Will Somalia survive further fracturing?

By AFP

Sheikh Ahmed Madobe, the self-declared 'President' of Jubaland, enjoys tacit Kenyan support. PHOTO | FILE

After decades of war, Somalia is taking small steps toward recovery, but breakaway regions, rival clans and the competing interests of neighbouring nations are threatening its fragile progress, analysts warn.

In the past two years, African Union troops have wrested town after town from Al-Qaeda-linked Al-Shabaab insurgents, hauling down their black Islamist banners and raising Somalia’s flag.

But asserting the authority of the central government — which until recently controlled just a few blocks of the capital Mogadishu — is a far harder task.

“In Somalia today there is only one federal government that is wholly owned by the Somali people, widely represented by all Somalis, all regions,” Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud told reporters this week.

But others disagree, including powerful militia forces backed by foreign armies.

The worst flashpoint is the far southern region dubbed 'Jubaland' bordering Kenya and Ethiopia.

Both nations have troops there after invading in late 2011, while this month several rival warlords declared themselves “president”, sparking anger in Mogadishu.

But the effective self-appointment of former Islamist chief Ahmed Madobe, one of the most powerful of the “presidents” due to Kenyan backing, risks opening a rift between Nairobi and Mogadishu.

“The effort to create a Jubaland state within Somalia will test the limits of federalism in that country, and threatens to touch off clan warfare not only within Somalia but also in its neighbours,” the International Crisis Group warned in a recent report.

Jubaland, which includes the key port city of Kismayu, has a lucrative charcoal industry, fertile farmland as well as potential off-shore oil and gas deposits.

Ogadeni clan

Addis Ababa, long term experts in playing off powerful factions, is wary of Madobe, who hails from the same Ogadeni clan as rebels fighting inside Ethiopia.

However, Mogadishu’s government — selected last year by clan elders in a UN-backed process and the first to be recognised internationally in more than two decades — is full of confidence.

“Any one group within Somalia that just gets together sits there and says, we are 'XYZ’, has no legitimacy and has no recognition at local level and at international level,” said Mohamud.

But international recognition counts for little within Somalia, and central rule is controversial.

The last to claim control was Siad Barre, toppled in 1991 after a rule marked by repression of opposition and a bloody civil war against Somaliland.

Years of anarchy meant Somalis reverted to age-old systems of autonomy and traditional semi-nomadic camel herding.

Somalia split into regions, from fiercely independent Somaliland along the Gulf of Aden, to Puntland in the northeast, which recognises a federal government but says that has no role in its internal affairs.

Analysts warn of tough political times ahead.

While AU troops backing Mogadishu have enjoyed territorial success, Roland Marchal, an analyst with French research institute CNRS, notes the fighting force lacks a “political strategy to go with the military strategy”.

Kenya’s army, which invaded in 2011 alongside Madobe’s allied troops, faces a particularly sticky predicament.

In 2012, its cash-strapped military joined the AU force — funded by the UN and European Union — leaving its soldiers backing a warlord opposing the central government it is mandated to support.

Mogadishu lawmakers have submitted a motion demanding Kenya leave Somalia, while Mohamud said Kenyan troops “misbehaved” when a top-level government delegation went to Kismayu and “did not treat the committee well”.

Ambitions by central government have highlighted internal divisions within regions.

Security buffer

Tensions in Jubaland have raised concern in Puntland, which swiftly welcomed Madobe’s election by calling on other regions “to establish states in a similar consultative and open process”.

Puntland has been keen to stake out power boundaries, with its oil agency chief Issa Farah warning Mogadishu it alone is the “competent authority” to manage the region’s oil exploration.

Mogadishu’s inability to “exercise its authority over the Kismayu process is undermining its influence in the remaining regions of Somalia and the emerging arrangements towards federalism,” warned Andrews Atta-Asamoah of the Pretoria-based Institute of Security Studies (ISS) in a recent paper.

At present, the only thing all appear to agree on is that the rivalry benefits Al-Shabaab, still in control of swathes of countryside.

East African heads of state last week urged Somalia hold a “reconciliation conference”, warning infighting could “threaten peace and stability”.

Yet many also eye the economic, strategic and political profits of the region.

Kenya wants a security buffer zone to protect its valuable tourism industry, a proposed major port in Lamu and hopes of offshore oil and gas finds.

It also hopes stability would let it send back the half a million Somali refugees it hosts.

Landlocked Ethiopia has long played a powerful role in Somalia, with Kismayu offering another possible route to the sea.

Yet Mogadishu remains upbeat, mindful its position today was unthinkable a few years ago.

“Somalia is fragmented, it’s divided into regions, clans, groups,” Mohamud said. “The current Somali government is busy with rebuilding and organising to have one Somalia.”

Golden Opportunity: TED Fellows Program are Now Open for all Countries

ABOUT TED

TED is a nonprofit devoted to Ideas Worth Spreading. It started out (in 1984) as a conference bringing together people from three worlds: Technology, Entertainment, Design. Since then its scope has become ever broader. Along with two annual conferences -- the TED Conference on the West Coast each spring, and the TEDGlobal conference in Edinburgh UK each summer -- TED includes the award-winning TED Talks video site, the Open Translation Project and TED Conversations, the inspiring TED Fellows and TEDx programs, and the annual TED Prize.

The two annual TED conferences, on the North American West Coast and in Edinburgh, Scotland, bring together the world's most fascinating thinkers and doers, who are challenged to give the talk of their lives (in 18 minutes or less).

On TED.com, we make the best talks and performances from TED and partners available to the world, for free. More than 1400 TED Talks are now available, with more added each week. All of the talks are subtitled in English, and many are subtitled in various languages. These videos are released under a Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license, so they can be freely shared and reposted.

TED mission: Spreading ideas.

We believe passionately in the power of ideas to change attitudes, lives and ultimately, the world. So we're building here a clearinghouse that offers free knowledge and inspiration from the world's most inspired thinkers, and also a community of curious souls to engage with ideas and each other. This site, launched April 2007, is an ever-evolving work in progress, and you're an important part of it. Have an idea? We want to hear from you.

The springtime TED Conference is held annually on the West Coast and simulcast at a nearby city. The breadth of content includes science, business, the arts and the global issues facing our world. Over four days, 50 speakers each take an 18-minute slot, and there are many shorter presentations, including music, performance and comedy. There are no breakout groups. Everyone shares the same experience. It shouldn't work, but it does. It works because all of knowledge is connected. Every so often it makes sense to emerge from the trenches we dig for a living, and ascend to a 30,000-foot view, where we see, to our astonishment, an intricately interconnected whole.

TEDActive is a curated community of curious and energetic leaders who share an immersive week of watching TED Talks and surprising experiences designed to inspire conversation, exchange and immediate action around ideas worth spreading -- all in a creative and casual setting.

TEDGlobal is TED's summer conference. The themes of the global conference are slightly more international in nature, and the full TED format is maintained, with a wide-ranging roster of speakers and performers over four days of TED mainstage sessions -- plus the famous TED University, where attendees share their own knowledge with one another. TEDGlobal was held in Oxford, UK, in 2005, 2009 and 2010, and in Arusha, Tanzania, in 2007. TEDGlobal is now held annually in Edinburgh, Scotland.

TED also hosts events around the globe. TEDIndia was held in November 2009 in Mysore, India, celebrating and exploring the beckoning future of South Asia. TEDWomen was held in December 2010 in Washington, DC, asking the question: How are women and girls reshaping the future? TED also hosts smaller events around the globe, including many TED Salons, evening-length events with speakers and performers, and TED@ events, exploring a topic or location.

------------------------------------

Applications are invited for TED Fellows Program that helps to bring together young world-changers and trailblazers who have shown unusual accomplishment and exceptional courage.

We are looking for the next generation of innovators who have demonstrated remarkable accomplishment and outstanding potential to positively affect the world.

Who should apply/Eligibility & Criteria-

We are looking for an eclectic, heterogeneous group of young thinkers and doers from the fields of technology, entertainment, design, the sciences, engineering, humanities, the arts, economics, business, journalism, entrepreneurship and NGOs.

At TED, we can take risks on unconventional innovators. We value achievement over credentials -- making and doing over merely talking.

We are targeting applicants of ages 21-40 from five target regions: Africa, Asia/Pacific, the Caribbean, Latin America, the Middle East. However, anyone over the age 18 from around the world is welcome to apply.

How to apply 

To apply to become a TED Fellow, please complete the application form in its entirety. (Before beginning the application, please review our applications tips and our terms and conditions.)

In addition to basic details and contact information, the application asks applicants to answer essay questions and provide three references. Applications must be received complete and on time to be considered.

The application cycles for TED and TEDGlobal are different. Applicants apply to one conference.

The selection process 

TED Fellows are selected by the program staff.

Once a year, an international selection committee meets to select the TED Senior Fellows for the following year.

The selection committee is comprised of people who represent the breadth of interest and achievement that makes up the TED community. Committee members bring experiences from various fields and come from countries representing our target regions. Selections are made by the group as a whole, not by individuals.

TIPS ON APPLYING:

Tips on applying to the TED Fellows program

When filling out your TED Fellowship application, please make sure to read through these tips. They're designed to help you submit the best application possible.

1. Be concise. We're looking for as much information about you as possible, but we realize we don't give you a lot of space. We're more interested in what you have to say than how you say it. Please also be mindful of our character limits (they do include spaces) -- or you will not be able to submit your application.

2. Actions > Academics. The TED Fellowship is not an academic fellowship. We don't want to know your class rank or your GPA -- we're interested in what you've actually done, what you're currently doing, and what you want to do. You don't have to have attended college or graduated to apply for a fellowship if you have done something remarkable.

3. Don't be afraid to brag! We understand that it may be difficult for you to talk about your accomplishments, as it's not considered polite to do so. But, we're looking to understand why you are different, exceptional, a maverick or a mold-breaker, and your talent may show more in your community organizing work, art, writing, music, film, science or engineering.

4. Apply early! Applications are open for over a month -- don't wait until the last day to submit your application. Our servers have been known to crash and cause unneeded stress.

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6. Save an offline copy. We recommend you look at the application form first, then spend time offline composing your answers in Google Docs or Microsoft Word or a similar word-processing program. Keep an offline copy, in case of a broken connection or other error. TED cannot be responsible for text that gets lost.

Please read our TED Fellows policies and FAQ first to answer any questions you may have.

Lastly, if you have any questions or technical trouble, please contact TED immediately by emailing fellows@ted.com.

The EU’s Dirty Hands: Frontex Involvement in Ill-Treatment of Migrant Detainees in Greece

Since November 2010, Frontex, the EU's border agency, has deployed “guest officers” seconded from other EU member states, to assist Greece in patrolling its land borders. Migrants detained by patrols are transferred to detention centers in Greece where the conditions of detention are so poor that they are deemed inhuman and degrading.

© 2011 Associated Press

This report assesses Frontex’s role in and responsibility for exposing migrants to inhuman and degrading detention conditions during four months beginning late in 2010 when its first rapid border intervention team (RABIT) was apprehending migrants and taking them to police stations and migrant detention centers in Greece’s Evros region. The RABIT deployment has been replaced by a permanent Frontex presence. The report is based on interviews with 65 migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers in Greece in November and December 2010 and February 2011, as well as with Frontex and Greek police officials.

Get the Report

• Download summary and recommendations in Greek (PDF, 80.35 KB)
• Download the full report (PDF, 852.19 KB)

• The EU’s Dirty Hands
• Summary
• Key Recommendations
• Methodology and Scope
•  I. Background: Frontex
•  II. Protection Crisis in Greece
• III. Inhuman and Degrading Detention Conditions
• IV. Frontex’s Enforcement Role in Greece
• V. Frontex’s Responsibility for Exposing Migrants to Inhuman and Degrading Treatment
• VI. The Fragmentation of EU Responsibilities
• Recommendations
• Acknowledgements

Exclusive: Former WikiLeaks Employee James Ball Describes Working With Julian Assange

Former WikiLeaks employee James Ball, a subject of the Alex Gibney documentary ‘We Steal Secrets: The Story of WikiLeaks,’ on what happened behind the scenes at Julian Assange’s controversial company.

by James Ball

It’s now been more than three years since the world saw the horrifying footage of the “Collateral Murder” video: civilians mown down in a ghastly battlefield error. Their would-be rescuer—a father taking his children to school—similarly shot to pieces by a U.S. helicopter gunship, its pilots chatting and laughing as if playing a video game.

And for those who kept watching, an aspect of the footage often forgotten: a Hellfire missile fired into a building, with no regard of the passerby just outside. Waiting a mere few seconds longer could’ve kept him safe—but no. Amid the revulsion at the earlier horror of the clip, this became a mere background detail.

That footage was just the start of a string of ever-larger WikiLeaks document releases, reporting, and revelations that shook the faith of many around the world in the U.S. government’s activities—from revelations of death squads operating in Afghanistan, through complicity in torture in the Iraq documents, to evidence of spying on U.N. diplomats in U.S. Embassy cables.

Now, two years after the last release of that kind of significance—the Guantánamo files—comes an opportunity to reflect on WikiLeaks; its most famous source, Bradley Manning; and its ever-divisive founder, Julian Assange.

That opportunity is the release of Alex Gibney’s We Steal Secrets, a fast-paced, two-hour foray through the story of WikiLeaks, its founder, and what happened next. It’s a film that’s been roundly condemned by Julian Assange and his remaining supporters long before they’ve gone to the trouble of seeing it. Why?

One all-too-plausible reason is that Gibney’s fil—spoiler alert, if it’s possible to spoil a documentary—is perhaps the nearest you can come to living the WikiLeaks experience without having actually been there.

For me, the film was more like déjà vu—something I’d lived once already. From summer 2010, WikiLeaks became my life for months. First, at the U.K.-based Bureau of Investigative Journalism, I was part of the team working for 10 weeks investigating the Iraq War Logs for Al Jazeera English and Arabic, Channel 4’s flagship Dispatches documentary, and iraqwarlogs.com.

I then went a step further, working directly for WikiLeaks for several months on the embassy cables—analyzing the cables, distributing them to staff, writing press releases, appearing on TV, and more.

It was groundbreaking, important journalism, but it was done against the backdrop of an organization crumbling under pressure, crossing ethical boundaries, and placing people needlessly in danger.

For me, it was too much, and I left. Since then, in a leak of the script of Gibney’s film, WikiLeaks has posted that I sold them out for cash (nope), was a wanna-be spy who interviewed for MI5 (nope), and stole their data—including, bizarrely, my own copy of a gag order they asked me to sign to stop me speaking out on what I didn’t like.

Seeing yourself portrayed by WikiLeaks is like walking through a circus hall of mirrors: there’s just enough resemblance for you to recognize yourself, but you’re seriously distorted—and usually in a way that makes you look grotesque.

Many made their mind up on Julian Assange long ago—but here, for the record, is what really happened in those fateful few months.

The honeymoon phase was real: WikiLeaks and its partners were doing important work on revelatory documents, and the reaction against it was often abhorrent—Assange and WikiLeaks received death threats on U.S. television, were subject to blockades from the world’s biggest payment providers (Visa, Mastercard, and PayPal), and underwent U.S. grand-jury investigations.

The pressure and the stress were real, and needless. But the atmosphere of paranoia and defensiveness they created led to WikiLeaks committing serious misdeeds of its own—too serious to ignore.

One controversy provided the backdrop of all of WikiLeaks' activities during these months: Assange’s Swedish sex case. Two women accused Assange of sexual assaults, relating to either tearing a condom or initiating unprotected sex while his partner was sleeping.

Only three people know exactly what happened on the two nights that led to Assange’s prosecution, and it’s for the courts to establish more. It’s not for me or the media to judge Assange’s guilt. But the witness statements make it clear this was no set-up job: the accounts are messy, difficult, and the undisputed facts show a picture far more complex than a honey trap. That wasn’t enough to stop Assange—and members of his legal team, through insinuation—to set the ball rolling on three years of abuse, denigration, and suspicion against his two accusers.

One of the key instigations was this quote: “I’m not saying it was a honey trap. I’m not saying it was not a honey trap,” Assange told John Humphreys, the anchor of a major U.K. radio show, initiating an open season of speculation, abuse, death threats, and more against his accusers.

Whatever happened to those women three years ago, they’ve certainly gone through hell since.

As Assange was remanded in custody for a week in December 2010, Kristinn Hrafnsson, the silver-haired Icelandic journalist who is the second-most high-profile WikiLeaker, and I conferred on how to handle the media strategy, as every mainstream outlet ran the “Will WikiLeaks collapse without its founder?” story.

We agreed on a simple line: Julian was WikiLeaks’ founder and editor, and had its full support—but his court issues were a private matter, and we were getting on with publishing 251,000 embassy cables.

That line wasn’t acceptable to Julian. Within 24 hours, once he’d had word, he reversed it. Julian’s fight was WikiLeaks’ fight. This was a freedom-of-speech issue, not a sex-offense trial. We’d just have to live with it. Consequently, for the last three years, huge and significant Internet freedom issues have played second fiddle to one man’s melodrama.

All of that is distasteful. But it’s not why I quit.

The reason I quit was because of a friend of Julian’s whose activities were unstomachable and unforgivable. That man was Israel Shamir. Shamir is an anti-Semitic writer, a supporter of the dictator of Belarus, and a man with ties and friends in Russian security services. He and Julian—unknown to us—had been in friendly contact for years. It was a friendship that would have serious consequences.

Introduced to WikiLeaks staff and supporters under a false name, Shamir was given direct access to more than 90,000 of the U.S. Embassy cables, covering Russia, all of Eastern Europe, parts of the Middle East, and Israel. This was, for quite some time, denied by WikiLeaks. But that’s never a denial I’ve found convincing: the reason I know he has them is that I gave them to him, at Assange’s orders, not knowing who he was.

Why did this prove to be a grave mistake? Not just for Shamir’s views, which are easy to Google, but for what he did next. The first hints of trouble came through contacts from various Putin-influenced Russian media outlets. A pro-Putin outlet got in touch to say Shamir had been asking for $10,000 for access to the cables. He was selling the material we were working to give away free, to responsible outlets.

Worse was to come. The NGO Index on Censorship sent a string of questions and some photographic evidence, suggesting Shamir had given the cables to Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus, Europe’s last dictator. Shamir had written a pro-Belarus article, shortly before photos emerged of him leaving the interior ministry. The day after, Belarus’s dictator gave a speech saying he was establishing a WikiLeaks for Belarus, citing some stories and information appearing in the genuine (and then unpublished) cables.

Assange refused and blocked any attempts at investigation, and released public statements that were simply untrue.

Disturbingly, Assange seems to have a personal motivation for staying friendly with Shamir. Shamir’s son, Johannes Wahlstrom, is apparently being called as one of Assange’s defense witnesses in his Swedish trial. That’s not the only time self has come before principle.

On other occasions, Assange’s selfishness needlessly risked WikiLeaks financial future.

When first trying to gain bail money, Assange sought to empty WikiLeaks’ bank accounts to pay the cash (a scheme which would never have worked given the rules). But luckily for WikiLeaks, the trustees of the organization’s then-main bank account, the Wau Holland foundation, rightly refused the request, which would have all but cleared out the account. Given the duration of the banking blockade, that money eventually had to last around 18 months. Had Assange got his way, the money that got WikiLeaks through the blockade wouldn’t have been there.

The final straw was—as it always is—the attempted cover-up. In November 2010, WikiLeaks asked everyone who worked there to sign a nondisclosure agreement (NDA) covering the material we were being given access to—not to sell it, disclose without permission, or similar. Given the importance of what we were working on, that seemed reasonable. Everyone, including me, signed.

By January, the situation had changed. With me and others concerned about what we saw as ethical lapses left, right, and center, Assange produced a new NDA, silencing anyone who signed it for a full decade against saying a word about WikiLeaks activities, on the pain of millions of dollars of penalties.

Faced with the bizarre situation of being asked to sign a gag order by a whistleblowing organization, I, alone, refused. Encouraged by Julian (I later learned), WikiLeaks staffers kept me up until 3 a.m. pressuring me to sign. Early the next morning, I awoke with Assange sat on my bed, pressuring me to sign—even before I was dressed. I held out, eventually left our remote location, and didn’t go back.

This is the mess you get into when you buy into the “noble lie,” as Julian willingly does.

Eventually, you’ve got to back your claims up. And that’s what is needed: people to really believe in the principles WikiLeaks supposedly stands for, rather than in a cartoon hero or villain figure.

The consequences of mistakes, of arrogance, of division, are all too real.

Assange isn’t entirely venal. His problem is “noble cause” corruption: behavior he’d rightly condemn in others, he excuses in himself, because he believes, at his core, he is the good guy.

Myself, I’m reminded of the conclusion of George Orwell’s Animal Farm: Julian Assange has become everything he originally, rightly, despised.

There is, though, one happier lesson from WikiLeaks, that is rightly highlighted in Gibney’s film: we haven’t paid enough attention to Bradley Manning. Manning is too easy to turn into a poster boy, an easy icon, a cause.

Manning the human is more complex, more flawed, more fascinating, and more inspiring.

Gibney’s focus on Manning’s flaws and conviction alike shows the human story at the center of WikiLeaks. It shows the need to support people like Manning.

And it shows that whistleblowers aren’t cartoon heroes made of different stuff to everyone else.

Anyone has the potential to do what Manning did: act on conscience to break the rules in a good cause. And because of that, despite the rows and betrayals, the WikiLeaks story remains one that can give everyone a lot of reason to hope.

SAS seized terror suspect three years ago: Michael Adebolajo deemed so significant, Special Forces were sent to grab him in Kenya in 2010

• Terror suspect was 'snatched' in 'highly dramatic' helicopter operation
• 'Deemed important' by British security services who had been monitoring him since before his arrest in 2010
• Adebolajo was deported from Kenya and flown back to UK
• Despite warnings stretching back ten years, he remained on 'low-risk' watch

By Stephen Wright, David Williams and Keith Gladdis

An SAS unit ‘snatched’ Woolwich terror suspect Michael Adebolajo in Kenya as he prepared to enter war-torn Somalia, the Daily Mail can reveal.

Adebolajo was flown back to the UK but then allowed to roam the streets unchecked for the next two and a half years.

The extraordinary revelation that the  28-year-old was deemed so important that Special Forces were ordered to detain him will, in the wake of the killing of Drummer Lee Rigby in Woolwich last week, raise disturbing new questions as to why he was free to roam the streets of London.

'On the radar': Michael Adebolajo (centre) among suspected members of the Al-Shabaab Movement who were arrested in Kenya more than two years ago for seeking terror training

Other developments:

■A post-mortem examination on Drummer Rigby confirmed that the soldier died from multiple stab wounds

■Three firearms officers involved in the shooting of the Woolwich suspects could be back on duty within weeks after undergoing medical and psychological assessments

■Four men who took part in the English Defence League march on Downing Street on Monday were charged with criminal offences

■Police were called to a bowling alley in Barnwood, Gloucestershire, after a 17-year-old worker brought a Second World War gun to work, claiming it was for ‘protection against Muslims’.


Murdered: The revelation that terror suspect Michael Adebolajo was detained by SAS forces will raise further questions about whether more could have been done to prevent the death of Drummer Lee Rigby

Sources in Kenya described the operation as ‘highly dramatic’.

Heavily armed soldiers arrived from a helicopters in a ‘text book snatch’ in a remote area of the country, following a surveillance operation.

Kenyan forces were with the British soldiers at the time and he was quickly handed over to them.

Units of the Special Forces regularly train and operate in Northern Kenya and were involved at the time in targeting foreign fighters crossing into Somalia to join the Al Shabaab militia that has ties to Al Qaeda.

It is unclear exactly where Adebolajo was snatched but Kenyan officials have said he was arrested north-east of the resort of Lamu while travelling towards Somalia with five other Kenyans.

According to sources in Kenya, a Scotland Yard counter terrorism officer – based in Africa – was close by as Adebolajo was taken into custody.

A source said: ‘The SAS took the lead role. The reason they were involved was because this man was deemed important.’
Adebolajo was deported from Kenya after his arrest in 2010.

He was put on a scheduled flight back to the UK and he was not escorted by an armed policeman – although a Scotland Yard detective, travelling undercover, is believed to have been on the flight.

A source said: ‘He was brought back to the UK because the security services had a “duty of care” to stop him going into Somalia, where he was likely to have been killed. Before going to Kenya in 2010, he was on the radar of the British security services. MI5 knew he was travelling to Kenya. They launched a joint operation [to detain him] with the Kenyan authorities, but he was intercepted by British Special Forces.’

'On the radar': Michael Adebolajo (centre) among suspected members of the Al-Shabaab Movement who were arrested in Kenya more than two years ago for seeking terror training

According to well-placed sources, a senior defence official – with close links to Downing Street – sent a congratulatory letter to ‘partner agencies’ after Adebolajo was deported back to Britain.

But M15, which failed in its efforts to recruit Adebolajo as an informant, put him on a low-level watch.

Police and security services are under huge pressure to explain why they did not do more to stop Adebolajo and his accomplice, Michael Adebowale. Despite warnings stretching back ten years, Adebolajo is said to have been considered to be ‘low risk’ by MI5.

He was photographed at high-profile protests – even standing next to hate preacher Anjem Choudary.

Earlier this week it emerged that Kenya had warned Britain that Adebolajo was a ‘dangerous radical’ intent on waging war on the West.

But sources in Nairobi claim that Adebolajo may have gone on to enter Kenya twice more last year, using false passports.

It is claimed that he was arrested with five others in February 2012, as he again tried to reach Somalia. Instead of being taken to court, he would have been put on a flight to the UK, under a new policy which sees all foreigners attempting to cross the border removed from Kenya.

It is claimed that Adebolajo entered Kenya a third time, to meet a cleric named Sheikh Hassan Makbul. The pair are understood to have realised their cover had been blown, and fled to Tanzania in November.

Court documents seen by the Mail reveal how determined Adebolajo’s gang were to join the Al Qaeda linked Al Shabaab in 2010. When they were arrested police found Al Shabaab flags and uniforms.

Last night both the Foreign Office and the Ministry of Defence declined to comment on the involvement of UK Special Forces.

Somaliland: Prof Samatar Makes a Brave Choice

Prof Ahmed Samatar

The Professor's upcoming visit to Somaliland is suspicious. Professor Ahmed Ismail Samatar's sudden change of heart warrants discussion. The professor was a staunch supporter of Somalia.

He has shown this support in all his writings and speeches about Somalia. He even avoided talking about his clan let alone his other roots.

Going back to his political philosophy, one would wonder the reasons behind his sudden change of heart. The professor has been advocating for Somalia unity. Recently he ran for the presidency for Somalia under the Heel Qaran Party. His speeches in the campaign were based on Somali unity. He doesn't believe in dividing Somalia. He was very sensitive to the idea of Somaliland independence. He was asked many times about the question of Somaliland being a sovereign state and he rejected even the idea of talking about that notion.

The reasons of change of heart at this particular time and space are unknown and buried in his heart. Even his closest friends would not tell you what he is up to. However smart people who know the Professor's political history would think of two things behind the Professor's change of heart; revenge against the President of Somalia and his comrades or he gave up his political principals.

The thought of revenge has risen from his failure from the wild adventure in Mogadisho. When he failed in the election, he immediately turned to the weakness of the Somali parliament and criticised its makeup and its members. In the election campaign he depended on the advice of some members in his party who convinced him that Somalis are ready to elect someone on his calibre regardless of his tribe. He did not wake up till he was asked which tribe he was from. After the presidential election, he thought because of his calibre, he would be a candidate for a big ministerial position. That did not happen too. After all those embarrassments, he returned bewildering his innocence. Now coming back to the position which has not been in his dreams is mind boggling.

His upcoming Somaliland visit could be part of that revenge. He wants to show those people in the South that he can do more harm to them by joining forces in the north. His turn around at this time is suspicious in nature. The Somalilanders are wondering how come the Professor is so bold that he endeavours into Somaliland politics and why the Governmnt of Somaliland is promising a warm welcome. Both the Government and the Professor have their own agenda and not sharing those agendas with each other. It won't be a surprise to Somalilanders if the Professor admits his faults and joins forces with Somaliland because both the Professor and the Government of Somaliland are thinking of that "an enemy of your enemy is your friend". So why not welcome the Professor to Somaliland. If the Professor decided to support Somaliland with all his heart, then Somalilanders should give him the warmest welcome because he would be an asset to Somaliland.

By writing all of the above about Samatar's ambition, I still believe he can be a game changer in Somaliland politics and I am saluting him for visiting where his ambilical cord lies.

Mohammed Ali Muuse ( Canada )

US drone 'shot down by al-Shabaab in Somalia'

An American drone has crashed in a remote area of Somalia after it was reportedly shot at al-Shabaab militants.

"The wreckage of a US drone that crashed near Bulo-Marer, Lower Shabelle" Photo: @HSMPress1

By Aislinn Laing, Johannesburg and agencies

Pictures claiming to show the downed aircraft were posted on Twitter by the al-Qaeda-linked group, which celebrated the crash saying: "This one will no longer be able to spy on Muslims again."

A US defence department official confirmed the incident but declined to say what kind of aircraft it was, what caused it to crash and whether it was carrying weapons.

"I can confirm an RPA (remotely piloted aircraft) crashed in a remote area of the Somali coastline south of Mogadishu," the official told Agence France Presse on condition of anonymity. "The incident is under investigation."

Abdikadir Mohamed Nur, the governor of the Lower Shabelle region where the drone crashed, said that al-Shabaab militants had shot at the aircraft over the town of Bulamareer for several hours before it crashed. "Finally they hit it and the drone crashed," he told Reuters.

One of Schiebel's Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs)

Bulamareer residents said al-Shabaab fighters who control the area had kept them away from the crash site.

"Al-Shabaab fighters surrounded the scene. We are not allowed to go near it," resident Aden Farah told Reuters.

The US is supporting the Somali government and African Union forces as they struggle to contain the activities of al-Shabaab.

The Islamic group was forced out of Mogadishu in August 2011 but has carried out a series of suicide bomb attacks there since, that have killed scores of people.

Bulamareer was the scene of an operation in January by French special forces to free one of their number who was kidnapped in Somalia in 2009.

The operation failed and hostage Denis Allex died along with several other people.

Al-Shabaab said on its Twitter account that its "intelligence teams" had gathered the wreckage of the drone and transferred it "to a safe location".

"This one is off to the scrap yard, Schiebel! You are fighting a losing battle. Islam will prevail," the group wrote on @HSMPress1.


Schiebel is a Vienna-based company that manufactures, among other things, Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs).

Al-Shabaab also suggested that the drone's presence above Somalia contradicted the stated policy of America on drones. Last week, President Barack Obama moved control of drones from the CIA to the defence department, and said that strikes would be limited only to those cases where the target represented a "continuing and imminent threat".

Al-Shabaab said of the drone crash: "So much for the empty rhetoric on the drone program!" "Repeatedly, signs of Allah's absolute control over all affairs are demonstrated in this war" it added.
After a series of suspected drone strikes in Somalia in 2010 and 2011, the US confirmed it was using the UAVs over the country in June last year.

"In a limited number of cases, the US military has taken direct action in Somalia against members of al-Qaeda, including those who are also members of al-Shabaab, who are engaged in efforts to carry out terrorist attacks against the United States and our interests," the White House said in a report to Congress on the state of US combat operations abroad.

UNDP oo Somaliland ka Hor Istaagay Shir ku saabsan la Dagaalanka Budhacd badeeda oo Faransiiska ka dhacay

Hay’adda Qaramada Midoobay ee UNDP iyo Dawladda Faransiika ayaa Somaliland si wadajir ah uga hor istaagay shir ku saabsan la dagaalanka Budhacd badeeda oo ay Somaliland hore ugaga qayb gashay Dalka Imaaraadka Carabta.

Wefti ka koobnaa toban xubnood oo isugu jiray Garsoorayaal, Xeer ilaaliyayaal iyo Jaamacadda Hargeysa ayay Hay’adda Qaramada Midoobay ee UNDP ku war-gelisay in aanay u safri Karin shir maanta uga bilaabmay Dalka Faransiiska oo ay ka qayb galeen Hay’addaha iyo dalalka qaybta ka ah la dagaalanka Budh-cad Badeeda, kuwaasoo hore Somaliland ugu martiqaaday shirk an hordhac u ahaa oo ka dhacay Dalka Imaaraadka Carabta.

Mid ka mid ah masuuliyiinta Somaliland ee shirkaasi ka qayb geli lahaa ayaa Waaheen u xaqiijiyay Hay’adda UNDP in ay ku amartay markii ay xidhiidhka la sameeyeen in ay soo qaataan Baasaaboorka Dawladda Somaliya ee E-passport-ka taasoo ay u sheegeen Dawladda Faransiisku in ay shuruud ka dhigtay.
Sarkaalkaasi waxa uu sheegay xukuumadda Somaliland in ay u gudbiyeen arrintaasi balse aanay wax talaabo ah oo ay kula xidhiidhayaan UNDP iyo Dawladda faransiiska mid toona aanay ku dhaqaaqin ee ay afka ka xidheen, iyaguna ay diideen in ay qaataan Baasaaboorkaasi.

Shirka ka socda Dalka Faransiiska ayaa Somaliland saamayn ku leh, waxaanu qayb ka yahay heshiiska ay Hay’adda UNDP kula jirtay ee ay xabsiyada Somaliland ugu xidhan yihiin maxaabiis Budh-cad badeed ah oo qaarkood Somaliland lagu qabtay halka qaarkood-na dalal dibeda ah laga keenay.

Hay’adda UNDP wax maal-gelin ah mashruucaasi inta la ogyahay Somaliland kumay siin marka laga tago dhismaha Xabsiga dhexe ee Hargeysa, waxaanay maxaabiista Budh-cad badeeda ahi Somaliland ku hayaan dhibaatooyin badan oo la xidhiidha dhinaca Dhaqaalaha iyo Amaankaba ah.

Shirkan ayaa lagaga hadlayaa sidii hay’adaha Garsoorku tababaro ugu heli lahaayeen la dhaqanka maxaabiistaasi oo muddo badan ku jiraya Jeelasha Dalka.

Beesha Xawaadle oo Shaacisay inay kalsoonidii kala Noqdeen Dawladda Muqdisho

Kulan xasaasi ah oo maanta ay ku yeesheen magaalada Baladweyne ee xarunta gobolka Hiiraan, siyaasiyiinta, aqoonyahannada, saraakiisha ciidamada, waxgaradka iyo odayaasha dhaqanka ka soo jeeda beesha Xawaadle ee Hawiye ayaa laga sheegay in beesha kalsoonidii kala noqtay dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya, iyaga oo eedeyn balaadhan u jeediyay Wasiirrka wasaarrada Arrimaha gudaha ee dawladda Muqdisho C/kariiin Xusseen Guuleed.

Kulanka oo gabagabadiisii laga soo saaray bayaan loo qebiyay warbaahinta ayaa u dhignaa sidan:

1. In habka iyo qaab dhismeedka loo soo magacaabay maamulka gobollka Hiiraan uu yahay mid ku dhisan cadaalad darro, colaad abuur iyo kala fogaasho ku yimid dowladda federaalka iyo beesha Xawaadle, tusaalle ahaan in beesha laga siiyay 2 xubnood 18 xubnood oo loo soo magacaabay maamulka gobollka Hiiraan.

2. In ciidamada beesha oo u soo taaagnaa muddo dheer difaaca gobollka Hiiraan iyo ka xoreynta kooxaha nabad-diidka ah oo in badan oo ka mid ah naftooda ku waayeen, halka tiro kalana ay ku cuuryaameen, ilaa waqtiganna u taagan in ay ka shaqeeyaan amniga iyo nabad-galyada gobollka, iyaga oo gacan siinaya ciidamada Jabuuti ee howlgalka midowgga Africa AMISOM, aysan ka hellin dowladda xuquuqdii ay ku laheyd, iyadoo ciidamada gobollada kale ee dalka dhowr jeer loo qeybiyay mishaar.

3. In mas’uuliyiinta ka socday dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya ee dhowr jeer oo hore soo booqatay magaalada Baladweyne odayaasha iyo aqoonyahannada beesha siiyeen talooyin ku aadan qaab dhismeedka maamulka gobolka, laakiin mas’uuliyiinta sare ee dowladda ku gacan seyreen arintaa iyada ah, taasoo muujineysa in aysan wax dan ah ka laheyn gobollka Hiiraan.

Sidaa daraadeed markii aan aragnay tacadiyada dowladda federaalka gaar ahaan wasiirrka wasaarrada arrimaha gudaha iyo amniga Qaranka uu ka wado gobollka Hiiraan, waxaan go’aansanay qodobada soo socda :

1. In Beesha Xawaadlle laga bilaabo maanta oo ay taariikhdu ku beegan tahay 29/5/2013 kalsoonidii kala noqtay dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya ee uu madaxweynaha ka yahay Xassan Sheekh Max’uud.

2. beesha Xawaalle fidisay gogol lagu dhisayo maamul gobol oo cadaalad ku dhisan, ayna ka soo qeyb-gallayaan dhamaan beellaha ku dhaqan gobolka.

3. In mudanayaasha ama xildhibaannada baarlamaanka ee ka soo jeeda beesha mucdo 7-10 cisho ah ku soo gallaan magaalada Baladweyne, si looga arinsado maamul cusub loo dhisayo gobollka Hiiraan.

4. . In laga bilaabo maanta ciidamada la dayacay ee ka tirsanaa dowladda iyo hubkoodaba shaqo ku laheyn dowladda, wixii xiligan ka danbeeyana yihiin ciidamo beelleed si toos ah u hoos imanaya beesha oo daryeelkooda iyo mishaar siintoodaba ku fillan.

5. Iyo ugu danbeytii in dhaqaallaha laga qaado dhamaan deegaannada ay degan tahay beesha lagu soo wareejin doono guddi dhaqaalle oo arintaa loo saaray, halkii markii hore ay ku xaroon jirtay Qasnada maamulka dowladda ee gobolka Hiiraan, si loogu daryeello ciidamada.

Odayaasha dhaqanka, siyaasiyiinta, waxgaradka, aqooyahannada iyo saraakiisha ciidamada kulanka ka qeyb-gallay, ayaa sheegay in arintan ay la socod siinayaan ogeysiisna ka siin doonaan isla maanta saraakiisha ciidamada Jabuuti ee AMISOM iyo kuwa Itoobiya, iyaga oo ku war-gallinaya in laga bilaabo maanta ciidamada beesha aysan dowladda federaalka ka mid aheyn.

Nabadoon Max’ed Cabdi Raaxooy oo ka hadllay kulanka ayaa arin nasiib darro ah ku tilmaamay in wasiirrka arrimaha gudaha uu dhagaha ka fureystay tallooyin faro badan oo sida uu hadalka u dhigay u jeediyeen waxgaradka, odayaasha iyo siyaasiyiinta beesha, isaga oo taan ka doorbiday ayuu sheegay in uu dhibaato ka dhax abuuro beellaha wada dega gobolka Hiiraan.

Nabaddoon Faarax Cabdi Waare oo isagana sheegay in dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya ku dhisan tahay dastuur, sidaa daraadeed iyaga oo taa taxi-raacaya dhawaan fidin doonaan gogol lagu dhisayo maamul gobolleed cadaalad ku dhisan.

”Dowladda iyada ayaa ku tumatay sharciga, dastuurka,mana aqbaleyno in dhibaato iyo colaad gobolka laga abuuro, annaga oo odayaashii dhaqanka gobollka ah ayaa arintaa u taagan in aan ka hor tagno, fariintan waxaa toos ugu dubineynaa madaxda sare ee dowladda, waxaan leenahay beeshu waa ay tashatay, sidaa daraadeed dowlad aan aqoonsannahay ma jirto,” ayuu yidhi Faarax Cabdi Waare.

siday faafisay shabakadda Hiiraan Online Dhinacyadii ka qeyb-gallay kulanka dhamaantood sheeegay in arrintan ay muddo dheer ka fikirayeen, laakiin ugu danbeytii qaateen go’aankan kadib markii ogaadeen waxa ka dhalan kara sida wasaarrada arrimaha gudaha u maareysay dhismaha maamulka gobolka.

Wasiirka Madaxtooyada Somaliland Oo Si Faahfaahsan uga Hadlay Sooyaalka Taariikheed ee Somaliland Iyo Itoobiya

Wasiirka Wasaaradda Madaxtooyada Somaliland Mudane Xirsi Cali Xaaji Xasan ayaa sheegay in xidhiidhka u dhaxeeya Somaliland iyo Itoobiya uu yahay mid soo jireen ah isla markaana dadka Somaliland ay xusuusan yihiin in dalka Itoobiya tahay meeshii ay ku qaxeen markii ay dhibaatadu haysatay.
Xirsi Cali Xaaji Xasan waxa uu sidaasi ka sheegay munaasibad lagu xusayay sanad guuradii 22 ee ka soo wareegtay markii talada dalka Itoobiya laga tuuray xukunkii Mingiste Xayle Maryam 1991-kii oo xalay lagu qabtay Huteelka Maansoor ee Magaaladda Hargeysa waxana uu wasiirku hambalyo u diray ummada dalka Itoobiya.

isaga oo Wasiirku arrimahaasi ka hadlayana waxa uu yidhi “Aniga oo ku hadlaya magacayga, afka Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyada Somaliland iyo afka bulshada Somaliland waxaan hambalyo halkan uga dirayaa shacbi weynaha Itoobiya iyo maamulka dawlada Itoobiya guud ahaan, inta halkan joogta iyo inta Itoobiya joogtaba”.

Waxaanu intaasi raaciyay wasiir Xirsi “xidhiidhka Itoobiya iyo Somaliland waa mid soo jireen ah, waana mid dadka Somaliland xusuusan yihiin dhibaatadu markii ay haysay inay ahayd meeshii ay ku baxsadeen, halgankuna ka soo bilaabmay” ayuu yidhi Xirsi Cali Xaaji Xasan.

CJA's 15th Anniversary Dinner

Celebrating our Victories in the Movement for Global Justice

CJA would like to thank our generous sponsors and supporters who made our 15th Anniversary Dinner, Celebrating our Victories in the Movement for Global Justice, a resounding success.  We feel very fortunate to be part of such a committed and vibrant community of human rights activists.  For a complete list of sponsors, click here.
Over 350 CJA supporters, partners and clients joined us on May 14th in San Francisco to celebrate our successes in holding high-ranking perpetrators accountable and providing redress to survivors of human rights abuses. 

The evening program provided powerful examples of some of the people who have made CJA’s work possible:

• Guatemala Attorney General Dr. Claudia Paz y Paz accepted the 2013 Judith Lee Stronach Human Rights Award for  her heroic efforts to restore justice in Guatemala. Dr. Paz y Paz is Guatemala's first woman Attorney General and has made unprecedented strides in the prosecution of organized crime, political corruption and human rights.  Click here for more information about Dr. Paz y Paz.   

• We were especially inspired by the stories from our courageous clients Aziz Mohamed Deria of Somalia and Kelvin So from Cambodia.

• The 2013 Champion of Justice Awards were presented  to Robert “Boby” Duval and Ahmed Salah. 

• Mr. Duval was honored for his long struggle for freedom and human rights in Haiti.  Mr. Duval, a former  Amnesty International Prisoner of Conscience and soccer star, is the lead witness in the trial aga st Jean-Claude Duvalier and has committed himself to securing justice for the victims of the Duvalier Regime.  Click here for more information on Mr. Duval.

• We honored Mr. Salah for his heroic commitment to promoting human rights in Egypt. He is Co-Founder of the 6th of April Youth Movement in Egypt, and was one of the tacticians behind the January 25, 2011 demonstration in Cairo that touched off Egypt's revolution.  Click here for more information on Mr. Salah.

• Katya Cronin and Christina Hioureas accepted the 2013 Partner in Justice Award on behalf of Latham & Watkins.  Latham & Watkins was honored because of the firm’s demonstrated commitment to human rights, and history of working with CJA, including serving as pro bono co-counsel in CJA’s historic case Ahmed v. Magan in which former Somali Colonel Abdi Aden Magan was found liable for torture, arbitrary detention and cruel treatment.

Thank you for celebrating with us.  With your support, we look forward to many more victories for our clients.
For those who could not make it this year, we hope to see you at our next event!

Somaliland: Invests in animal production

Hargeisa - Somaliland's government is investing in training veterinarians to become a regional hub for animal production.
 

The semi-autonomous Somaliland state is currently a major exporter of livestock to Gulf States, but wants to expand that to guarantee quality livestock.

Minister of Livestock Dr Abdi Aw Dahir Ali said the major port of livestock for the Horn of Africa is Berbera, because of its location.

"Berbera exports livestock from Ethiopia, from Somalia, from Kenya."

The Sheik Technical Veterinary School was established over 10 years ago and has 118 students.

It aims to improve the quality and health of livestock in Somaliland.

"You know, this school is the only veterinary institution in this region and was started in 2002," said tutor Mohamed Said said.

"This region is very strong in livestock and most of the people, they have animals."

Student Nished Mohamed said he hopes to have his own dairy farm in future to produce milk.

"Because many people they don't have enough milk in our towns."

Once they graduate, many of the students work for the Ministry of Livestock based in the city of Berbesa.

Almost all Somali livestock exports go the Gulf States, especially Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Qatar.

Somaliland hopes that it's veterinary graduates will ensure that this little enclave's livestock is traded throughout the Horn of Africa.