Dlamini Zuma
 |
| Address by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Dr. Dlamini Zuma to the Third Pan African Parliament 6 May 2013 |
This is where you can follow inside Somaliland socio-economic and security related issues together with democracy and human rights stories
Tuesday, May 28, 2013
State of the Union: Address by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Dr. Dlamini Zuma to the Third Pan African Parliament 6 May 2013
Honourable Bethel Nnaemeka Amadi, President of the Pan African Parliament,
Celebrating Tajudeen, the OAU and AU: which way Africa?
By Ama Biney
This special issue celebrates not only 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the African Union (AU), but also the life of the late Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem, a staunch Pan-Africanist. Some of the themes of this issue are set out, as well as future challenges facing the AU and Pan-Africanists
 |
Ama Biney (Dr) is Acting Editor of Pambazuka News |
On
25 May 2013 the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and its successor, the
African Union (AU), will celebrate its Golden Jubilee. The date, also known as
‘African Liberation Day’ (ALD), is one that marks the fourth anniversary of the
sudden departure of Dr. Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem who was at the time of his
shocking death the deputy director for Africa of the United Nations’ Millennium
Campaign. Tajudeen, or ‘Taju’ as he was more popularly called, was a regular
contributor to Pambazuka News with his weekly ‘Pan-African Postcards.’ He died
suddenly and tragically in a road accident in Nairobi. Hence, in this special
issue we remember him and also reflect on 50 years of the OAU/AU and the
direction our continent must take in order to overcome the myriad socio-economic
and political problems it confronts.
If
Taju were alive today it is likely that he would have contributed many more
‘Pan-African postcards’ on contemporary African and global affairs with his
usual profound perspicacity and wit. One can only conjecture what he would have
made of the creation of South Sudan in July 2011; the Arab uprisings in North
Africa since Mohammed Bouazizi’s fatal action in December 2010 set in motion
the toppling of tyrannical dictators which Taju vociferously and consistently
attacked in many of his postcards; the prolonged war in the DRC as a
consequence of the backing of Rwanda and Uganda for insurgent groups in the
country; moves towards peaceful resolution of the conflict in Somalia with a
newly installed government; the overthrow of Gaddafi by NATO forces in 2011.
Similarly, what would Taju’s perspectives have been on the Tuareg desire for a
homeland in Northern Mali that has been hijacked by Islamic fundamentalists and
used as an opportunity for French intervention; the Marikana massacre of South
Africa in August 2012; the election of Africa’s second female head of state,
President Joyce Banda of Malawi in the same year, and in his own home country –
Nigeria, the rise of the fundamentalist group Boko Haram that has wreaked
deathly havoc in the last four years? What would he have made of the OAU/AU
50-year performance, the Haitian earthquake of January 2010 that led to pledges
of aid that have largely failed to reach the vast majority of Haitians; the
so-called ‘riots’ of England in the summer of 2011 ignited by the killing of a
black man, Mark Duggan, by British police, as well as Obama’s foreign policy
around the world, including Africa? These are all socio-political issues that
Taju would undoubtedly have had an ideological position on that embraced a
commitment to African people around the globe. Therefore, we remember Taju not
only for his razor sharp political analysis that is missed, but also his
relentless commitment to African unity, African people as well as social,
economic and political justice for all human beings.
In
this special issue SONNY ONYEBULA recalls the ‘indefatigable’ commitment of
Taju to Pan-Africanism in a personal reflection. As Taju once wrote about the
African continent: ‘The collective African experience is that we can only be
ourselves and we need each other to counter the threat of marginalisation,
rapacious globalisation and the consolidation of whatever little gains may have
been accomplished in a number of African countries. No one [African] country
can be a sustainable miracle if its neighbours are in hell.’ MOTSOKO PHEKO
contemplates in his piece ‘how far is the United States of Africa?’ and echoes
Taju when he writes: ‘Africa is a house with 54 rooms in it. When one room
catches fire, other rooms are endangered.’
As
DEDE AMANOR-WILKS points in another personal reflection on Taju, he was a
profoundly people-orientated person who engaged in laughter with young and old
alike. The depths of his own ubuntuness connected with others that made him a
human magnet. He had a way with words, appropriate proverbs and African stories
to illustrate his argument and communicate with ordinary people. His
high-pitched laughter was infectious and memorable just as his loud voice was
distinctive and could be heard at a distance.
Other
articles in this issue such as that by the journalist CAMERON DUODU look at the
origins of the OAU. MEHARI TADDELE MARU reflects on the positive and negative
legacies and lessons of the OAU/AU; its achievements, failures and constraints,
whilst TITI A. BANJOKO questions whether the jubilee is really worth
celebrating? Similarly YVES NIYIRAGIRA points out the missed opportunities of
the organisation but focuses attention on five steps that African leaders must
implement immediately rather than wait another fifty years to forge meaningful
integration and development. THEODORE MENELIK-MFUNI remembers growing up as a
child and how his father’s uncompromising commitment to the OAU positively
influenced him. He points out that it took centuries for Europe to build its
institutions therefore it will take centuries for Africa to constructively
address the myriad of challenges it faces.
The
writers TUNDE JEGEDE, DELE MEJI FATUNLA, ADE DARAMY all focus on the
imperatives of how culture and communication in its diverse mediums are
fundamental to forging greater continental unity and understanding. They also
provide stimulating constructive and positive strategies as to how this
cultural rebirth can be realised.
Pambazuka
News provides a number of audio interviews with Commissioners of the AU who
give their views of the accomplishments and missed opportunities of the
organisation. Among them is the audio interview with DEPUTY HEAD OF
COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION, WYNNE MUSABAYANA who reveals there are plans on
the part of the AU to establish a radio and television station that will
disseminate news direct from the AU, deliberations from the summits and various
gatherings of the AU bodies to inform African people directly as well as
extending its use of new social media forms and strategies. This is undoubtedly
much needed, for if what is new about the AU from its predecessor is that on
paper it has sought to involve ordinary African people in its processes, it
must implement ways in which ordinary people can dialogue with the
Commissioners and participate in the Pan-African Parliament and Economic,
Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) debates. Otherwise it risks being a
top-down institution like its predecessor the OAU. Other interviews include an
exchange with the DEPUTY CHAIRPERSON, ERASTUS MWENCHA who not only candidly
identifies some of the missed opportunities as Africa’s dependency on raw
materials for its economic development without adding value but there has until
the formation of the AU been a ‘suppression of gender parity for human
development.’ COMMISSIONER FOR SOCIAL AFFAIRS, DR. MUSTAPHA S. KALOKO
emphasises how the AU will seek to innovatively use culture and particularly
sports to advocate social and political issues on the continent; DESIRE
ASSOGBAVI who is head of Oxfam International in Addis Ababa discusses how Oxfam
works with the AU and also gives an opinion on the achievements of the OAU/AU
as well as its challenges and obstacles.
The
AU has selected the theme for the year-long jubilee celebrations as
‘Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance.’ As ANTONY OTIENO ONG’AYO writes,
celebrations should also involve candid discussions among and between
continental Africans and Africans in the Diaspora in terms of what this ‘Renaissance’
means. He argues that part of that discussion should be around the question of
identity for this issue remains a pertinent one currently undermining
continental unity. For example in Ivory Coast and in the DRC notions of
‘Ivorite’ and attacks on the Banyamulenge (ethnic Tutsis) in eastern Congo
seriously challenge notions of integration in Africa. In addition to this, we
must challenge the notion of ‘illegal immigrants’, xenophobia, deportations and
targeting of Africans residing in other African countries if we consider Africa
and African people to be one. Consequently a Pan-African citizenship must be
created on the lines of a free movement of goods and particularly people as in
the ECOWAS states. This must also extend to abolishing visas for children of
the African Diaspora travelling to Africa.
SAMWIN
BANIENUBA rhetorically asks: ‘where is Kwame Nkrumah’s United States of
Africa?’ He is of the opinion that the reality is that the vested interests
since the formation of the Monrovia and Brazzaville block, who sided with a
gradualist approach to African unity, have predominated and that was is lacking
on the continent is a ‘will of steel’ to implement Pan-Africanism.
Peace
is fundamental to any future African unity and development, argues ONYEKACHI
WAMBU. He points to the three principles adopted by the OAU which was intended
to lead to peace and justice (guaranteeing the existing colonial boundaries;
non-interference in the internal affairs of member states; and support for
armed struggle via the Liberation Committee) not only led to peace and justice
but produced further conflict. He argues that we must continually seek symbols
of peace in our cultural practices as a means to resolve conflict and build
permanent peace.
MGONGENI
NGULUBE poses: what has happened to the agriculture sector of many African
countries in the last 50 years and what will become of it in the next five
decades – particularly as many African countries continue to be net importers
of food? The writer points to the need for greater attention to be paid to
agriculture in Africa if food security and hunger that give rise to instability
and disunity are to be addressed. Moreover, the AU needs to address the serious
question of ‘land grabs’ in Africa. What is the AU position on this race to
grab agriculturally rich lands by Gulf oil sheikhs, Chinese and Indian
entrepreneurs, Western speculators, among other investors, that dispossess
ordinary Africans in parts of Africa? How can countries that are not able to
adequately feed the masses of their own populations be leasing land to
foreigners?
OTSIENO
NAMWAYA and ELIZABETH EVENSON contend that ‘the broader relationship between
the African Union and the International Criminal Court (ICC) has not been an
easy one.’ They argue that the AU should fully cooperate with the ICC and
honour its own commitment in its organisational Charter to human and people
rights by not supporting the shielding of any individual sought by the ICC to
answer to the charge of crimes against humanity.
We
carry the address given by DR. DLAMINI-ZUMA, Chairperson of the AU to the Third
Pan African Parliament on 6 May 2013 in Addis Ababa. In her State of the Union
address Dlamini-Zuma identifies some positive achievements including the
optimistic rate of economic growth in several African countries; the reduction
of conflicts from 15 during the 1990s to 5 countries between 2000-2010 and
increases in educational provision. However, there remain other herculean tasks
to accomplish which are outlined in the Third Strategic Plan for 2014-2017 in
which eight priorities are outlined. She insists that the year-long
celebrations must ‘reflect on the lessons from our past and our current state,
in order to grapple with our destiny.’
ABAYOMI
AZKIKIWE surveys five decades of Africa’s flag independence within an
internationalist and Pan-Africanist perspective. He makes a number of important
arguments including that: ‘in order for Africa and its people to develop there
must be a decisive break with the imperialist system of finance capital’ and
secondly that ‘the crisis in Africa and the Diaspora is by no means isolated
from the broader struggle of the peoples of the world.’ This latter point is
essential for the AU and all African people to remember and act on today.
Malcolm X reminded heads of state of this point when he addressed the OAU
summit on 17 July 1964 and told the African heads of state: ‘Our problems are
your problems.’ Since the AU has formally recognised the African Diaspora as a
Sixth region - unlike its predecessor, the OAU, the AU has often failed to take
up the plight of Africans in the Diaspora and their issues. These issues are
many and include the disproportionate number of people of African descent in
the US and UK who are incarcerated in the prison system; killed by racist
police; discriminated against; and killed whilst being deported e.g. Jamaican
Joy Gardener in 1993, and Angolan deportee Jimmy Mubenga in 2010 – both
individuals (among many others) have died at the hands of the racist
immigration and security officials respectively. Or what of the case of the
many Trayvon Martins and Stephen Lawrences killed by racists in the UK and US
respectively? What happens to any African across the globe should be of concern
to all Africans both on the continent and in the Diaspora. However, our unity
should make us also seek solidarity with other oppressed peoples around the
world, particularly in the global south, whether they be garment workers in
Bangaladesh or elsewhere struggling to earn a living, and people of African
descent in the Caribbean, Latin America, including the poor of the
industrialised nations suffering under the weight of an inflicted economic
austerity in which the working classes are paying for the rich to continue to
live on the backs of the poor in these developed nations.
WHICH
WAY AFRICA?
As
several of our writers point out there remain many enormous challenges in
forging a meaningful African unity. Among those challenges is the opportunity
that African people in the diaspora have to advance their organisational level
in the Caribbean, North, South and Central America as well as in Europe if they
are to fulfil their role and contribution as the Sixth region of the AU and
fully participate in the AU structures. They have also more to contribute in
various ways to Africa’s economic development in a number of fields such as
technology transfer, education, health and in the sciences.
An
equally important issue for the AU is the financing of the organisation, which
currently depends on substantial outside funds that is a serious impediment to
African unity and the meaning of independence in its broadest sense. No
continent or union can be genuinely independent if it is tied to the dictates
of those who finance it. Moreover, surely with the new found oil wealth of
several African countries such as Liberia, Ghana, Cameroon, Uganda, Kenya – and
the untapped wealth in gas, minerals and agricultural resources of the
continent, the potential of Africa to finance its economic, technological and
scientific development in the next 50 years is realisable? Neither does such
self-reliance mean Africa becomes an autarkic continent and does not engage in
partnerships with other nations. But it is necessary that economic planning and
partnership with other nations are co-ordinated and principled.
Fundamentally,
in the next 50 years, the AU and African people have to engage with what kind
of ‘development’ do we want for Africa. How do we define ‘development’? It
seems the kind of development envisaged by the AU is one that continues to be
committed to the logic of neoliberal capitalism, eternal privatisation; one
that speaks the language of ‘foreign direct investment’ (which is essentially
privatisation and capitalism via the AU’s much touted Nepad). I recall in
personal discussions with Taju his reference to Nepad as a neoliberal ‘kneepad’
to continue the economic subservience of Africans to the North. Similarly, the
existence of trade liberalisation; the reduction of the role of the African
state; adoption of the IMF imposed Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs)
which have replaced the Structural Adjustment Programmes of the 1980s and 1990s
are policies that AU members tacitly appear to support. In essence, it seems
the kind of development that many supporters of the AU, heads of state and
member countries with their commissioners and various officials of the AU are
in favour of a kind of development that considers catching up with the West as
the ideal; that is, becoming a mirror image of the West is the aspiration,
standard and goal. Yet, for this to happen Africa would need a continent to
enslave and colonise for the reality is that the West was able to industrialise
and ‘develop’ by underdeveloping Africa through enslavement and colonisation.
In short, this path is not open to Africa as a possibility. Such a path will
only contribute to the continued destruction of the earth through rapacious
consumerism and brutal capitalist exploitation of its finite resources and
failure to lift the masses of African people from poverty.
Hence,
new forms of socio-economic development and particularly the equitable
redistribution and creation of wealth that is not harmful to the environment
but sustainable, need to be created by Africans in the next 50 years. In
addition to this break with exploitative neoliberal capitalism must be a break
with neo-colonialism and imperialism in its reconfigured manifestations on the
continent, as Kwame Nkrumah called for. Those manifestations remain in aid and
the continued implementation of IMF and World Bank programmes that have done
nothing to lift Africa out of poverty in the last 50 years; the presence of
Africom and the joint military training exercises under the auspices of both
Africom and other Western nations; the operations of multinational companies;
unfair trade enforced by the World Trade Organisation (WTO); tax avoidance,
secret mining deals and financial transfers that deny African people basic
provisions such as health, education, electricity and good infrastructure.
Neoliberal
capitalism is incompatible with social and economic justice and therefore
ordinary and progressive Africans must push to transform the system, ultimately
creating a fairer economic system of producing wealth in which the majority and
not the minority benefit. It must be one in which people’s basic needs come
before profits. Such principles should underlie the meaning of socio-economic
‘development’ in the next 50 years.
Finally
in the next 50 years, Africa must unite in a way that its voice is heard and
respected on the global stage. The Libyan debacle in which African countries
were disunited and France, Britain and the US were able through the UN and NATO
to marginalise and disregard the AU’s roadmap for a negotiated political
settlement in Libya, indicated the imperialist arrogance of the West as well as
the AU’s weakness in its inability to mobilise and command the attention of the
international press on its position as divisions among those African countries
who supported Gaddafi and those who did not seriously hampered the continental
body. Consequently, the Western media pundits rallied to the position of their
Western governments in seeking to carry out regime change in Libya and the AU
was completely ignored. The maxim ‘African solutions to African problems’ has
instead given way to a dangerous imperialist and neo-colonial precedent of
‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P) that NATO employed as pretext for regime
change. In the next 50 years will the AU allow/prevent another African country
to be victim to a NATO-imposed ‘regime change’ under R2P?
On
24 May 1963 Nkrumah gave a long and passionate speech to his 31 contemporaries
imploring them to ‘unite now or perish.’ That speech remains astonishingly
relevant 50 years later – perhaps more so today. His emphasis was on a
political union based on a common defence, foreign affairs and diplomacy, an
African currency, an African monetary zone, and an African central bank but
also based on a profoundly socialist framework in the ethos and economic
organisation of African societies. Such a framework remains valid today and
specifically in Africa after 50 years of SAPs and neoliberalism that has
instead privatised social provision out of the reach of ordinary people. Some
may argue that some of these institutions Nkrumah called for are in embryonic
form today and need to be advanced and in ways that are meaningful to ordinary
Africans. However, there is still a long way to go to in achieving the kind of
Continental Union Government of Africa that Nkrumah envisioned – if this is the
image of unity the AU seeks to realise in the next 50 years. If it proves not
to be the vision, Africa’s current generation of young people who comprise over
half the population of many countries, and the generation to come in the next
50 years, will have to mobilise to ensure the vision of Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice
Lumumba, George Padmore and Robert Sobukwe is realised.
*
Ama Biney (Dr) is Acting Editor of Pambazuka News.
Monday, May 27, 2013
FCA publicly censures Horn Express Ltd (formerly known as Qaran Express Money Transfer Limited) for breaches of the Payment Services Regulations
Source: http://www.fca.org.uk/
The Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) has publicly
censured Horn Express Limited (formerly known as Qaran Express Money
Transfer Limited, “QEMTL”) for failing to safeguard and segregate
customer funds. The FCA would have fined QEMTL £136,687 had the firm
not produced verifiable evidence that imposing a fine would have caused
it serious financial hardship.
QEMTL’s customers commonly used its services to transmit money overseas from the UK. At times during the period 1 December 2009 to 26 August 2011, QEMTL mixed customer funds with its own monies in the same bank account and failed to record accurately how much of the money in that account was customers’ funds. From 1 December 2009 until 16 December 2011 QEMTL also failed to properly reconcile the customer funds held in its bank account.
Further, QEMTL did not set the bank account up correctly. For instance, it was not labelled as a customer funds account, thereby creating a risk that, in the event of QEMTL’s insolvency, customers might have lost their money.
In addition to its failures to segregate and safeguard customer funds correctly, QEMTL also failed to sufficiently supervise its branches and agents. The records of compliance visits that it carried out failed to record an adequate assessment of the safeguarding and segregation requirements for customers’ funds.
Bill Sillett, FCA head of retail enforcement said:
"This case highlights the wide remit of the FCA; we are not just the regulator of firms authorised under the Financial Services and Markets Act. We will use our enforcement powers to the full extent and this case, the first of its kind, demonstrates that we will take action where breaches are identified. It is not acceptable that customers’ monies are put at risk by firms, whether in the financial services or payment services sector, and we will take action to tackle this."
Notes for editors
- The final notice for QEMTL.
- The FCA’s approach to the Payment Services Regulations 2009 is set out in the Approach Document.
- On the 1 April 2013 the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) became responsible for the conduct supervision of all regulated financial firms and the prudential supervision of those not supervised by the Prudential Regulation Authority (PRA).
- The FCA has an overarching strategic objective of ensuring the relevant markets function well. To support this it has three operational objectives: to secure an appropriate degree of protection for consumers; to protect and enhance the integrity of the UK financial system; and to promote effective competition in the interests of consumers
- You can find more information about the FCA, as well as how it is different to the PRA.
London : Cllr Mohamed of Somaliland origin announced new mayor of Southwark
 |
| Cllr Abdul Mohamed |
Cllr Mohamed was born in Kenya's rift valley to Somaliland parents. His grandfather had immigrated to Kenya as a soldier with the King's African Rifles camel corp.
He is married to Caroline McDonald, an Australian, and they have one son Farah Mohamed (16) They have lived in Peckham for 25 years.
Cllr Mohamed graduated from Leeds University in Yorkshire where he trained with the former National Coal Board as a mining engineer. He then left to work as a mining engineer in Africa, where he spent some time in the Copper belt in Zambia.
He has also worked in inner city regeneration since the late 80s. He has worked for several London boroughs carrying out regeneration work, including Haringey and Lambeth Council, on various large inner city estates such as Broadwater Farm and the Angel town estate.
He has been an active trade union member, being shop steward (UNISON) for his Public Service workplace. He has been one of the Faraday ward councillors since May 2002.
Cllr Mohamed, a previous Cabinet member, has been a Chair of the Walworth Community Council and the Democracy Commission and has served on the New Deal for Communities and Creation Trust Boards.
The new Mayor is a keen cyclist who champions cycling in Southwark. In his new role he has committed to making less use of the Mayoral car and more use of public transport and his bicycle.
Cllr Mohamed said:"It is an honour for me to be elected Mayor and I am really looking forward to representing Southwark in this important role. As Deputy Mayor I was fortunate enough to meet many local people who never failed to impress me with their sense of community and compassion for the most vulnerable in society.
"They are the epitome of the fairer future philosophy this council subscribes to. I hope that I can continue to work with everyone in Southwark to celebrate the love we share for a corner of London that is forever England while also being home to the nations of the world."
At the Annual Meeting of Council Assembly on 22 May 2013, the new Mayor announced that his chosen charity for the year will be the Evelina Children's Hospital.
Cllr Sunil Chopra, ward councillor for Nunhead, was appointed as Deputy Mayor.
Source : Southwark Council
Odayaashii U xidhnaa Xiisadii Xariirad oo Xabsiga Boorame Laga sii Daayay
Waxa maanta si rasmi ah Xabsiga dhexe ee Magaalada Boorame looga sii
daayay duqaydii u xidhnayd shaqaaqadii Bishii saddexaad ee sanadkan ka
dhacday Degaanka Xariirad ee Gobolka Salal.
Duqaydan ayaa ka mahad celiyay sidii haboonayd ee loola dhaqmay mudadii ay xabsiga ku jireen.
Kusimaha Gudoomiyaha Gobolka Awdal Md. Cabdi Nuur Sugaal IYO Maayarka Magaalada Boorame saleebaan xasan xaddi ayaa iyaguna odayaashaas u jeediyay in ay dhinacooda ka hawlgalaan adkaynta nabadgelyada degaankaas.
 |
| Mud. Max'd Nur Arale Wasirka Amniga Somaliland |
Wasiirka wasaarada Arrimaha Gudaha Mudane Maxamed Nuur Caraale(Duur)
ayaa maanta si rasmiya xabsiga uga sii daayey duqaydaas oo
tiradoodu dhamayd Toban Oday, oo ka mid ah waxgaradka degaanka xariirad
ee uu ka soo jeedo ninka dhacdada Dilka ah ka gaystay degaankaas.
Wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha oo sii dayntooda ka dib kulan kula yeeshay
duqaydaas xarunta maamulka Gobolka Awdal ee Boorame ayaa sheegay in
aanu xadhigoodu la xidhiidhin Dambi aygaleen balse uu ahaa mid ku yimi
talaabooyinka xasilinta nabadgalyada iyo sidii xal looga gaadhi lahaa
dhacdada dilka ahyad ee degaanka as ka dhacday. Wasiirku waxa uu
tilmaamay in dadaalkii nabada iyo xilkasnimadii ay muujiyeen duqayda
Dhibanuhu ka soo jeeday lagu gaadhay in xoriyadoodii loo soo celiyo
xabsigana laga sii daayo
Wasiirka Arrimaha Guduhu waxa uu kula dardaarmay duqaydaas in looga
fadhiyo in ay ka hawlgalaan nabadii degaanka iyo sidii bulshadu isu
dhexgali lahayd soona gacan galiyaan Gacan ku dhiiglihii falkaas ku
kacay.Duqaydan ayaa ka mahad celiyay sidii haboonayd ee loola dhaqmay mudadii ay xabsiga ku jireen.
Kusimaha Gudoomiyaha Gobolka Awdal Md. Cabdi Nuur Sugaal IYO Maayarka Magaalada Boorame saleebaan xasan xaddi ayaa iyaguna odayaashaas u jeediyay in ay dhinacooda ka hawlgalaan adkaynta nabadgelyada degaankaas.
Ambassador’s Notebook: Helping Rebuild Somalia
 |
Alexander YakovenkoAmbassador of the Russian Federation to the United Kingdom |
Given the progress already made, the following tasks are at the forefront of Somalia’s agenda: ensuring security and the rule of law in areas that have been freed from Al-Shabaab and other extremist groups, restoring the conditions needed for normal life, setting up an effective and transparent system of governance, and creating conditions for social and economic development.
At the same time, it is important to remember that there is little hope for the peace process in the absence of effective measures to fight terrorism and piracy. From our point of view, developing common approaches to the prosecution of pirates is a major way to increase the efficiency with which that evil is combated. We intend to continue cooperation with our partners along these tracks.
Russia actively participates in the international community’s coordinated efforts aimed at supporting Somalia, not least within the framework of the UN Security Council. We recognize the important role played by the UN, the African Union and regional organizations in ensuring the situation in Somalia improves. Among the main stabilizing factors, particular credit goes to the African Union Mission (AMISOM), the mandate of which has been extended by the UN Security Council to February 28, 2014. A new UN political mission should also be established in the country by June 3, 2013. We believe that this structure should play the leading role in coordinating international assistance to the Federal Government of Somalia.
In recognition of the success achieved by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s government, the Security Council has also suspended the arms embargo on the country. This opens the way for military cooperation with Mogadishu. However, this issue requires a responsible approach, particularly given the huge number of weapons that are currently circulating within Somalia. An uncontrolled supply of arms would only lead to the destabilization of the fragile situation in the country.
Russia renders assistance to Somalia and Somali refugees in the neighboring countries. Over the years 2011-2012 we allocated more than $ 10 mln in special contributions to the respective UN agencies. We are currently considering the possibility of providing further assistance to Somalia, in the form of a $ 1 mln contribution to the UN World Food Programme. Upon request from Somalia’s government, we are also ready to provide training for police staff through specialized courses run by the Russian Interior Ministry. This is even more relevant as strengthening the police was mentioned at the conference as one of the key tasks facing the country.
We reiterate our intention to provide support to the Federal Government in building a sustainable and peaceful future for Somalia and hope to see further development in our bilateral relations. My discussions with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Foreign Minister Fauzia Yusuf Adam (who speaks good Russian) have revealed a notable interest in restoring Russia-Somali ties to the level they once enjoyed, but upon a modern foundation and under different circumstances.
Somaliland : Hargeisa club to re-open with extended pub and dance hall
It was later changed into military officers club with limited access to the civilians by the socialist military government of Siyad Barre after the 1969 military take over . Lodging areas were also added during the early 1980s after the Somali tourist agency was given the lease to run the club.
 |
| Vintage Hargeisa club 1966 (Flicker ) |
Religious leaders in Somaliland will object to the opening of a dance hall in the country let alone opening a pub. The only dance hall that had existed for months was located at Ming Sing near Hargeisa club but was attacked on several occasions by religious leaders with the help of the local police. The hall was eventually closed by the management of Ming Sing restaurant after continuous harassment and night raids .
Alcohol is prohibited in Somaliland although it is sold by smugglers through the out country in the black market . Most of the black market alcohol comes from Ethiopia while some legally come from Djibouti for NGOs , diplomatic missions and the elites.
 |
| Hargeisa club attachment in its original condition (Flicker) |
 |
| Hargeisa club - the main hall (Flicker) |
Source: http://www.medeshivalley.com/2013/05/somaliland-hargeisa-club-to-re-open.html#comment-form
Shady Past Of Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud Revealed In Haatuf Investigative Report
Shady Past Of Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud Revealed In Haatuf Investigative Report
Hargeysa, Somaliland, May 25, 2013 (SL Times) – An investigative report by Haatuf Newspaper has revealed disturbing news from President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud’s past.
According to Haatuf, before becoming president, Mr Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud ran a chain of Islamic schools (Madrasas) in Mogadishu which was attended by 30,000 students, and these Madrasas were used as indoctrination centers for extremist religious ideology and as a recruiting ground for al-Shabaab fighters. As evidence of these activities, the report cites the figure of 1200 students from these schools who died in the fighting between the Islamic Courts and Ethiopian troops in Duunuunaay, in late 2006. In addition to owning these schools, Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud was also employed with the Mogadishu based the Centre for Research and Development (CRD) and at the same time was affiliated with al-Qaida’s branch in Somalia which was headed by Adan Hashi Ayrow. It was because of these close connections with al-Shabaab that Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud was able to establish his schools and Madrasas in Ifka Halane, an area that was then controlled by al-Shabaab leader Adan Hashi Ayrow. Ayrow himself was killed in US missile attack on May 1, 2008. Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud also served al-Shabaab in other ways. For example, he was a conduit for financial aid to al-Shabaab from wealthy Arab individuals within in the Gulf. Furthermore, the report says it was Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud who suggested to Adan Hashi Ayrow that the civil society leader, Abdiqadir Yahye, worked for the CIA, and provided intelligence about his whereabouts thus ensuring Abdiqadir Yahye’s murder by Ayrow in Mogadishu during 2005. Abdiqadir Yaxye was the chairman of CRD when he was gunned down while at his home. According to Haatuf, Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud was sacked from his job at CRD several months after the assassination of Yaxye on the suspicion that the former was involved in the latter’s murder. |
Somaliland Journalists Adopt New Code of Conduct
Hargeisa - Somaliland’s
media practitioners and the Union of Somaliland Journalists (USJ) on May 22,
2013 adopted a new Code of Conduct for journalists at a workshop held in the
capital Hargeysa.
The new code which will guide journalists on how to conduct
their profession, embodies a set of provisions on the rights and duties of
journalists.
It is an improvement on a previous code that was formulated
in 2010.
USJ’s chairman Khadar Akule has described the adoption of the
new code of conduct as an important development in the history of Somaliland
Media.
“It is a milestone in our long efforts to strengthen and
protect the practice of Journalism with freedom independence and integrity”
Akule said.
The Somaliland ministry of Information has also welcomed the
new code of conduct for Somaliland journalists.
Assistant minister of Information Abdillahi Dahir Ukuse said
that journalists working for the government media will be expected to abide by
the new code.
“My ministry is fully committed to respect the new code but
the private media should also comply and we must all seek to enhance
professionalism in the practice of Journalism,” Ukuse added.
The Somaliland Society for Independent Journalists &
Writers (SSJW) has expressed support for the new code. SSJW spokesperson
Mohamed Sagah said the new code was a positive development, as it will
encourage journalists to maintain high professional standards, and to protect
both the rights of the individual and the public’s right to know.
The workshop was conducted by veteran journalists Andy Hill
and Yusuf Gabobe with Interpeace providing the funds.
Source: SomalilanTimes
Sunday, May 26, 2013
Mystical branch of Islam has resurgence in Somalia
by Associated Press
Source: Dailylocal.com
MOGADISHU, Somalia (AP) Hundreds of sweating Sufis chant and
sway as the lead sheik moves into the middle of a circle of worshipers
and bursts into a chant louder than anyone else’s
Sufism, a mystical branch of Islam, is having a major comeback
since al-Shabab, an armed militant Islamic group, was pushed out of
Somalia’s capital in August 2011. The Sunni-Salafi insurgents had banned
Sufis from gathering and prevented them from worshiping. Sufi sheiks,
or elders, were attacked, graves of their saints were desecrated and
rituals and celebrations became rare or secretly performed.
Beyond the circle of worshipers are dozens of women, some of
them so moved that they are crying. Nearby is the grave of a Sufi saint
where the worshipers go to pray to show reverence. Free food, including
toasted coffee beans fried in oil, is distributed in wooden containers.
“With Allah’s wish, we are here free and
worshiping today,” said Sheik Abdullahi Osman, a 72-year-old Sufi
cleric, who has beads dangling from his neck. Sufis in Mogadishu spend
hours fasting, praying, and invoking Allah’s name. Traditionally Sufis
used sticks to protect their shrines but now it’s common to see a guard
with an AK-47 slung over his shoulder in this seaside capital.
“There’s no choice other than defending ourselves and our faith,”
said Mohamed Ahmed, an armed Sufi follower guarding the gathering. The
arrivals were being checked and other guards stood outside a gate.
Ruqiya Hussein, a veiled woman, traveled from an al-Shabab-held town 90 kilometers (55 miles) away to get to a place of worship.
“I am thrilled to see my sheiks come back to lead us again,”
she said, squeezing her henna-tattooed fingers before she joined a group
of women swaying and chanting rhymes.
Sufis were known for spreading Islam across Somalia through
peaceful teaching and practicing tolerance toward other faiths. Some
Sufis hope that their style finds fertile ground in a nation recovering
from the wounds of extremism and war.
“Unlike others we don’t kill or harass people. Instead, we
provide examples of how to live.” said, Sheik Abdirizaq Aden, the
regional leader of the faith.
Al-Shabab, a group of al-Qaida-linked militants that seeks to
instill an ultra-conservative brand of Islam across Somalia, controlled
Mogadishu from roughly 2007 to 2011. The group still dominates most of
south-central Somalia but has seen its territory reduced after military
pushes by African Union and Somali forces.
The Sufis in the capital now feel free to practice their
faith. In central Somalia, after the graves of sheiks were desecrated
and killings occurred, Sufis used weapons to kick militants out of some
key towns. The conflict in that part of the Horn of Africa nation
persists.
Somalia fell into chaos in 1991 when warlords overthrew
longtime dictator Siad Barre and turned on each other. Two decades of
violence followed, but the capital and some other towns have seen strong
security gains during the last 18 months that have allowed businesses
and even sports leagues to thrive.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)