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Posted By J. Dana Stuster
This
week, for the sixth time in a row, Somalia topped Foreign
Policy's Failed
States Index, reinforcing its image as "the
most failed of failed states." And while it's true that the country
remains fragmented, with two autonomous breakaway regions, a persistent
terrorist threat from al Qaeda-linked al-Shabab fighters, and foreign-financed
warlords in the wide swaths of the country beyond the sovereign control of the
central government, Somalia has taken tenuous steps toward asserting
self-governance in the past year. The mandate of Somalia's transitional
government ended in August 2012, and since then the country has come under the
control of a new government in Mogadishu, formed under the auspices of a
constitution approved in 2012.
In
step with these developments, the new Somali political scene is quickly
acquiring the trappings of other, more functional governments -- including the
country's first think tank. Established in Mogadishu in January 2013, the
Heritage Institute for Policy Studies (HIPS) has begun writing reports and
policy papers to advise the nascent Somali government, international
organizations, and other local actors. In its first six months, HIPS has
provided commentary and guidance on topics as diverse as Somali refugees
in Kenya, educational
opportunities in Somalia, and domestic diplomatic initiatives in Kismayo and the
self-declared state of Somaliland.
"In
Somalia, everything is a priority and it is a researcher's goldmine," Abdi
Aynte, the institute's director, told Foreign Policy
by email. "Everything that affects … the national fabric is hugely and
manifestly under researched."
"They've
made a strong start," James Smith, a Nairobi-based researcher who has
worked with HIPS, told FP by email. The institute has
drawn together a staff "comprised of mostly Somalis returning from the
Diaspora," Aynte notes. Aynte himself is Somali-American and a former
journalist who worked for Voice of America, BBC, and Al Jazeera English; others
have come to HIPS after spending time in Britain, Canada, and Sweden. Their
publications also draw on conversations during monthly forums with policymakers
and stakeholders.
"I
think the assessments made thus far in the policy briefings have been
fair," Smith writes, though he notes that some Somalilanders may have
chafed at HIPS's position
that the semi-independent state's "quest to leave the union is growing
increasingly untenable."
Aynte
stresses, "As to ideological or political leaning, we are a nonpartisan
and research driven institute." And HIPS hasn't shied away from critiquing
the new government. The institute's assessment
of the government's first 100 days in office, published in April, pointed out
"an unhealthy imbalance between the presidency and the cabinet" and
inadequate measures to address corruption, going so far as to call the official
response to the country's currency crisis "incoherent." An upcoming
report will address federalism, Aynte tells FP,
calling it "the most controversial issue in Somalia." HIPS is making
"a genuine effort to spark debate and to get people discussing
issues," Smith writes.
And
after only six months, HIPS is gathering an audience. They meet regularly with
Somali government officials and international diplomats, and Smith tells FP he knows "individuals in the diplomatic and aid
communities here in Nairobi that are keeping a close eye on HIPS outputs."
The
real test -- for HIPS, the new government, and Somalia as a whole -- lies
ahead. Aynte is still concerned by the level of violence in Somalia -- which
has spilled over into Mogadishu in attacks on a judicial
complex and a U.N.
compound in recent months -- and the fractious state of Somali politics.
"Somalia is a fragile state," he tells FP.
"If Somali politicians lose sight of the fragility of the situation and
indulge in political bickering as some are doing now, the ongoing international
support and optimism of all things Somalia could disappear -- a prospect
Somalia cannot afford let alone entertain."
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