WAR-DEGDEG AH: Puntland (Somalia) Musharax xalay lagu weeraray Garowe

Musharax Cali Xaaji

Garoowe - Musharax Cali Xaaji Warsame, ayaa Xalay waxaa Gurigiisa ku weeraray Ciidamo ka amar qaata Madaxtooyada Puntland.

Goob joogayaal ayaa Warbaahinta u xaqiijiyay, in Ciidamada Ilaalada Musharaxa iyo kuwa madaxtooyada ay Rasaas xoogan is weeydaarsadeen.

Lama oga ilaa iyo hadda khasaare ay gaysatay israsaaseynta , walow la sheegay ciidamada musharaxa in ay amaanka guriga musharaxa ay siweyn u ilaalinayeen.

Doraad ayay ahayd markii magaalada Garoowe rasaas lagu furay bartamaheeda xilli uu Gaari la socday musharax Cabdidaahir Yuusuf Yeey, waxaana taliyaha ciidanka madaxtooyada uu ku tilmaamay rasaasta musharaxa ay ku fureen in ay ahayd rasaas saaxiibtinimo.


Lamana oga sababta keentay in askar gurigiisa ilaalo ka hayay la rasaaseeyo, inkastoo hadana mar kale ciidamada amaanka Garoowe ku andacoon karaan, waa rasaas kala shaki ah, ama mid saaxiibtinimo.

NSA leaker: 'Mission's already accomplished'

National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden said he has 'already won' because journalists have been able to tell the story of the government's collection of bulk Internet and phone records. (Glenn Greenwald and Laura Poitras / AP)

WASHINGTON — National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden said his “mission’s already accomplished” after revealing NSA secrets that have caused a reassessment of U.S. surveillance policies.
Snowden told The Washington Post in an interview published online Monday night that he was satisfied because journalists have been able to tell the story of the government’s collection of bulk Internet and phone records, an activity that has grown dramatically in the decade since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.
“For me, in terms of personal satisfaction, the mission’s already accomplished,” he said. “I already won.”
“As soon as the journalists were able to work, everything that I had been trying to do was validated,” Snowden told the Post. “Because, remember, I didn’t want to change society. I wanted to give society a chance to determine if it should change itself.”

President Barack Obama hinted Friday that he would consider some changes to NSA’s bulk collection of Americans’ phone records to address the public’s concerns about privacy. His comments came in a week in which a federal judge declared the NSA’s collection program probably was unconstitutional. A presidential advisory panel has suggested 46 changes to NSA operations.

Snowden was interviewed in Moscow over two days by Post reporter Barton Gellman, who has received numerous leaks from the former NSA contractor. The interview was conducted six months after Snowden’s revelations first appeared in the Post and Britain’s Guardian newspaper.

Gellman described Snowden as relaxed and animated over two days of nearly unbroken conversation, fueled by burgers, pasta, ice cream and Russian pastry.

In June, the Justice Department unsealed a criminal complaint charging Snowden with espionage and felony theft of government property. Russia granted him temporary asylum five months ago.

The effects of Snowden’s revelations have been evident in the courts, Congress, Silicon Valley and capitals around the world, where even U.S. allies have reacted angrily to reports of U.S. monitoring of their leaders’ cellphone calls. Brazil and members of the European Union are considering ways to better protect their data and U.S. technology companies such as Google, Microsoft and Yahoo are looking at ways to block the collection of data by the government.

Snowden, now 30, said he is not being disloyal to the U.S. or to his former employer.

“I am not trying to bring down the NSA, I am working to improve the NSA,” he said. “I am still working for the NSA right now. They are the only ones who don’t realize it.”

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the Snowden interview.

Asked about the Snowden interview, White House spokeswoman Caitlin Hayden said: “Mr. Snowden faces felony charges here in the United States and should be returned to the U.S. as soon as possible, where he will be afforded due process and all the protections of our criminal justice system.”

Source: armytimes.com

NSA leaker: 'Mission's already accomplished'

National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden said he has 'already won' because journalists have been able to tell the story of the government's collection of bulk Internet and phone records. (Glenn Greenwald and Laura Poitras / AP)

WASHINGTON — National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden said his “mission’s already accomplished” after revealing NSA secrets that have caused a reassessment of U.S. surveillance policies.
Snowden told The Washington Post in an interview published online Monday night that he was satisfied because journalists have been able to tell the story of the government’s collection of bulk Internet and phone records, an activity that has grown dramatically in the decade since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.
“For me, in terms of personal satisfaction, the mission’s already accomplished,” he said. “I already won.”
“As soon as the journalists were able to work, everything that I had been trying to do was validated,” Snowden told the Post. “Because, remember, I didn’t want to change society. I wanted to give society a chance to determine if it should change itself.”

President Barack Obama hinted Friday that he would consider some changes to NSA’s bulk collection of Americans’ phone records to address the public’s concerns about privacy. His comments came in a week in which a federal judge declared the NSA’s collection program probably was unconstitutional. A presidential advisory panel has suggested 46 changes to NSA operations.

Snowden was interviewed in Moscow over two days by Post reporter Barton Gellman, who has received numerous leaks from the former NSA contractor. The interview was conducted six months after Snowden’s revelations first appeared in the Post and Britain’s Guardian newspaper.

Gellman described Snowden as relaxed and animated over two days of nearly unbroken conversation, fueled by burgers, pasta, ice cream and Russian pastry.

In June, the Justice Department unsealed a criminal complaint charging Snowden with espionage and felony theft of government property. Russia granted him temporary asylum five months ago.

The effects of Snowden’s revelations have been evident in the courts, Congress, Silicon Valley and capitals around the world, where even U.S. allies have reacted angrily to reports of U.S. monitoring of their leaders’ cellphone calls. Brazil and members of the European Union are considering ways to better protect their data and U.S. technology companies such as Google, Microsoft and Yahoo are looking at ways to block the collection of data by the government.

Snowden, now 30, said he is not being disloyal to the U.S. or to his former employer.

“I am not trying to bring down the NSA, I am working to improve the NSA,” he said. “I am still working for the NSA right now. They are the only ones who don’t realize it.”

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the Snowden interview.

Asked about the Snowden interview, White House spokeswoman Caitlin Hayden said: “Mr. Snowden faces felony charges here in the United States and should be returned to the U.S. as soon as possible, where he will be afforded due process and all the protections of our criminal justice system.”

Source: armytimes.com

Westgate questions and Kenya's misled media

NYPD report suggests the four Westgate Mall attackers may have escaped during the mall chaos [EPA]

Nairobi, Kenya -The world looked on as al-Shabab gunmen stormed the popular Westgate Mall on September 21 in a brazen attack for what the group said was retaliation for Kenya's military operations in Somalia.

As the crisis unravelled over the next three days, Kenyans' despair turned to puzzlement as increasingly befuddled government ministries and officials contradicted each other over the situation. 

Now a recent report made public by the New York Police Department's anti-terrorism unit has challenged the Kenyan government's version of events during the Westgate siege.

The NYPD report suggests the assailants may have fled from the scene of the attack, which killed at least 67 people and wounded more than 200 others.

"It is unknown if the terrorists were killed or escaped the mall," the report said. "A major contributing factor to this uncertainty was the failure to maintain a secure perimeter around the mall."

The investigation also questioned the actions of the armed forces before President Uhuru Kenyatta declared an end to the siege 78-hours later.

While the report raises questions over the state's security apparatus and its ability to handle such crises, traumatised Kenyans may never get the answers they want from their government about what really happened.

"That's the million-dollar question. Were the terrorists killed or did they escape? As a cop, I'm very sceptical of any claims unless I see some proof." - Kevin Yorke, detective

Kenya's oft-described "vibrant" media, meanwhile, has since been hamstrung by the recent passing of tighter press laws, and a special commission promised by the government to investigate the attack has yet to materialise.

Killed or escaped?

Using open source information and relying heavily on CCTV footage from within the mall, investigators from the NYPD's Joint Terrorism Unit pieced together a timeline of events from the attack.

The report found that plainclothes first responders may have created problems in distinguishing attackers from security personnel. Poor coordination between police and the military also led to the death of one police officer and the wounding of another in a friendly-fire incident.

It also found the attackers were aware of CCTV cameras and made conscious but erratic attempts at distinguishing Muslims from non-Muslims during their shooting spree.

Among the most startling findings, investigators said they believed only 12 hours into the 78-hour siege, the four gunmen had disappeared. Security footage reviewed by the investigators showed the attackers waiting in a supermarket storeroom until the CCTV camera was tilted away by one of the men, and they are not seen again.

Based on the type of weapons, amount of ammunition, the lack of martyrdom videos and official announcements by al-Shabab, the report concluded the perpetrators may have intended to leave the mall after the attack.

"It appears the mission of this attack was to conduct a high-profile attack by inflicting as many casualties as possible in a short period of time, and then possibly escaping during the ensuing confusion," the report said.

In a press conference last week, detective Kevin Yorke said he was sceptical of Kenyan government claims that all four attackers were dead.

"That's the million-dollar question. Were the terrorists killed or did they escape? As a cop, I'm very sceptical of any claims unless I see some proof," he said. "To put it politely, the Kenyan government has been vague and contradictory in their explanations."

Animal DNA?

The report also states that a DNA sample supposedly taken from the remains of one of the attackers was actually animal meat from the supermarket's butchery.

A gunman walks next to a stall during the attack [Reuters]

Kenyan officials have since rejected the report, saying it was based only on open source and second-hand information.

"We can confirm that all attackers were killed in the building," said Kenya Defence Force spokesperson Major Emmanuel Chirchir at a press conference last week.

He also posted on Twitter defending the government's view that all attackers were dead.

"It's not about Westgate ... it's about representing facts ... The terrorists were killed and bodies burnt beyond recognition," he said.

However, three months after the Westgate attack, the Kenyan government has failed to produce its own report into the incident, or establish a Westgate commission that was promised by the president in October.

Lucas Barasa, a local journalist who covered the Westgate attack for Kenyan newspaper the Daily Nation, is also sceptical that Kenyan authorities will establish a commission.

"It [the commission] will not happen. It will not happen in Kenya," he said. "The victims were forgotten immediately, the dead were buried. That's what happens in Kenya."

Misleading the media?

The Kenyan authorities have also come under criticism for the way they distributed official information during the attack.

Much of the information about the number of attackers and number of dead or missing appeared contradictory to other sources such as the Kenya Red Cross. Even different government agencies released conflicting details.

"They were not giving any useful information because they were also confused," said Barasa.

"The inspector general was also at the scene, he wanted to go inside but he was blocked by security personnel for security reasons, he was told he could be shot. So they were also in the dark. They didn't know what was happening," he said.

"They wanted to control information. You know some of the information was not in their favour so they wanted to control what was coming to the public."- Lucas Barasa, journalist

As the crisis moved into its final days, the increasingly conflicting information provided by the government caused frustration among Kenyans.

"The government had two centres of information. They were giving information from two parallel sources. So we were getting two conflicting reports from the authorities," said Barasa.

Barasa said authorities also pressured journalists to fall in line and report only the official government death toll and updates. A day after the siege began the authorities moved the media out of the Westgate area and cordoned them off in the car park at a nearby Hindu temple, out of view of the mall.

"They wanted to control information," said Barasa. "You know some of the information was not in their favour so they wanted to control what was coming to the public. So when they realised that, they started pushing journalists from closer to the scene."

Despite government pressure, however, the Daily Nation newspaper broke the story of a botched police and army operation in which a police commander was wounded and a GSU police officer killed in a friendly fire incident with army forces.

A few days later Dominic Wabala, a journalist at another local newspaper The Star, published a story of Kenya Defence Force soldiers caught looting shops in the mall on CCTV footage. Expecting to see evidence of the massacre, Wabala was shocked at what he saw instead unfolding on the security video.

"It was appalling, I couldn't believe what I was seeing and what was being done," he said. "What was of concern to me is that instead of seeing evidence of the massacre and all that ... there was this apparent evident looting of some of the things within Westgate."

The revelation sent shockwaves throughout Kenya, the country's highly respected security forces had now been implicated in the theft of goods from the Westgate mall.

"That created bad publicity for the government, bearing in mind that during the first few hours and days of the incident that they had been trying to manage the flow of information, which in the end backfired," he said.

Photographs of the Westgate victims [Getty Images]

‘Anti-press legislation’

Since the Westgate attack, freedom of the press has been further stifled by new media laws passed by the Kenyan parliament in December.

The amendments to the Kenya Information and Communication Act and the Media Council Act will slap fines on journalists of up to 500,000 Kenyan shillings (US$5,500) and 20 million Kenyan shillings (US$230,000) for media organisations who fall afoul of a code of conduct enforced by a government-controlled media board.

US-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) called the legal amendments "contentious, anti-press legislation", saying the new laws will "effectively silence critical reporting through a new government-controlled regulator and the threat of hefty fines".

CPJ’s Tom Rhodes said, with the new laws in place, Kenyan journalists will be more reluctant to pursue investigative reporting.

"We're going to see massive self censorship," he said. "The average Kenyan reporter salary is $300 a month, if you have to pay $5,000 imagine, you'll think twice before doing any sort of story that will get you in trouble."

With a thwarted press and a government reluctant to discuss the Westgate attack, Kenyans may never get the answers to the questions they are still asking three months on.

Follow Will Swanson on Twitter: @willswanson

Source: Al Jazeera

Somalis trapped in South Sudan after the recent conflict

Many Somalilanders are reportedly trapped in South Sudan after the conflict that has erupted recently.

Business people and entrepreneurs had earlier established businesses such supermarkets, wholesale stores, trucking companies and other small businesses  in South Sudan to avail of the opportunities that had arisen after the independence of the country  from the rest of Sudan.

These Somalis both from Somaliland and  Somalia are now trapped in the conflict-affected parts of South Sudan.

Numerous  foreign countries have urged their  citizens to leave South Sudan after weeks of clan-based violence.  At least 4 US service personnel are reported to have been injured after an airplane that was evacuating US citizens off the country was fired upon by the rebels.

Reports coming from the country indicate that Chinese oil companies are pulling out of the country after armed militias have seized the oil wells.

Uganda has also sent troops to the capital, Juba, to evacuate its citizens from the conflict affected areas.

The situation is tense now and may develop into a full-scale clan war which could have an abysmal effect on the political reconciliation in the country .

Both the governments of Somalia and Somaliland have not declared any measures to rescue their citizens from conflict areas although the Somalia FM , Mrs Fawzia Adam , is among the IGAD delegation in South Sudan  to mediate the conflict in order to  bring  a peaceful solution between the warring parties.

Somaliland government should therefore, take immediate action to rescue its citizens that are currently trapped in South Sudan.

Source : Medeshi

SOMALIA NATIVE RIGHT AT HOME WITH U.S. TRUST

Expert Financier Dega Nalayeh

Oversees $2.5 B In Assets

WRITTEN BY BRANDON BROOKS

Nothing ever came easy for financial expert, dega nalayeh, but the somalia native, who grew up in a family of 12 children, has made her transition into the billion dollar financial industry look as smooth as her beautiful skin coat.

Nalayeh migrated to Canada before arriving in the United States and her ability to learn quickly and move rapidly has been key in her escalation into the hierarchy of U.S. Trust where she continued to grow professionally in a male dominated industry.

“Dega is a motivating person,” said Miesha Carter, client sales and service officer, of her boss Nalayeh, who is a senior vice president private client advisor with U.S. Trust.

“She stays on top of everything .  She knows what she’s talking about. And, just to be able to get in front of clients and know what you’re talking about and when you’re able to come back and convey that to your employees and encourage them to do more and better, I think that’s her greatest attribute. “

Nalayeh began her career with Bank of America over 15 years ago, where she started in the Consumer Bank and quickly assumed higher responsibility. She joined Bank of America’s Private Bank in 2006. Currently, she oversees more than $2.5 billion of client assets.

“I deal primarily with individuals and wealthy families (minimum $3 million in liquid assets),” explained Nalayeh during a recent interview with the Sentinel.

“My job is to help them preserve their wealth. I also manage their risk while helping them accomplish their goals. My goal is to get to know that individual, get to know their family dynamics. [I get to know] their feelings about money. What is it that they want to accomplish? What legacy do they want to leave behind?”

Nalayeh was born the fifth of twelve children in Somalia, where her father had been a politician. He defected in the early 80s, she said, and sought political asylum in Canada.

“It was my father defecting from Somalia, which was home and finding out on the news, just like everyone else,” she recalled.

“Pretty much, the government came to our home and took everything away. It took about two years to get all of us out of the country one by one.”

She credits her success with clientele to being part of a large family.

“My 7 sisters and four brothers and I all grew up in the same household. I think that really makes me good at what I do,” Nalayeh said.

“It’s not just knowing the product, knowing the numbers… it’s about knowing human beings.  A lot of what I do is like being a therapist, especially when you’re dealing with multi-generations of family and advising them on how to pass down wealth.  There’s a lot of complexity when it comes to family.

“What gives me, I think [an edge] is I can walk into any meeting and I can read everyone. What are they thinking? What are their hot buttons?”

Nalayeh and one of her sisters left Canada for Atlanta where she began her career. They left Atlanta after two years for California. She’s been in her current position for a little over seven years now and it’s been hard work, she said.

“I started with no clients,” she explained.

“Luckily, I can say seven and a half years later, I manage over 2 billion dollars in assets. And, that’s really just going out there, going out in the community and just asking for business.

“It’s not easy. No one is just going to give you 3 million dollars and say, ‘hey, Dega, I see your title, here’s 3 million dollars for you to manage.’ I think it’s credibility and having your existing clients. The majority of my business comes from referrals from my existing clients… one thing that makes me unique is the passion that I have.

“[For example] I deal with a lot of international clients, not just local clients. A lot of them are very secretive when it comes to wealth. The matriarch of the family will have all of the wealth and the family doesn’t know it. I’m about educating that person and making them see the importance of setting their family to succeed instead of fail.”

That’s why she sets up customized classes for her client’s kids.

“They could be a teenager, they could be 40,” she said.

She begins with a test to see where they are financially. From there, she teaches them everything from the basics of banking to lending and investing.

As busy as her work schedule is, Nalayeh, a single mom, must also find time for her six-year old son and a variety of volunteer efforts, one of which is speaking to women about financial literacy.

“One thing I advise is that women need to take control of their finances,” she said.

“Throughout the years I’ve seen a lot of women hand over their finances to the significant other in their lives. What I do is more educational… how do we understand our own finances.

She also volunteers at schools, teaching kids financial basics.

“I think that children are so impressionable,” she said.

“I teach them the basic concepts of money and at the end of the year, I see what they’ve learned. Whether it’s an inner city school, a public school or a private school, I love educating kids. If we start [teaching] them young as mothers and fathers about money… education is great but as equally important as teaching them how to be successful and financially independent, is teaching them about money. They need to know how to save, how to spend and how to give.”

Being healthy and finding balance is how she keeps it all together, she said.

“I think health and wealth go hand-in-hand. Health should be your number one priority. If you don’t have health, you don’t have anything. ”

Eating well and staying active just makes for a better life.

“You manage better,” she said.

“You have more energy… and I don’t have energy to waste. I have a six-year old, so when I come home, I [still] have to be full of energy.”

Part of her health routine is doing marathon runs for different charities.

“Running for me, is peaceful and I have a passion for charity, so why not combine the two,” she said.

“She’s a go-getter and she doesn’t back down,” said Taire Hanson, a client services manager who has worked directly with Nalayeh for the past six years.

“She’s a great motivator and I actually look up to and admire her.”

Nalayeh works with high end clients but says anyone can apply her financial advice to their lives.

“I think it’s really important to understand the big picture. I don’t care if you’re making ten dollars or sixty dollars. Start saving. Be on a budget,” she said.

“The sooner you start saving the better.  When you get your paycheck, don’t pay your bills first, pay yourself first. It could be $100, it could be $50… also, start investing. The earlier you invest the better. If you don’t know, seek the information. There are so many resources these days, especially on line.”

Nalayeh received her Bachelor’s Degree with Honors from York University in Toronto, Canada, where she majored in Applied Mathematics and Physics.

Source: LA Sentinel

Data & Society Research Institute Call for Fellows

The Data & Society Research Institute is a new think/do tank in New York City dedicated to addressing social, technical, ethical, legal, and policy issues that are emerging because of data-centric technological development.

Data & Society is currently looking to assemble its inaugural class of fellows. The fellowship program is intended to bring together an eclectic network of researchers, entrepreneurs, activists, policy creators, journalists, geeks, and public intellectuals who are interested in engaging one another on the key issues introduced by the increasing availability of data in society. We are looking for a diverse group of people who can see both the opportunities and challenges presented by access to data and who have a vision for a project that can inform the public or shape the future of society.

Fellows will be the heart and soul of this new Institute and will be expected to develop innovative initiatives, interact with people who hold diverse perspectives, and participate in the creation of a new community. Data & Society is brand new and while many aspects of this program have not been hammered out, the first class of fellows will play a significant role in shaping the Institute’s formation.

Potential fellows are invited to imagine a specific project that they would execute to help society’s understanding of and ability to adapt to a data-soaked world. A successful fellowship project will be a high-impact initiative that engages a broad audience to inform, convene, intervene, or provoke. We are open to a wide range of potential outputs, from white papers to op-eds, multi-stakeholder events to technological artifacts. We are especially interested in interdisciplinary, cross-sector ideas oriented towards challenges facing society that don’t easily fit into a box.

To offer a sense of the kinds of projects that may be appropriate, consider what would be needed to help address the following questions:

• How can we increase public access to data while minimizing potential abuses?
• What kinds of policy advice would help designers, entrepreneurs, and startups navigate the social, legal, and ethical dynamics of working with data? How can we build a structure to support these constituents?
• How would we architect a “data philanthropy” mechanism to enable individuals to contribute their data to research? What would be involved in building a data-as-public-good ecosystem?
• What are the challenges, opportunities, and complications presented by regulating algorithms and data usage? What kinds of oversight would help? How should existing regulations be reconsidered in light of new models?
• How are the fields of law, health, education, journalism, human rights, etc. changed by data? What frameworks would help ground those fields?
• What kinds of technical/social/legal/economic interventions can help address new inequalities that emerge because of predictive analytics?
• How do we measure the chilling effects of data collection and use?

We are seeking approximately 8-12 fellows with different types of expertise and knowledge. Some might be academics doing postdoctoral research or on leave from their home institutions. Others might be practitioners interested in exploring a new path. Journalists, scholars, public intellectuals, entrepreneurs, advocates, and makers are all encouraged to apply.

Fellows will be expected to be in residence at the Institute’s home in Manhattan and participate in weekly activities. Fellows will be encouraged to work on their own projects, host events, and collaborate with others. One goal of Data & Society is to support the development of a vibrant interdisciplinary mix so we are especially interested in fellows who are excited by community building.

Fellowships will be individually crafted to suit the needs of the fellow and the project. The typical fellowship will be full time for one year (with the possibility of renewal), but we are open to other proposals. We would like this inaugural round of fellows to be in place and active at the Institute by July 2014, but we are open to fellows starting sooner. Office space will be provided to fellows by June.

Stipends, benefits, and project funding will be negotiated on a case-by-case basis and will depend on our ability to raise money to support a specific project or fellow. Our goal is to provide fellows with the resources and structure needed to support their proposed projects. For this reason, we encourage applicants to be upfront about what they’ll need to be successful. Fellows are also encouraged to bring their own funding to the Institute. We will also work with fellows to support their fundraising efforts.

Application

If you are interested in applying to be a Data & Society fellow, please send the following to fellowsapp@datasociety.net by January 24, 2014:

• Cover letter, including background on you, the names/emails of three references, and a description of what you want to get out of a fellowship.
• CV/resume and a sample output (e.g., paper, website, video) that showcases your work.
• Two-to-four page project overview. Include a description of the project itself as well as a discussion of the potential impact and target audience. Explain why you think it’d be valuable to do the project at Data & Society.
• One page resource discussion. Include a description of the resources you have available to you as well as those that you need to succeed. This includes financial considerations (e.g., stipend, benefits, project funding, travel support, etc.) as well as other types of support (e.g., project space, access to specific people, research help, library access, skills training, technical resources, etc.).

Questions?

Inquiries about the fellowship should be directed to info@datasociety.net. Questions about the opportunity or process will not reflect negatively on an application.

MAXKMADA DASTUURIGA AH EE SOMALILAND OO HAKISAY FADHIYADA GOLAHA WAKIILADA

Hargeysa - Wararka laga helaayo saraakiisha maxkamada sare ee Somaliland ayaa sheegayaa in maxkamad gobolka Maroodijeex hakad galisay fadhiyadii golaha wakiilada oo uu maanta furmay kal fadhigoodii 23-aad

ilo wareedyo aad ugu dhaw dhaw gudoomiyaha maxkamada sare ee Somaliland Yuusuf Ismaacil  ayaa sheegaya inuu amar qoraala u diray shirgudoonka golaha wakiilada, gaar ahaana gudoomiye Cabdiraxmaan Ciro.

si rasmiya looma oga amarka uu godoomiyaha maxkmadu u qoray gudoomiyaha golaha wakiilada Somaliland, iyadoo maanta laf ilaayey in labada gudoomiye ku xigeen ay dacwad ka dhana Cabdiraxmaan ciro u gudbiyaan maxkmada sare ee Somaliland.

amarkan maxkamada ayaa ku soo beegmaya xili ay saaka aroortii lagu kala calaf qaaday meel marinta qaar ka mida guddiyada golaha wakiilada ee khilaafka ka dhashay.

Source: Somalilandmedia.com

Kenya oo biloowday xarun internet oo lagu soo gudbiyo xogaha dambiyada

Nariobi - Kenyanka ayaa hadda si toos ah xukuumadda ugu soo sheegi kara dhaqdhaqaaqyada ay ka shakiyaan iyagoo u adeegsanaya bog cusub oo Khamiistii (19-kii December) ay biloowday Wasaaradda Arrimaha Gudaha iyo Xiriirka Dawladda Qaranka.

Muwaadiniinta ayaa fiidiyow ka duubi kara ama sawirro ka qaadi kara khataraha ammaanka dabadeedna galinaya bogga cusub, oo la yiraahdo Usalama Watch (usalamawatch.go.ke), waxayna "madaxdu qaadi doonaan tallaabo", sida laga soo xigtay wasaaradda.

"UsalamaWatch ayaa isticmaali doonta nidaamyo kala duwan sida warbaahinta bulshada, macluumaad iyo baadhitaanno si ay goor walba u hagaajiso nabadgelyada Kenyanka," ayey wasaaraddu ku sheegtay Twitter. "UsalamaWatch waa hannaan kabaya nidaamyada imika jira ee lagu soo wargaliyo xaaladaha degdegta ah sida 112 iyo 999."

Xoghayaha Golaha Wasiirada ee Arrimaha Gudaha iyo Xirrirka Xukuumadda Qaranka Joseph Ole Lenku ayaa sheegay in bilowga bogga uu qeyb ka yahay 100-ka maalmood ee Hawlgalka Natiijada Degdegta ah ee Ammaanka, siday ay sheegtay Capital FM-ta Kenya.

"Waxaan rabnaa inaan qabanno Hawlgalka Natiijada Degdegta ah ee ay wasaaraddu la sameeysay saamileeyda kale si aan u hubino in wax laga qabto arrimaha ammaanka ee soo kordha," ayuu yidhi Lenku, isagoo raaciyey in ciidamada bilaysku ay damacsan yihiin inay teknolojiyada warfaafinta si dheeraad ah ugu isticmaalaan sugidda ammaanka.

Women in the government of Somalia - IN-DEPTH ANALYSES

Shukria Dini writes about inclusion and representation of women in the New Federal Republic Government of Somalia.

Shukria Dini

Women in conflict zones are more affected by the post-conflict periods than men due to their socio-economic and political positions, and often non-inclusive, male-dominated and top-down peace processes. However, post-conflict period also presents a window of opportunity to transform the social, economic and political institutions that marginalized women and to enable them to enter into the post-conflict political arena and accommodate changes in gender roles and relations.

In this window of opportunity peace agreements are signed, interim / new constitutions are drafted, and state-institutions are being rebuilt with the support of the international community. In this period women in post-conflict societies such as Somalia need to be enabled to enter the corridors of power and formal decision-making processes.

International instruments and conventions such as the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, CEDAW and the United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security called for women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and state building processes.

Women activists at a workshop organized by Somali Women Studies and COGWO in Mogadishu in September 2012.

Somalia is yet to take advantage of its post-conflict stage to include women in its emerging institutions. Despite Somali women’s important roles and contributions to peace and maintaining the basic survival of their households and overall for their communities for decades, they remain marginalized from the formal decision-making processes.

Somali women's rocky road to political arenas

The representation of Somali women in the political arena is a human rights issue, a justice issue, and their participation is critical in rebuilding transformative and inclusive political institutions. With their different experiences and skills, women engage in politics differently than men and their participation will enrich the political processes. 

The political arena in Somalia has not only been a contested arena but also an arena dominated by men selected through 4.5 clan formula by their clan elders. It is an arena where men nominate and select men hailing from their clans to ’represent’ the nation and all Somalis. In this arena, Somali women have a limited chance of getting nominated and are always locked out.

This article critically assesses the particular ways in which the new Somali government attempted to include women in its state institutions including the Parliament and the Executives. Somalia is a traditional and patriarchal society and despite the changes in gender roles and relations and women’s increased agency and activism, gender inequality and the profound absence of women from the formal decision-making processes continues to persist.

A number of factors including the clan system and its sexist 4.5 clan formula, insecurity and the overall political climate that is pro-men, make it difficult for Somali women to enter formal decision-making structures.

The article is based on some interviews that the author conducted with five women activists in Mogadishu in October 2012 and author’s observation on how the process of ending the political transitioning in Somalia was implemented. The author asked these women activists their views on how the process was carried out and the inclusion and representation of women in the new Federal Government of Somalia.

Where are women in the New Somali Government?

Somali women have a very limited representation in the newly formed political institutions. Let us begin with the current Provisional Constitution. There is no Chapter in the Provisional Somalia’s Constitution that specifies the social, economic and political rights of women explicitly.

Due to the unavailability of a quota system and legislation that supports affirmative action, there are only 39 women in the current Parliament – constituting 14 percent, thus making them a minority group in this institution. In addition, the new government selected two women in its 10-member cabinet of Ministers: Fowsiyo Yusuf H. Adan was appointed to serve as Deputy Prime-Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Dr. Maryam Qasim is the Minister for close to five Ministries.

Despite all of the challenges, the new Government in Somalia which came to power in September 2012 is the first government ever in Somalia to appoint a woman for a Deputy Prime Minister as well as Minister for Foreign Affairs. In Somalia’s political history, there has never been a woman holding such a high position. Therefore, the President and his Prime Minister – Hassan Sheikh and Abdi Farah Shirdoon (Saacid) – will be remembered for their bold and courageous steps in appointing two women in their lean cabinet and giving them high positions. In addition, in the 20 Deputy Ministries that were appointed by the Prime Minister, there are only three women who are deputies in the Justice and Natural Resources and Social Services ministries.

Women in line and waiting to get inside the conference hall where 825 National Constituency Assembly (NCA) were to approve the Provisional Somalia’s Constitution at the Police Academy in Mogadishu in August 2012.

Somali women hold different views on their representation and inclusion in the new government including both the cabinet and parliament as some regard it sufficient whereas others see it as inadequate.

According to a female activist: 
“This government is the first government ever in Somalia that appointed a woman to a crucial and high ranking position. In fact, this was a victory for Somali women as it gave them a chance to be recognized as competent leaders who can occupy higher political positions often reserved for men. It is something we women need to celebrate about and acknowledge the significance of such development.”

Even the Deputy Prime Minister who is also the Minister for Foreign Affairs herself acknowledged through press conference the significance of her appointment to two top positions and underlined:
“My nomination as the Foreign Minister is historic for the Somali country and particularly for the women of Somalia; it turns a new page for the political situation of our country and will lead to success and prosperity.”

Fowsiyo Yusuf H. Adan will be in the annals of Somali political history – being the first female ever to hold such a position in a male-dominated political institution. Somali women are watching her closely to which extent she will push the inclusion of women in her Ministry – Foreign Affairs.

It is worth probing whether the few women selected by male leaders will stand up for the rights and interests of women and girls in Somalia? Or will they be co-opted by the same structure that selected them?

All women are not content

There are other women who hold contradicting views regarding the adequacy of women’s representation in the new government. They hold the view that Somali women are still under-represented and the few ones that are lucky to occupy such positions are not in a better position to promote the interests of women and girls simply because they were selected by male leaders and will be accountable to them.

For example, Amina argues that: 
“Having a female Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and another female Minister for a number of Ministries does not mean that we were given the proper representation in the new government and I will say that this will neither guarantee nor lead to more attention on women’s issues. Somali women constitute over 50 percent of the population, how is it that they are given only two ministries, do you call having few women in this new government a proper representation and full inclusion of women? Absolutely not! I doubt whether we are even closer to having a good and proper representation in the political arena.”

Indeed, it seems that the majority of Somali women are not convinced that they are well represented in the new government and hold the view that it is a business as usual in Somalia’s political system – where men continue to dominate and women are denied a proper representation and participation in the post-conflict political structures.

Aisha explains some of the factors that have led to the marginalization of women in the new government:
“In Somalia, women are not given any opportunities to play active roles in politics. In all previous governments including the last transitional one, women were under-represented and marginalized. Men hailing from dominant clans continue to dominate the political arena in Somalia. Somali men do not consider women as capable actors who can play effective roles in governing and formal decision-making. There is a societal perception and belief towards women that the under-representation of Somali women in politics will persist.”

Rural women and their children displaced by the 2011 drought in Dolow, Gedo in August 2011.

Somali women want to overcome such discrimination and marginalization and want to be given a chance to be a part of the decision-making process. Having women in all emerging government institutions is indeed important, but however, it is equally important to have competent women who can advance the interests of women and girls.

The few women in the current government need a lot of support so that they can promote Somali women’s agenda. They cannot simply do it alone and need the assistance of other women who are operating outside the perimeter of the government. To understand the political marginalization of Somali women in the current federal government, it is essential to unveil some factors that denied them adequate and visible representation in the political arena in post-conflict Somalia.

Women’s marginalization 

The 2012 process that ended over two decades of political transitioning in Somalia offered a golden opportunity to past and present leaders to build inclusive political institutions.  However, such opportunity was not seized to build gender inclusive political institutions in post-conflict Somalia, but the process was flawed and non-inclusive.

First, the process was dominated by a few men hailing from specific clans and those with resources. It was a process in which the leaders of the past Transitional Federal Government led by Sheikh Sharif Ahmed; the former Speaker of the Transitional Parliament, Sharif Adan Sharif Hassan; Puntland President Abdirahman Mohamed Farole; the President of Galmudug State, Mohamed Ahmed Alim; and the leader of Ahlu-Sunna Wal-Jamaa, Khalif Abdikhadir Nuur played active roles in ending the transitional politics in Somalia, thus making it a men-only affair.

In other words, there was no single woman who held a political position in Somalia who was involved in this process. Thus, the Signatories of the 2012 Road Map were the only ones who agreed to have the clan elders representing all the clans in Somalia to select the next parliamentarians.

A total of 125 clan elders representing all clans in Somalia were given the authority to select the next parliamentarians. It is worth noting that there are no female clan leaders and the positions of women within their clans do not enable women to hold top-leadership positions in the clan system. The Signatories of the 2012 Road Map had some influence over the selection of the clan leaders who selected the parliamentarians in the current Parliament. Some of the Signatories of the Road Map were also Presidential candidates and wanted to choose ’friendly’ clan leaders who would then select ’friendly’ parliamentarians who would then give votes to these Presidential candidates.

Majority of the clan elders who were bestowed with the power to choose the next Parliamentarians of Somalia vehemently opposed the nomination and selection of women as future MPs who would represent their clans in the institution. The clan elders ended up selecting 237 men and 39 women for the new Parliament. Both Signatories and clan elders did not see women as ’reliable’ candidates who could deliver the votes for certain male clan members who were Presidential candidates including the previous President Sheikh Sharif and Former Prime Minister, Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gaas. Because of competing interests, social beliefs and attitudes, Somali women once again missed the boat thus leading to their marginalization and under-representation in the current political structures in Somalia.

Second, the process of ending political transitioning was flawed because the Signatories involved in the Road-Map to ending the transition did not set up certain mechanisms that could guarantee the attainment of the minimum women quota (30 percent) simply because ensuring the representation of women in the next institutions was not a priority. Due to international pressures and those from Somali women, the Signatories of the Road-Map only agreed to the minimum 30 percent women’s quota on papers during the consecutive meetings held in Mogadishu, Garowe and Galkacyo.

However, the quota annoyed both the clan elders who were to select the next Parliamentarians and some other men who were interested in securing parliamentary seats. In addition, granting elders representing all clans a complete authority to choose the next parliamentarians legitimized the marginalization of Somali women and the failure to implement the 30 percent quota.

According to Jamaad:
“Somali women were cheated once again. For instance, at the process of ending the Transition – the Road Map, we were extremely hopeful in securing the minimum 30 percent in Parliament. Little did we know that it was all a lie. We are also to be blamed because we simply believed that our clan elders would be fair and that they would actually nominate women to represent their clans. Few women in fact during the National Consultative Meetings held in Garowe opposed the reliance of clan elders and proposed that women themselves should be given the right to nominate and choose women hailing from different clans, but other women at the conference who were the majority opposed and said ‘we have trust in our clan leaders and we do not want women to nominate and select Parliamentarians’. We placed a total trust in these men [clan elders] and this was the biggest mistake we women made. We should have made a lot of noise about having clan elders [men] choosing next legislators and come up with alternative strategies for the implementation of the women’s quota.”

Somali women are to be blamed because they did not look ahead to come up with mechanisms that could prevent such setbacks. For instance, the decision that granted clan leaders to choose the next Parliamentarians and women accepting it was a grand mistake and a risk taken by women. While some women during the Garowe meetings resisted and criticized it, other women supported the idea of clan leaders to choose their clan representatives for the new Parliament. This is indicative of the lack of unity and trust among Somali women and that some women are supportive of their clans and lack feminist consciousness.

It is also important to note that due to a lack of organization, preparation, and unity among Somali women, and resources, it was indeed a tough battle for Somali women to fight for the implementation of the 30 percent quota and later they could not win. Instead, clan leaders who were supposed to be representatives of both men and women in respective clans and who were granted the authority to nominate and select clan members (most men) ended up selecting more men than women to represent them in the new Parliament.

Displaced women in Dolow, Gedo in August 2011.

Clan leaders often do not support women to represent their clans in politics. As I argued elsewhere, these leaders “...do not grasp that Somalia ... needs its resourceful women to contribute to its reconstruction” including the political reconstruction of the country. Furthermore, the international community that supported the process that ended the political transitioning in 2012 was more interested in completing the process on time and did not place sufficient pressure on the male actors including the Signatories of the Road Map and clan elders to honor and materialize the minimum 30 percent of women’s quota. Without international support, Somali women were left alone to place pressure on their clan elders, and their demands fell on deaf ears.

The sexist, non-inclusive and discriminatory clan system and the 4.5 clan formula used to share power among all clans in Somalia has also contributed to the under-representation of women in the new state institutions including Parliament.  Such formula used as a tool for power sharing is inherently sexist, non-inclusive and non-participatory.

Through the 4.5 clan formula clan elders who were nominating and selecting their male clan members made many justifications to women and often told them “our clan is only given few positions in the new government, thus, we are not going to give those few positions to women when our men are still under-represented”. Thus, the 4.5 clan formula was used to select men representing different clans to hold political positions and these same men nominated and selected by clan elders were assumed to be representing women, and in reality, they did not. Using a system that is sexist and discriminatory will inevitably deny women from having access to decision-making process and representation in emerging institutions in Somalia.

Conclusion

The marginalization of Somali women from politics is justified by the belief that women lack the education, wisdom, the right gender, leadership skills and capacities needed to participate in formal politics. Despite their marginalization, Somali women are committed to exercising their citizenship and political rights. The marginalization of women from the new political system will have profound ramifications on Somalia and its attempt to adopt democratic and inclusive political systems beneficial to all Somalis regardless of their gender, ethnicity and age.

Socio-cultural barriers that deny women representation in politics need to be addressed. Social, cultural and political acceptance and commitment are vital in ensuring the representation of women in post-transitional politics in Somalia.  Somali women have to fight for their inclusion in politics and must come up with a number of creative strategies to gain space within the political system. For instance, women activists and grassroots women in both rural and urban areas need to engage with the few female parliamentarians and work with them closely to draft legislations that address gender issues and push for women’s agenda.

The current male-dominated political system in Somalia can be changed through the implementation of a quota for women and ensuring that such a quota is included in the Provisional Constitution. In addition, attitudes towards women’s leadership need to change and the Somali society needs to fully accept and acknowledge that Somali women are capable leaders and have every right to be a part of all emerging political and economic structures. To avert future omission by clan elders, it is critical that Somali women engage with their clan leaders and hold them accountable if they oppose their participation in politics in Somalia.

Promoting gender equality and inclusivity is also the responsibility of the state. To increase the participation and representation of women in current political processes and institutions, the new government must provide significant attention to gender issues and develop policies and programs that tackle gender discrimination and marginalization, gender-based violence, poverty, unemployment and illiteracy.

International community can also assist the new Somali government to adopt mechanisms to increase the participation of women and youth and adopt legal frameworks for women and youth rights. They should also provide technical and resource support, and leadership training for women and their organizations to champion for women’s participation in the new political institutions and women to run for political offices and demand accountability from their political leaders. Such support should also build the leadership capacities and abilities of women to not only contest for political offices in their respective communities but also to raise awareness of gender issues and promote inclusive politics and gender equality in Somalia.

Shukria Dini

The author is an activist, feminist and researcher. She holds a doctoral degree in Women’s Studies from York University, Toronto, Canada. She is founder and director of Somali Women’s Studies Centre, a research centre that is based in Mogadishu, Somalia and Nairobi, Kenya.

sdini@somaliwomenstudies.org

Photos: Shukria Dini

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Source: afrikansarvi.fi