UK-Somalia conference: the good, bad and ugly

Soldiers-patrol-city-of-Kismayo

On May the 7, 2013 the UK held its second ‘UK- Somalia Conference.’

Attendees included British Prime Minister David Cameron, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, President Museveni and recently- elected Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, along with representatives from numerous international organisations and foreign governments. Having undergone a 20-year-long civil war, Somalia is now being led by its first widely-recognised government for more than 20 years and is showing vast signs of improvement.

There has been a reported rise in Somalis from the diaspora returning to the country, an increase in the availability of education for children and a sign that the government is extending its influence beyond the capital Mogadishu, a city which is starting to show signs of economic recovery despite continued terror attacks.

The conference involved much discussion regarding possible strategies for the way forward in Somalia. However, it has left more questions than answers and unveiled the numerous issues, actors and topics of debate which can be posed when it comes to what was once known as the ‘Pearl of the Indian Ocean.’ As was expected, a total of £50 million was pledged by nations including America, Britain and China to be put towards building the Somali army and police force. Britain then went on to pledge an additional £35 million (approximately $54 million) to further strengthen security forces and protect the Somali coastline from pirates.

The European Union committed to providing approximately $57 million to train and strengthen the police and judiciary. In terms of the humanitarian crisis which has occurred due to famine, Britain also committed to provide $225 million. Cameron emphasised the interests of the Somali people. “After two decades of bloodshed and some of the worst poverty on earth, hope is alive in Somalia, now it is time to fulfil the hope for the people of Somalia. That is what they have been living and waiting for, and we must not let them down.”

As wonderful as it would be to believe that the actions and involvements of the British and their fellow contributors are entirely altruistic, perhaps it is best not to delve into such idealism. Western governments have always been honest about the threats posed to them by the rise of ‘terrorism and extremism.’

The British premier himself has stated: “These challenges are not just issues for Somalia. They matter to Britain – and to the whole international community, because when young minds are poisoned by radicalism and they go on to export terrorism and extremism, the security of the whole world is at stake.”

Some cynics would go a step further and acknowledge the natural resources which Somalia harbours. It is in a strategic location and its recovery from a 20-year war means it is a welcoming prospect for large British companies. Perhaps this too is reason for Britain’s continued interest and involvement in the country. The greater cynics among us suggest that Turkey’s surprising involvement in Somalia has also motivated increased British interest.

So busy have Western states been in watching China in Africa that they may have not expected Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Erdogan’s visit to Somalia in 2011. The Turkish approach to aid in Somalia has boosted its popularity with the people and provided Turkey with the opportunity to expand economically in Africa, which perhaps is a worrying prospect for competing governments.

In terms of the extremist threat particularly from al-Queda linked al- Shabab, one wonders if participation in such a conference may just worsen the situation. A statement by al-Shabab leader Mukhtar Abu Zubeyr expressed disapproval of the conference. Much of the grievances held by the organisation, stem from the continued involvement of Western countries in Somalia.

Zubeyr stated that the aim of the conference and the international community at large was to undermine Islamic Law in Somalia, gain access to the country’s mineral wealth and impose Western ideals under the guise of morality and cooperation.  He encouraged further acts of terrorism and the following day seven people in Mogadishu were killed as a result of a suicide attack.

Though there is no negotiating with terrorists, the above brings about two issues for debate; firstly, the continuing suicide attacks and the number of young people subscribing to al-Shabab views, suggests dissatisfaction within parts of the Somali populace which cannot be ignored. Secondly, is growing relations with the West the solution for this?

Furthermore, is strengthening the army and fighting violence with violence, necessarily going to bring about the change so required in the country?

When looking at the success of the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom), it seems that Western government assistance with funding African troops has proven to be a success in Somalia. Uganda, Burundi and Kenya are just some of the countries who have led the fight against al-Shabab and brought stability to the region. America along with a number of other states has continued to contribute millions of dollars and weaponry to the African Union Mission.

Figures released by the UN suggest that almost 3,000 AU peacekeepers have been killed in Somalia in recent years. The alleged sidelining of President Museveni and President Kenyatta at the conference makes one wonder whether the British government have acknowledged the contribution of Somalia’s neighbours in this process. This then brings us to what was perhaps the most neglected issue at the conference and can be considered key in creating an environment of peace and stability in Somalia, that of internal dialogue and domestic relations within the country and its autonomous regions.

In 2012, a similar conference was held in Turkey which encouraged dialogue between representatives of Somalia and Somaliland. Somaliland is considered by much of the international community as an autonomous region of Somalia; it has, however, functioned as an independent state for a number of years.  No representative of Somaliland was present at the UK- Somali a Conference, partly in protest at the UK government not recognising it as a separate country.

The lack of encouragement in involving Somaliland in this conference is baffling at best. Surely, domestic unity and relations should be priority in the case of a country like Somalia which has suffered internal tensions for years.

Also, Somaliland has largely enjoyed a peaceful and perhaps good level of stability for a number of years.  Part of the reason for this was the 1993 Conference of Elders which involved a council of 150 elders representing each clan meeting to create institutions, vote on issues related to governance and disarmament and ensure inclusive political representation.   Surely, this example is enough proof that any conference regarding peace in Somalia must emphasise actions which need to address internal challenges.

There are a number of clans and semi- autonomous regions in the country which have held back from openly supporting and openly challenging the new government.  Promises of federalism, decentralised power and equal distribution of resources and authority have allowed for a fragile environment of peace and cooperation. In order to strengthen this, it is as important to encourage the usage of localised conflict resolution mechanisms as it is to deal with terrorists, pirates and external threats.

In the case of Somalia, as with other conflicts, the real victims have been the civilians caught in the crossfire, as goes the famous saying ‘when two elephants fight, it is the grass that gets trampled.’ If channelled in the right way, perhaps the funding and commitment of cooperation will finally bring peace to the Somali people, many of whom have perhaps experienced hell on earth.

However, in this situation another African proverb comes to mind, ‘Cross the river in a crowd and the crocodile won’t eat you.’ One can only hope that in the case of Somalia, clarity prevails in terms of who the crocodiles are.

Somalia Prez’s luxury trip at your expense £50k for London jaunt

Exclusive

By CRAIG WOODHOUSE Political Correspondent

HARD-UP taxpayers are footing the bill for an African leader’s five-star London trip, we can reveal.

Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud enjoyed business-class flights, a chauffeur-driven car and rooms at the posh Dorchester hotel — at UK expense.

 

Luxury ... PM David Cameron, left, with Somalia President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud

Five of his ministers and 14 flunkeys were flown to Britain and put up to attend a conference which saw millions more in aid handed to the war-torn country.

PM David Cameron joined other nations to back a £50million pot for Somalia at the gathering in Lancaster House last week.

Britain already provides £80million a year in aid. President Mohamud, 57, and his entourage had four nights at the Dorchester — where rooms start at £318 a night and the most expensive suite at £9,318 a night.

If the delegation stayed in the cheapest rooms, the hotel bill would have hit £25,440. Air fares are another £24,158. And a chauffeur-driven limo costs £400 a day — making the estimated bill at least £50,798. The Taxpayers’ Alliance said: “It’s ridiculous.”

The Foreign Office refused to reveal the cost but said the conference was “vital”.


DIPLOMATS and Foreign Office penpushers trousered £91MILLION in bonuses and top-up pay last year, figures reveal.

An allowance system saw them given extra cash for working abroad AND for working in London — plus money for extra luggage.

School fees and danger money were among 18 taxpayer-funded handouts unearthed by Tory MP Priti Patel.

She said: “Taxpayers will be shocked to see officials being bribed just to work in London.”

Somalia reports first wild poliovirus type 1 case since 2007

Poliovirus Credits: CDC

The wild poliovirus type 1 (WPV1) that was detected in a young girl from the Banadir region of Somalia has prompted an investigation into the situation, according to a World Health Organization alert today.

According to a preliminary report, the virus was isolated from specimens collected on 21 April 2013 from a 32-month-old girl, who became ill due to acute flaccid paralysis on 18 April 2013, and from specimens collected from 3 of her close contacts.

This is the first WPV to be reported from Somalia since 25 March 2007.

An investigation team is on site; genetic sequencing of the virus is on-going to determine its origin. The preliminary results of these investigations will be reported as soon as possible, according to the WHO.

Given that substantial areas of central and southern Somalia have not conducted vaccination activities since 2009, the confirmation of WPV circulation would constitute a serious national and international risk to public health.

A surveillance alert has been issued for countries bordering Somalia.

An immediate vaccination response with oral polio vaccine (OPV) is being planned to begin on May 14-16 to reach more than 350,000 children under the age of five in all the 16 districts of Banadir region, with a series of subsequent activities, including nationwide OPV campaigns, under discussion.

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), polio, or poliomyelitis, is a disease caused by a virus that affects a person’s nervous system. Polio is mainly spread by ingesting items contaminated with the feces of an infected person. Polio can also be spread through, water, other drinks and uncooked food. The disease mainly affects children less than 5 years old, but unvaccinated people of any age are at risk. Even though most infected people have no symptoms, signs and symptoms of severe illness may include paralysis of limbs and respiratory muscles.

There are three countries left on the planet that have not succeeded in interrupting polio transmission and are considered endemic: Afghanistan, Nigeria and Pakistan.

Dhoola Tus Gaado Ka Ciyaar Layaab leh oo Saaka ay Caasimada ka Sameeyn Ciidamada Milatariga, Booliska, Asluubta, Ciidamada Badda iyo Laanta Socdaalka kuna soo Bandhigayeen Cududooda. daawo sawirada

Sentencings approach in Somali terror case

By AMY FORLITI, Associated Press

MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — Nine people convicted in a government investigation of terror recruitment and financing for an al-Qaida-linked group in Somalia are to be sentenced this week in U.S. District Court in Minneapolis.

Authorities say more than 20 young men have left Minnesota to join al-Shabab since 2007. Some have died, several remain at large, and others have been prosecuted in what the FBI has said is one of the largest efforts to recruit U.S. fighters to a foreign terrorist organization.

Some of the issues in the case, based on court testimony, court documents and AP interviews:

HOW IT BEGAN

In 2007, small groups of young Somali men began holding secret meetings at a Minneapolis mosque, in cars, and at restaurants to talk about returning to their homeland to wage jihad against Ethiopians. The Ethiopians had been brought into Somalia in 2006 by its weak U.N.-backed government, but were viewed by many Somalis as invaders.

Al-Shabab recruiters in Minneapolis appealed to patriotic ideals and told young men — some in their teens — that it was their "duty" to return to Somalia and fight. Recruiters also quoted from the Quran, appealing to religious beliefs to deepen the fighters' resolve.

The men began leaving Minnesota in small groups to avoid detection, with the first departing Minneapolis on Oct. 30, 2007. Additional groups left in waves over the next months and years, with some raising money for their trips under false pretenses.

The FBI began investigating in 2008. The U.S. declared al-Shabab a terrorist organization in early 2008.

ACTIVITIES IN SOMALIA

Some of the Minnesota men who went to Somalia said that when they arrived, they were asked to change their names and give up their travel documents. One said he was threatened with beheading if he tried to leave. The men spent time at an al-Shabab safehouse in Somalia, and then went on to build a training camp.
From there, some participated in an ambush of Ethiopian troops, which was filmed by a high-ranking al-Shabab member and used as propaganda. One Minnesotan had a speaking role in the film, urging more men to join the cause.

Some of the Minnesota men who remained in Somalia have gone on to hold leadership positions, or are responsible for significant duties in al-Shabab.

FIRST U.S. CITIZEN SUICIDE BOMBER

On Oct. 29, 2008, Shirwa Ahmed of Minneapolis detonated a suicide bomb in Somalia by driving an explosive-laden truck into an office of the Puntland Intelligence Service. It was one of five coordinated attacks that day that left nearly 30 people dead, including the suicide bombers.

Ahmed left Minnesota in 2007. Authorities said he is the first known U.S. citizen to carry out a suicide bombing. FBI director Robert Mueller said months after his death that it appeared Ahmed was "radicalized" in Minnesota.

An FBI affidavit filed in court last August says six men from Minnesota have died in Somalia. More are presumed dead.

THE CASE BY THE NUMBERS

At least 22 men have left Minnesota since 2007, including two who left as recently as last July.

A total of 18 men — including some travelers and some who did not go to Somalia — have been charged in the Minnesota case. Seven of those have pleaded guilty to various charges — ranging from providing material support to terrorists to perjury, and an eighth man was convicted on five terror-related counts after a trial last year.

The rest of those who face criminal charges are either at large, dead or presumed dead.

THE DEFENDANTS

The defendants who face sentencing include a man who authorities say played a major role in facilitating and financing travel for recruits by helping arrange plane tickets and plan travel routes, among other things. Mohamed Said Omar will be sentenced on five terror-related counts. Prosecutors intend to ask for a total of 50 years.

Another man, Omer Abdi Mohamed, has pleaded guilty to conspiracy to provide material support to terrorists. Prosecutors said he was a leader in recruiting, using the Quran to pull in young men. Mohamed faces a maximum of 15 years in prison.

The other men being sentenced include three who traveled to Somalia themselves, then returned to the United States after spending time at an al-Shabab training camp; one man who pleaded guilty to perjury for lying about whether he knew two of the travelers; and a seventh man, who most recently lived in Ohio, who admitted he helped raise money.

FEMALE FUNDRAISERS

Amina Farah Ali and Hawo Mohamed Hassan

Two women from southern Minnesota will also be sentenced this week. Amina Farah Ali and Hawo Mohamed Hassan were convicted in 2011 of conspiring to funnel more than $8,600 to al-Shabab from September 2008 through July 2009. Probation officers have recommended from 30 years to life in prison for each. Prosecutors said in court documents Friday that they believe Ali should receive at least 20 years in prison, while Hassan should be sentenced to at least 15 years.

Prosecutors said the women went door-to-door in the name of charity and held religious teleconferences to solicit donations, which they then routed to the fighters. Defense attorneys painted the women as humanitarians giving money to orphans and poor people, as well as to a group they felt was working to push foreign troops out of Somalia.

MINNESOTA'S SOMALI COMMUNITY

Minnesota has the largest Somali population in the United States, and there is a strong connection between the Diaspora and the homeland. Many local Somalis frequently send money to family back home, and many others have returned to Somalia in recent years to help rebuild that country's government.

News that some men had left to join al-Shabab — and the subsequent federal investigations and subpoenas — put the community on edge. A mosque that came under scrutiny because some of the men held private meetings there held an open house to assure the public that it was not recruiting. Meanwhile, family members of some of the men who left denounced efforts to radicalize youth and called for swift action from the U.S. government.

Abdirizak Bihi, an uncle of a young man who left Minnesota in 2008 and was killed in Somalia, said he is looking forward to the sentencings, and hopes they pave the way for the eventual arrest of those behind the recruitment.

"This is a good step in the right direction," he said. "I am so happy that after four and a half years we have come a long way."
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Follow Amy Forliti on Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/amyforliti

Somalia Accepts Assistance From Foreign Destabilizers

The United States main target in Somalia continues to be Al-Shabaab as African Command General Carter Ham reported before the American Forces Press Service. Yet Al-Shabaab was non-existent before America began it’s “classic proxy war” by assisting Ethiopia in its invasion of Somalia in 2006. Furthermore it was not until 2007 that leaders of the islamist group affiliated themselves with Al-Qaeda, six years after the United States identified Somalia as part of the war on terror.
 

PHOTO FILE: Former US AFRICOM Commander, General Carter F. Ham

By Cameron Bedard,

Delegates from nearly 50 countries, as well as representatives from major international organizations met in London yesterday to attend the Somalia Conference and discuss signs of progress in a country that has been devastated by 21 years of war. The British Foreign Office described the goals of the conference in anticipation of the event:

The Somalia conference in London aims to capitalize on the significant progress made over the past year and to agree coordinated international support for the government of Somalia’s plans to build political stability by improving security, police, justice and public financial management systems.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud seized the opportunity to call upon assembled heads of governments, foreign investors and international financiers to secure the funding needed to spearhead Somalia’s security and development challenges. “We need support; we need assistance and investment; and we need protection from those who try to knock us over.”

With the United States pledging to provide $40 million in additional funds to develop Somalia’s security sector, stabilize the country and provide humanitarian assistance on top of the UK’s commitment of $54 million to assist Somalia in it’s fight against international terrorism, and piracy, it looks like Somalia left the conference with it’s gift basket full.

Somalia has a recent history of accepting assistance from countries that have helped create the problems Somalia must confront.

As early as 2001 former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld speculated, “Somalia has been a place that has harbored al Qaeda and, to my knowledge, still is.” Early plans to conduct military strikes in Somalia as part of America’s “war on terror” were initially abandoned “because of insufficient intelligence”. In 2006 the United States provided training, drones and military equipment to Ethiopian troops to oust the Islamic Courts Union, a group American intelligence officials theorized had connections to an East African Al-Qaeda cell. Headed at the time by Sheik Sharif Ahmed, the United States sought to destroy the Islamic Courts Union and the Sheik himself. Once the nascent order established by the Islamic Courts Union was toppled, Al-Shabaab, the feared islamist group conference attendees vowed to help dismantle, sought to fill the power vacuum. In a policy u-turn Washington decided to support newly elected President Sheik Sharif Ahmed, the leader they overthrew three years earlier and then train and arm his security forces to confront the mushrooming enemy. In 2009 Secretary of State Hilary Clinton flew to the US Embassy in Nairobi to confirm the United State’s support for Somalia’s new leader and pledge assistance in developing the country’s security forces. Within months Somalia was receiving US training and military equipment to assist the transitional government in it’s fight against the islamist organization, Al-Shabaab.

The origins of Al-Shabaab are rooted in the 2006 intervention. After the Islamic Courts Union was defeated by US backed Ethiopian forces hardline members splintered from the movement, merged with disparate groups of radical islamists and formed Al-Shabaab. In a policy u-turn Washington decided to support the leader they previously overthrew and then train and arm his security forces to confront the mushrooming enemy.

In addition to setting the stage for Al-Shabaab the United States implementation of “preventative counter insurgency operations” in the Horn of Africa have by some estimates resulted in the killing of 42 civilians. Detailed analysis by The Nation’s Jeremy Schahill reveal the extent to which the Pentagon’s Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) and the CIA have been carrying out a covert war in the country with lethal consequences for enemies and non-enemies alike. On January 7, 2007 the United States carried out it’s first military strike on Somalia after tracking a suspected Al-Qaeda convoy with a predator drone which was reported to have killed militants responsible for the 1998 embassy bombings. A third air-strike three days later was reported to have had different results.

4-31 total reported killed
4-31 civilians reported killed, including 1 child
Heavy civilian casualties were reported in airstrikes on Hayi near Afmadow, on Hayi, 250km northwest of Ras Kamboni, and other parts of southern Somalia, in confusing reports which may conflate activity by US and other forces. An elder told Reuters 22-27 people had been killed, while a Somali politician told CBS News that 31 civilians ‘including a newlywed couple’ had been killed by two helicopters near Afmadow, while Mohamed Mahmud Burale told AP that at least four civilians were killed on Monday evening in Hayi, including his four-year-old son.

The young Yemeni Farea Al-Muslimi’s testimony before a Senate hearing on drones last month illustrates the counter productivity of American drone and air strikes in countries associated with the war on terror. Muslimi, whose village had been bombed by drones a week before the hearing described how these operations increased the numbers of people who sympathized with extreme islamists rather than preventing the growth of anti-American sentiments.

What radicals had previously failed to achieve in my village one drone strike accomplished in an instant: there is now an intense anger and growing hatred of America.
AQAP’s power and influence has never been based on the number of members in its ranks. AQAP recruits and retains power through its ideology, which relies in large part on the Yemeni people believing that America is at war with them . . .
I have to say that the drone strikes and the targeted killing program have made my passion and mission in support of America almost impossible in Yemen. In some areas of Yemen, the anger against America that results from the strikes makes it dangerous for me to even acknowledge having visited America, much less testify how much my life changed thanks to the State Department scholarships. It’s sometimes too dangerous to even admit that I have American friends.

With President Mohamoud lined up to receive an additional $95 million from the United States and the UK to help Somalia combat terrorism, one wonders if terrorism in Somalia is not a self-fulfilling prophecy. The United States main target in Somalia continues to be Al-Shabaab as African Command General Carter Ham reported before the American Forces Press Service. Yet Al-Shabaab was non-existent before America began it’s “classic proxy war” by assisting Ethiopia in its invasion of Somalia in 2006. Furthermore it was not until 2007 that leaders of the islamist group affiliated themselves with Al-Qaeda, six years after the United States identified Somalia as part of the war on terror.

President Mohamoud will receive the support, assistance, investment and protection he sought at yesterday’s Somalia Conference. Unfortunately he will be receiving it from those largely responsible for creating the conditions that threaten “to knock [Somalia] over”.

This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.

Madaxweynaha Puntland C/raxamaan Faroole ayaa ku weeraray dayaaradaha qumaatiga u kaca ee ciidamada dad shacab ah oo mudaharaad lagaga soo horjeedo isaga

Madaxweynaha Puntland C/raxamaan Faroole ayaa ku weeraray dayaaradaha qumaatiga u kaca ee ciidamada dad shacab ah oo mudaharaad ay Faroole kaga soo horjeedaan ka dhigayay magaalada Boosaaso.iyadoo ay maleeshiyaad ka amar qaata maamulka faroole oo gadooday ay labo cisho ka hor gadoodeen kadibna la wareegeen gabi ahaanba magaalada Boosaaso. 

Xaalada magaalada ayaa waxa sii cakiray kadib markii ay Dadweyna Mudaharaadayay oo ka soo hor jeeda Doorashooyinka la doonayo in Maamulkaasi laga hirgaliyo, waxaanay ku doodayaan xiligan in aanay suurtogal ahayn in Nidaam Doorasho laga hirgaliyo iyadoo dadku hubaysan yihiin isla markaana ay jiraan caqabado u dhaxeeya siyaasiyiinta Puntland.

Sidoo kale waxa ay ku dhawaaqayeen in Ciidamadda Gadooday mushaharkooda la siiyo inta aanay xaaladdu faraha ka bixin, taasoo ay ka cabsi qabaan haddii la siin waayo in ay dib u qabsan doonaan Magaaladda Dagaalna ka dhici doono.

Ciidamada ilaalada Madaxweyne Faroole ayaa rasaas nool kala hor tagay Dadkaasi mudaharaadayay waxa kale oo uu amar ku bixiyay Faroole in lagu kiciyo  Diyaaradaha Dagaalka ee ay leedahay shirkadda Saarison oo ah calooshood u shaqaystayaal South Afrikaan ah uu ku adeegto Madaxwaynaha maamul goboleedka Puntland, amaankiisana ilaaliya. Labadan diyaaradood ayaa ku ridayay hubka darandooriga u dhaca mudaharaadayaasha reer Boosaaso, waxana lagu soo waramayaa in uu jiro khassare gaadhay mudaharaadayaasha wararkaasi oo faahfaahsana gadaal ayaa aanu ka soo baahin doonaa EEBE idamkii.

Magaaladda Boosaaso waxa ka taagan cabsi xoogan waxaana soo gaadhay madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Maamulka Puntland kaasoo uu Faroole soo diray, iyada oo ay wehelinayaan Ciidamo  farabadani.

Hay'addaha degan magaaladda Boosaaso ayaa ka qaxay manta xaafadaha rabsahadaha badani ka dhaceen, taasoo muujinaysa xaalada magaaladaasi inay sii xumaanayso.

West Africa: Security Council - Counter-Terrorism Committees Focus On Mali, the Sahel and Somalia

The United Nations counter-terrorism panel dealing with Al-Qaida strengthened its work and cooperation with related UN bodies to more urgently address the evolving threats posed by the network in Mali, the Sahel and Somalia, the chairmen of the group today told the UN Security Council.

During a briefing from the Council's subsidiary bodies dealing with counter-terrorism and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, Gary Quinlan, chairman of the Committee established pursuant to resolutions 1267 (1999) and 1989 (2011) on Al-Qaida, said that the Committee is making "every effort to ensure that the sanctions framework is as effective a tool as possible in preventing Al-Qaida and its affiliates from threatening international peace and security."

These measures include making sure that the Al-Qaida Sanctions List is updated and as accurate as possible to facilitate the implementation of the sanctions measures. In February, the Committee officially delisted Osama Bin Laden and ensured that his frozen assets are not transferred to listed individuals or entities.

The Committee has also implemented a special agreement facilitating information exchange with INTERPOL which has improved the quality of information and enhanced the implementation of the sanctions measures via INTERPOL's special notice distribution system.

In the context of Mali and the Sahel, the Committee sanctioned the Mouvement pour l'Unification et le Jihad en Afrique de l'Ouest (MUJAO) and Ansar Eddine, entities closely linked to the Organisation of Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, as well as to the leaders of, and other individuals associated with, these groups.

Mr. Quinlan urged Member States to continue their support for the Committee and application of its measures, noting that "the Al-Qaida sanctions regime can only be as effective as the sum of its parts."

Since his last briefing in November, Mr. Quinlan noted that "Al-Qaida affiliates in the Maghreb have waged a vicious insurgency in Mali, threatening the viability of that State and security in the region; Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula continued to be a strong factor affecting the on-going security situation in Yemen; and Al Shabaab remained an ongoing threat to the security environment in Somalia."

The Security Council also heard from Mohammed Loulichki, the chairman of the counter-terrorism committee, created pursuant to resolution 1373 (2001), who noted an upcoming special meeting focused on "enhancing cooperation and technical assistance to States in the Sahel region to strengthen their capacity in the global fight against terrorism." The meeting is expected to be held in the last quarter of the year.

In addition, the Committee will hold a meeting on 24 May on "countering terrorism through the use of new communications and information technologies," such as the internet and mobile phone.

Also addressing the Council was Kim Sook, chairman of the 1540 (2004) committee on WMD proliferation by non-State actors, who said he looked forward to closer cooperation with the two other committees and with Member States.

In a joint statement to the Security Council, the three committees said they plan to increase their cooperation while maintaining respect for the independence of their respective expert groups and mandate.

Among the areas of further cooperation, the committees plan to coordinate on common regional approaches to engage with Member States, increase engagement in on-site visits to Member States, and enhance coordination with the Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF).

The CTITF was set up in 2005 and brings together two dozen UN entities, working under mandates from the General Assembly, the Security Council and various specialized agencies, funds and programmes

SOMALILAND: Why Elections Matter in Somaliland

ANALYSIS

As news and analysis emerges from the second UK-Somalia conference in London, the absence of the government of Somaliland is noticeable. Somalia and Somaliland are bound by many longstanding ties, but over the past two decades their political trajectories have diverged. As institutions in Somalia have crumbled under the weight of protracted sectarian violence, Somalilanders have made considerable headway in building a functioning democratic system of government. While political developments in Somaliland should not be romanticised, they are worth examining and reflecting upon.

Elections in Somaliland have been an integral ingredient in establishing an inclusive system of representation. They are not mere formalities, conferring a thin veneer of legitimacy on a permanent incumbent; nor are they conducted solely as a sop to foreign donors insisting on greater democracy; nor is the prime motivation to further the pursuit of international recognition of Somaliland as a sovereign state.

For most Somalilanders, elections are an essential component of internal peace and security. They present clans, sub-clans and individual voters with important choices and provide a forum for free expression of views. Elections involve complex reshaping of relationships between regions and groups.

The November 2012 local elections were of particular significance. Only the three political associations which attracted the most votes would win, or retain, legal status as political parties until the next local elections - which may not occur for another decade. The previous local elections, in 2002, had established UDUB, Kulmiye and UCID as political parties. Ten years on, it was by no means certain that two of these three would exist beyond the November polls.

By July 2012, many of UCID's supporters and MPs had transferred their allegiance to the new political organisation Wadani, led by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi "Irro". UDUB, the party of two previous presidents, was widely thought to be dissolving. New alliances were being forged, old ones were being redefined - and competition was intensifying daily.

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It was against this backdrop that Africa Research Institute interviewed ten prominent Somalilanders, including the three Speakers of the House of Representatives, two government ministers, MPs, civil society activists and representatives of women's organisations. The product of these conversations is published in "After Borama: Consensus, representation and parliament in Somaliland" http://www.africaresearchinstitute.org/publications/policy-voices/par liament-in-somaliland/. The accounts focus on how political stability has been maintained in Somaliland - and present assessments of representation, the role of political institutions and national development priorities in the country.

After Borama was launched at Africa Research Institute in London on 1st May. The event coincided with the 20th anniversary of the conclusion of Shirki Boorraama - the Conference of Elders of the Communities of Somaliland in the city of Borama, in western Somaliland. As described by Mark Bradbury in Becoming Somaliland, this was "not only a defining political event in Somaliland, but also an example of an indigenous popular peace-making process that has few parallels in contemporary Africa".

Somaliland's 2012 local elections were fiercely contested. Seven political entities competed for the right to contest parliamentary seats and the presidency in future elections. Despite the intensity, some violence, and a good deal of rancour in the immediate aftermath, the results were accepted. Kulmiye and UCID retained their legal status as political parties and were joined by newcomer Wadani.

As ever, lessons have been learnt. In an address to both Houses of Parliament in January 2013, President Silanyo acknowledged the need for a new voter register before the next parliamentary polls - to counter electoral malfeasance and the possibility of more serious outbreaks of violence. This will be no easy task. A previous effort proved extremely divisive and had to be abandoned.

Good electoral management and fairness are vital - but so too is inclusiveness. Women remain substantially excluded from formal politics in Somaliland despite their pivotal roles in society, the economy and in negotiating peace. For most pastoralists, central government is a distant - even irrelevant - entity.

The announcement by President Silanyo of a US$1.3m stimulus plan for Sool, East Sanaag and Buhoodle regions will be welcome, but much more needs to be done by government both within and beyond the main towns and cities. Economic and social development must be prioritised throughout the country.

Thorny and controversial issues confronting Somalilanders were raised at the launch of After Borama, as they are addressed in the publication. These include clan politics and the concentration of power, the management of elections, the consequences of the lack of a voter register, the campaign to secure a role for women in formal politics, the future role of the Guurti - the upper house of parliament, and the conduct of international donors.

With occasional lapses, Somaliland has been successful at maintaining peace for more than two decades. The country created a credible constitution, held a nationwide referendum on independence, has conducted a succession of largely free elections and has effected peaceful transfers of power. These experiences may not provide a blueprint- Somaliland has ploughed its own distinctive furrow through success and setback. But they do contain valuable insights for those interested in promoting long-term peace and stability in Somalia, and the wider region.

The publication "After Borama" and podcast of the event can be downloaded here: http://www.africaresearchinstitute.org/publications/policy-voices/par liament-in-somaliland/

Photos of the launch can be accessed here: http://www.africaresearchinstitute.org/event/launch-after-borama-soma liland-parliament/

A podcast of the presentations is available here: http://www.africaresearchinstitute.org/podcast/launch-parliament-in-s omaliland/

Edward Paice is Director of the Africa Research Institute.

Somalia: Fierce Fighting in Kismayu

A fierce fighting between Alshabab militia and the Raskamboni brigade occurred last night at the surrounding of Kismayu airport and the Kismayu University.

This happened when members of Alshabab started a hit and run fighting at the airport. The airport which acts as an army base for the Kenyan troops who are part of the Amisom troops based in Somalia faces frequent attacks from the Alshabab militia.

Other reports from Kisamyu have confirmed that heavy artilleries were fired at the University of Kismayu which hosts a delegation which is spearheading the formation of an administration for the region.

The fighting which lasted for hours has caused severe damages and both death and injury casualties has been reported however the two sides have not released statements about last night's engagement.

The port city of Kismayu administrated by the Raskamboni militia and federal government troops aided by the Kenyan troops has not yet settled and faces frequent attack from Alshabab militia.

Briefing: The UN’s integrated mission in Somalia

Photo: UN Photo/Stuart Price

Experts, fear that with the integrated mission, striking a balance between military and humanitarian operations might be a challenge

NAIROBI, 10 May 2013 (IRIN) - Following the unanimous adoption of a UN Security Council (UNSC) resolution setting up an integrated mission in Somalia, the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) will be set up for an initial one-year period beginning on 3 June; it will be based in the capital Mogadishu.

The UN defines an integrated mission as one in which there is a shared vision among all the UN actors at country level.

“This strategic objective is the result of a deliberate effort by all elements of the UN system to achieve a shared understanding of the mandates and functions of the various elements of the UN presence at country level and to use this understanding to maximize UN effectiveness, efficiency, and impact in all aspects of its work,” say the Integrated Mission Planning Guidelines endorsed in 2006 by the Secretary-General.

According to the resolution, the mission is intended to help Somalia build on the political gains made over the past year; assist the country to develop a federal system of government; review its constitution and hold a constitutional referendum; and facilitate preparations for presidential and parliamentary elections in 2016.

In addition, UNSOM will “promote respect for human rights and women's empowerment, promote child protection, prevent conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, and strengthen justice institutions.”

UN agencies working in Somalia are expected to move there. Many are currently based in Nairobi, the Kenyan capital.

In this briefing, IRIN looks at what an integrated approach means for Somalia.

What is the political, humanitarian situation in Somalia?

Somalia has recently made progress towards stability. In 2012, the country set up a functioning federal government under the leadership of President Sheikh Hassan Mohamud, the first such administration since 1990.

However, there continue to be huge political and humanitarian challenges. Insurgents, who still control parts of the country, continue to launch deadly attacks regularly, while more than one million Somalis are displaced due to conflict and drought. One million more have crossed into neighbouring countries, mainly Kenya and Ethiopia.

A 2013 report published by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) revealed that over 250,000 Somalis, many of them children under five, died as a result of famine between October 2010 and April 2012. They were unable to receive any humanitarian assistance, in part, due to insecurity.

What is UNSOM’s role?

On 6 March 2013 the Security Council had, while partially lifting a 20-year-old arms embargo on Somalia and extending the mandate of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), for another year, agreed with the UN Secretary-General that the UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) had “fulfilled its obligation” and needed to be replaced by an integrated mission to give the Somali administration “a single door to knock on”.

“It looks like an ambitious plan and is probably the most significant engagement in Somalia by the UN in decades,” 

The new mission, to be headed by a special representative of the Secretary-General would include, “the provision of policy advice to the Federal Government and AMISOM on peace-building and state-building in the areas of governance, security sector reform and rule of law (including the disengagement of combatants); development of a federal system (including preparations for elections in 2016); and coordination of international donor support.”

All the UN country teams, both political and humanitarian in Somalia, would be expected, with immediate effect, to coordinate all their activities with the head of the newly established mission.

The office of the UN humanitarian coordinator for Somalia is expected to fall under the office of the special representative from the beginning January 2014.

What now for UNPOS and AMISOM?

With the creation of an integrated mission, UNPOS ceases to exist. Established in 1995 and headed by a special representative of the Secretary-General, UNPOS’s role was mainly political, facilitating political dialogue and peace-building activities. In his letter to the UNSC seeking the establishment of an integrated mission in Somalia, the Secretary-General said UNPOS had fulfilled its mandate and should “be dissolved and replaced by a new expanded special political mission as soon as possible”.

The Somalia Federal Government is largely propped up by the 18,000-strong AMISOM force.

A technical assistance mission to Somalia by the Secretary-General recommended in its report “use of local UN-contracted and trained security guards, the impending deployment of an AMISOM guard force in Mogadishu, and reliance on Somali National Security Forces (SNSF). If these are deemed insufficient, UN Guard Units or international private security companies could be utilized.”

AMISOM has always been involved in limited humanitarian assistance but it is not clear if this will continue with UNSOM.

The UNSC in its resolution, urges the newly appointed special representative to align closely with other stakeholders in Somalia, including UN country teams, the federal government, AMISOM, the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), the European Union and “other regional, bilateral and multilateral partners”.

Experts, say the success of UNSOM will depend on whether it aligns its operations with the different actors in Somalia, some of whom may have qualms about sharing their areas of expertise and/or influence.


“The number of pivotal actors dealing with Somalia has increased as of late, not least as new donors have come in and stepped up their support. Hence, if the international community is serious about UNSOM and would like to see it fulfil its mandate, actors need to be aligned behind UNSOM,” Dominik Balthasar, an expert on Somalia at Chatham House, told IRIN. “Yet, this might possibly be a hard bullet to bite for other actors such as AMISOM or IGAD, as the participation of UNSOM is likely to restrict the roles they have played thus far.”

Abdi Aynte, executive director of the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies (HIPS), a Mogadishu-based think tank, said: “With respect to its relations with AMISOM, the hope is that they become mutually reinforcing [and] not mutually exclusive [since] AMISOM is widely viewed positively.”

What are the merits of UNSOM?

UNSOM will merge the UN’s humanitarian and political operations in Somalia, providing an opportunity to harness the operational capacities of the many agencies into a single mission.

“It looks like an ambitious plan and is probably the most significant engagement in Somalia by the UN in decades,” Cedric Barnes, director, Horn of Africa programmes at the International Crisis Group, told IRIN.

HIPS’s Aynte said the integrated mission will provide a single international community narrative on Somalia, something he says the Somalis have wanted for a long time.

A unification of the development and humanitarian pillars in Somalia, others have argued, would help marshal the much-needed international funding to remedy the situation in Somalia while also “creating coherence and unifying strategies”.

Elmi Ahmed Duale, Somalia’s ambassador to the UN, described the resolution as important and said it had ensured “there was only “one door” to knock on, “as opposed to fragmented approaches in coordinating assistance”.

According to ICG’s Barnes, this will be dependent on how much the government is willing to cede in the new engagement.

“It would be interesting to see how this will play out with a government that might want to assert authority while at the same time fronting the issue of sovereignty,” Barnes added.

The fact that Al Shabab is listed as a terrorist group has made it difficult for many humanitarian agencies to have an engagement with it, at least for the purposes of offering humanitarian assistance in areas still under the group’s control.

Why the dissenting voices against UNSOM?

Humanitarians have voiced their concerns against merging humanitarian operations with political and military activities, arguing it would make their work in Somalia difficult as it runs the risk of delegitimizing humanitarian actors.

Photo: James Reinl/IRIN

In Somalia, 2.7 million are in need of humanitarian assistance

“As many Somalis continue to struggle to obtain the basic necessities for survival, such as food, health care, and protection from violence, humanitarian assistance must remain a priority and it must remain completely independent of any political agenda,” Jerome Oberreit, secretary-general of Médecins Sans Frontières, said in a statement.

“The humanitarian aid system must not be co-opted as an implementing partner of counter-insurgency or stabilization efforts in Somalia,” he added.

In March, InterAction, The International Council of Voluntary Agencies (ICVA) and Voluntary Organizations in Cooperation in Emergencies (VOICE), said in a joint statement that the decision risked jeopardizing the delivery of impartial humanitarian assistance in the country: “By requiring UN humanitarian coordination to fall under the political mandate of the new UN peace-building mission in Somalia, the neutrality, impartiality and independence of humanitarian action will be compromised.”

Russel Geekie, public information officer at the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Somalia office, said: “The integration should not hamper the delivery of aid. In its most recent resolution on Somalia (SC resolution 2102, which follows up on 2093), the Security Council reiterated that impartial, neutral and independent humanitarian assistance must be ensured, wherever those in need are.”

According Chatham House’s Balthasar, integrating humanitarian operations into the broader politico-military stabilization plans “runs the risk of constraining humanitarian space, but that this does not necessarily need to be the case. Moreover, it should not be forgotten that humanitarian aid has always been political and that it has frequently been instrumentalized by a wide variety of actors - not least by those who oppose the government.” With an eye towards the dynamics surrounding humanitarian space in Somalia, he added that ever since Al Shabab had been put on the back foot, humanitarian actors who had become accustomed to negotiating with the insurgents to deliver humanitarian aid lacked clarity over who was in control and how to safely deliver aid.

“Basically, the political situation on the ground appears to have become more, rather than less, complicated. In this situation, devising an integrated mission might not be the worst of all options for the sake of prioritizing stability and the establishment of functioning structures of governance,” he added.