to break this legacy of impunity by making government forces more accountable for their actions and reforming the country's dysfunctional justice system.

Donors have given the government time to find its feet, but in London they need to press for specifics. One draft conference communique I saw says very little about the plight of ordinary Somalis and does not identify concrete measures that will convert rhetoric into reality.

Meaningful progress will depend in particular on excluding rights abusers from government forces, building both civilian and military accountability, and protecting women's and children's rights.

The message from donors such as the UK, US and European Union should be clear: rights abusers, including those responsible for sexual violence, have no role in the future Somali security apparatus.

Any security sector support needs to lead to well-vetted, trained and accountable forces. The country needs a civilian police force and an army that ordinary Somalis can turn to for protection, one that provides redress for wrongdoings. Somalis should be able to access civilian complaint mechanisms when things go wrong.

And the government should remove children from its forces and protect schools from attacks or any military use by all warring parties.

Accountability will obviously require a functional justice system.

The recent high-profile, groundless prosecutions of a woman who alleged rape by government forces and of the journalist who interviewed her underline the need for serious reforms.

Concretely, the government can promote basic fair trial rights by imposing a moratorium on the death penalty and ending trials of civilians in military courts. Improving security at the courts and protection for lawyers and judges is also key.

Somali women and girls have suffered unaddressed abuses for far too long, from grinding repressioncon under al-Shabaab to sexual violence by all sides.

UK Foreign Secretary William Hague has stated that preventing and responding to sexual violence in conflict is his personal priority - he has a unique opportunity in Somalia to safeguard women's rights and improve their access to justice.

Plans should include building the capacity of police, prosecutors and judges to deal with cases of sexual violence and recruiting more women to be police officers. Medical and psychosocial support is equally critical.

Only by building a more rights-abiding Somalia will Fatuma's needs for redress and Abdi's dreams for an education be fulfilled. The London conference should be an important step for both of them.

 Read the original of this report on the ThinkAfricaPress site.

GEESI NAGA DHASHOO GUUL DHASHUU AHAA !! XUSKA SANADGUURADII 11AAD GEERIDII MARXUUM CIGAAL

Marxuum Maxamed Xaaji Ibrahim Cigaal, Ilaahay naxariistii Janno Fardawsa ha ka waraabiye, wuxuu ahaa shaqsi aan weli soo marin taariikhda dhammaan dadka af Somaliga ku hadlla, magaciisuna sharaf ,qadarrin iyo karaamo huwan yahay.Wuxuu ahaa Siyaasi ruug caddaa ah, si weynna looga qadariyo mandaqadda G eeska Afrika iyo dhammaan caalamkaba. Marxuum Cigaal (AHUN),wuxuu ahaa madaxweynihii ugu horreey ey ee Somaliland,ee gacantiisa ku soo sexeexay xoriyaddii aynu ka qaadanay Dawladda Ingiriiska 26 June 1960 kii. 

1993 kii ayaa Marxuum Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim  Cigaal , mar labaad Madaxweyne ka noqday Somaliland waqtigaas oo  Dalka iyo dadkuba ay ku sugnaayeen xaalad aad u adag,jihadaad u jeedsatana ay ka soo yeedhayso dhiillo colaadeed , amnni darro , kala danbayn la'aan , geyigeena dhammantii ay ka muuqato bur burkii, xasuuqii iyo dakharadii ay Daalimintii Huwantu iyo kaba qaadkoodiiba inoo geysteen. Marxuum Cigaal (AHUN), isagoo hawshaa baaxaddaa leh u muuqato, oo aan Dawlado iyo kaalmo shisheeye toona gacanta hoos dhigan, ayuu ku guuleystay inuu shacabkii boggooda burcad isku mariyo, walaaleeyo , hannaan dawladnimo iyo kala danbeynna u yagleelo, seeskana u qotamiyo. Maanta oo bishu tahay 3 May, 2013, ahna sannad guuradii 11-aad, ee maalintii uu geeriyooday marxuum Cigaal, waa in loo aqoonsado maalin Qaran, Library & Museumna loo dhiso........Geesi naga baxoo , Guul dhashuu ahaa.

 

Inkastoo aan qalin,buug iyo website lagu qoro toona , aan lagu soo koobi karin taariikhdiisa, waxtarkiisii iyo wax qabadkiisii , bal aan dhowr shay ka tilmaammo:

• Sameyntii Dastuurka Somaliland

• Sameyntii Calanka

• Sameyntii ciidanka Qaranka

• Hub ka dhigistii Beelaha

• Nabadayntii Beelaha

• Dib u dhiskii Dalka

• Sameyntii lacagta Somaliland

• Sameyntii Baasboorka Somaliland

• Sameyntii hannaanka Dawladnimo

• iyo kuwo kale oo badan

3 May ,2002, oo ahayd maalintii marxuum Cigaal ku geeriyooday Cusbitaal ku yaalla magaalada Pretoriya ee Dalka Koonfurt Afrika,waxay ahayd maalin madaw, murugo leh, naxdin iyo dhiillana u soo hoyatay dh ammaan inta jecel jiritaanka iyo Qaranimada Somaliland. Walaw ay adag tahay in qoraal lagu sifeeyo sida uu noqday ama uu ahaa  dareenka Somalilandersku meel ay maalintaas joogeenbba , bal waxaan isku da yi doon aa inaan idinku maansheeyo Gabay baroor diiqa ah, oo uu maalintaa tiriyey  Cali Adan Cawaale , waxaanu yidhi :

Sayed baad ahayd Mohamedow Mawle soo diraye

Siraad iyo aqoon baad ahayd saaqay dunidiiye

Somaliland baad jeclayd inay sarraysaaye

Teer iyo sitiinkii adaa taajka noo sidaye

Hanadkii sexeexaad ahayd saariddii karale

*****

Sama wadde haddii anad ahayn lama sod caasheene

Xamar kuma sinteen dawladnimo xaasil oo sugane

Somali baa kugu mudnayd inay sinnaataaye

Saddexdii maqnaa baad lahayd sawtka gaadhsiiye

Sir ma qabe waddaniyaad ahayd sajac heer Qarane

*****

Sidaa ugu listeen uma hambayn madaxdii reer Suud'e

Iyagaa waxaad sahamiseen suuqyada u galaye

Sunuut bay ku iibsheen waaxaad sahadinaeysaeene

Kala saare labadii shalay laysu soo daraye

Waatay salaad hore galeen suuqyadii herere

Saf ballaadhan waatay rasaas shicib ku seexsheene

Taangiga siqaa wuxu dul maray sabi carruureede

Silicii dadkaagaa la baday saani loo aragye

*****

Sankaa ii mudnaa inan dagaal kaga sifeeyaaye

Waatii sutida loo qabteen sugay xalaashiiye

Sandulley ahayd inan ka koro Xamar dul saarkeede

Inkastooy saraakiil halgemay sahayatoon waayey

Soo noqotay Maandeeq markale geesiyaa sugaye

Halkii aan sinnaan iyo wadaag samo ka dhawraayey

Ayadoon saldhigin bay haddana sudhatay reer reere

*****

Solladaa markay naga gashee laysu socon waayey

Waatay simaamkii mar kale kuu sidkeen adiye

Waxad saawa saawiyo farsamo dhaban salaaxdaaba

Waataad sargooyada habboon saaftay nabarkiiye

kuma seegin tii loo ballamay sigib tirkeediiye

*****

Salka wadigaa maamul qaran seeska noo dhigaye

Nabad bay ku seexdaan dhammaan saaka shicibkiiye

Saxan saxo udgoon baad mar kale siisay Reer Lande

Sama wade cuddoon baa halkaa sax uga maarayne

*****

Sooyaalka taariikhdu wuu sugay halkaagiiye

Somali baad guud ahaan ugu sarreysaaye

Suugaanta kuma koobi karo sumada haagiiye

*****

Sool iyo  Hargeysiyo  Togdheer  Booramiyo  Saylac

Sanaag iyo Addis  iyo Jijiga baddhabiyo saaxil

waxa saaka laga ooyayaa tan iyo Sayloone

*****

Nina saacaddii kama fakado seeftu guud timide

Sama wade Halyeyow jannadda saani ugu dheelmo

Waxan kugu sagootiyey duciyo safar nabaaddiino

Safka nabiga Ebbuhu ku mari surinka loo raaco

*****

Qabrigana siraad nuurayiyo waasac kugu seexi

Seeraha Fardowsana Alluhu daar ha kaa siiyo

Malaa'iigtu soortii Jannada sooryo kugu boobe

Salaama Alla dee Mohamedow samirku waa doore

  

Geeridu waa xaq,waana hubaal in naf walbba ay maalinteeda dha dhamin doonto mawdka,waxaase xaqii qo ah, biyo kama dhibcaan ah, in shaqsigii Dalkiisa iyo dadkiisa waxtar,wanaag iyo dhaxal loo aayo uga ta gaa , in taariikhda ma guurtada ah lagu xardhi doono, magaciisuna aanu dhimanayn weligii  , lana xasuus an doono , loona duceyn doono mar walbba.

Waxaan soo jeedinayaa , in marxuum Maxamed Xaaji Ibrahim Cigaal , Aabihii Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland,la gu maamuuso, lagu qadariyo , laguna sharfo , dhaxalkii iyo wanaaggaa faraha badan ee uu inooga tagay ,  ahna ta  maanta Somaliland heerkaa ku soo gaadhay , kuna naaloonayso . Maanta oo bishu tahay 3 May , 2013, ahna sannad guuradii 11-aad , ee maalintii uu geeriyooday marxuum Cigaal, waa in loo aqoonsado maalin Qaran, Library & Museum na loo dhiso.

Waxaan ku soo af meerayaa qoraalkaygan kooban, Allahayaw adaa awood lehe ,waxaan kaa baryayaa in aad marxuumka danbi dhaaf u fidiso , qabriga u nuurto , u waasiciso , neecaw udgooniyo , ku siiso naruur o , janno Fardawsana ku abaal mariso, Aamiin , Aamiin, Aamiin.