Manhunt for Snowden must be stopped

  Press release

ARTICLE 19 is gravely concerned with the safety and future fate of Edward Snowden, former NSA contractor and whistleblower, who exp
osed mass surveillance by the US and UK governments.

Snowden’s request for political asylum was sent to 21 countries but has already been rejected by at least eight. There is also strong evidence of the USA putting pressures on European countries to close their airspace to Bolivian President Morales’ plane, forcing it to land in Austria where it was reportedly searched.   

“The manhunt for Edward Snowden must be stopped. More energy is being spent on arresting one whistleblower that exposed human rights violations than has been spent on finding and arresting perpetrators of war crimes or crimes against humanity.  Governments from around the world should be ashamed,” says Agnes Callamard, ARTICLE 19 Executive Director.

ARTICLE 19 welcomes the various initiatives around the world, from a range of political actors, seeking to protect Edward Snowden. These include:

• A draft bill in Iceland, backed by three parties: Brighter Future, Piran (the Pirate Party) and the Green Party, which would make Edward Snowden a citizen of Icelan
• French party leaders from across the political spectrum have called on France to grant Snowden political asylum
• A request by Marc Tarabella, member of the European Parliament that Snowden is invited to a hearing in the European Parliament and issued a temporary EU passport
• A request by Irish parliamentarians Clare Daly and David Noris to the Irish government to support Snowden’s application, “act proactively to protect him”, and give him refugee status
• Pledges by Bolivian President, Evo Morales, to consider granting asylum to Snowden, and an initiative by UNASUR (the Union of South American Nations) to condemn the retaliation against Morales for this pledges.

ARTICLE 19 reminds governments from around the world that the right to seek and to enjoy asylum is a fundamental human right recognised by international law. The “right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution” is a key provision in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and is guaranteed in the UN Refugee Convention and its Protocol.

A number of governments have rejected Edward Snowden’s demand for asylum, even though his request has not been properly reviewed and assessed by the national agencies or courts actors responsible for such processes. Their political decision violates international standards on refugee status determination.

Governments around the world should protect individuals who are attacked for speaking out on violations of human rights. This principle particularly applies to EU member states, given their stated commitments to human rights, and Latin American states, given the history of the continent and its struggle for democratisation.

A growing number of international instruments recognise the importance of whistleblowers and require or encourage states to adopt measures to protect disclosure. Whistleblowing is protected as an aspect of freedom of expression under Article 19 of the International Convent on Civil and Political Rights and by a number of regional human rights agreements. 

In the light of the various official and other statements made by political leaders in the USA regarding the “traitor” Edward Snowden, and the US record of treatment of other whistleblowers who disclosed sensitive or classified information on human rights violations, there is little doubt that Snowden’s fear for persecution must be the object of a proper and objective review by refugee determination actors.

Edward Snowden fled the USA because of fear of persecution for his disclosure of a widespread, largely unregulated system of surveillance by the US and UK governments, including the US Prism programme. The surveillance practices have violated the right to freedom of expression and the privacy of millions people around the world. This disclosure was in the public interest both in the US and globally. The actions of the US government to pursue criminal charges and extradite Snowden amount to a punitive measure to silence him.

Edward Snowden has demonstrated enormous courage to stand up for human rights protection and principles of openness, democracy and accountability, and at great personal risk. Governments should honour this courage and protect him against retaliation.

Somalia: Are the Islamists truly on the ropes?

A new and much-lauded president is finding it hard to bury old divisions

AT FIRST glance Somalia’s foreign-backed government seems to be doing well. In the past two years it has benefited from the recovery of the country’s main cities by African Union peacekeepers after two decades of clan warfare and intermittent Islamist rule. And on June 29th the government pulled off something of a coup by locking up the grandfather of militant Islamism in Somalia, Sheikh Hassan Dahir, better known as Aweys. The red-bearded 78-year-old may be the victim of infighting in the Shabab, an al-Qaeda-linked movement that is steadily losing power but can still cause mayhem with suicide-bombings here and there.

Know Aweys by his beard

But appearances may mislead. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, appointed last year to much acclaim, is accused of employing warlords to assert his authority over the fragmented country. A report due to be submitted to the UN Security Council by independent experts says the government used rival militia leaders to gain control of Kismayo, the second city. The report alleges that Mr Mohamud, who gets a lot of cash from Western governments, has been “co-opting clan warlords”, some of them linked to the Shabab.

The region around the capital, Mogadishu, remains more or less in government hands. But southern Somalia is engulfed in a power struggle. Five rival militia leaders proclaim themselves “president of Jubaland”, a region that includes Kismayo. At least 40 people were killed last month when clashes broke out between them. The most powerful is Sheikh Ahmed Madobe, whose Ras Kamboni brigade helped the Kenyan army to drive the Shabab out of Kismayo last year. With Kenya’s implicit backing, he has refused to let representatives from the federal government enter Kismayo. His main rival is Barre Hiraale, another warlord who has sometimes sided with the Shabab.

The struggle pits against each other two of Somalia’s most powerful clans, the Darod of Sheikh Madobe and the Hawiye of President Mohamud. Conflict between the “superclans”, as well as internecine battles among myriad subclans, has fuelled Somalia’s civil war for two decades.

In this context, the humiliating arrest of Sheikh Aweys may turn out to be counterproductive. He was promised talks with government officials but instead was arrested and roughed up by soldiers. This could split the Hawiye clan, of which the president and the arrested Islamist are both members.

To make matters even worse, the Shabab appear less divided than was thought. Following recent infighting, one aspiring leader was killed and Sheikh Aweys was arrested, leaving sole command to Ahmed Abdi Godane, who is regarded as being keenest within the Shabab on its alliance with al-Qaeda. On June 19th Shabab suicide-bombers breached the front gates of the UN compound in Mogadishu; gunmen barged in and killed at least nine people. Nick Kay, a Briton recently appointed as the UN’s special envoy to Somalia, gamely insisted there would be no retreat in the face of the assault.

Somalia's Shebab fighters: divided but still deadly

By Peter Martell

NAIROBI (AFP) –  For the past year, many celebrated that Somalia's Shebab fighters were on the back foot, as African Union and government forces wrested town after town from the Al-Qaeda-linked gunmen.

But despite recent infighting -- including the recent killing of top leaders in a bloody purge -- analysts warn the extremist group are far from defeated.

A brazen daylight attack last month on a fortified United Nations compound in Mogadishu, with a seven-man suicide commando blasting into the complex and killing 11 in a gun battle to the death, followed similar tactics used in an attack on a court house in April.

"Despite significant infighting, Al-Shebab stepped up attacks... shaking the fragile sense of security in the capital by launching attacks," the International Crisis Group (ICG) notes.

The complex attacks came even as top Shebab leader Ahmed Abdi Godane moved against fellow commanders who had criticised his leadership, killing two co-founders of the Islamist group.

Those included US-wanted Ibrahim Haji Jama Mead, better known by his nickname Al-Afghani -- or "the Afghan" -- due to his training and fighting with Islamist guerrillas there.

Afghani was a commander "highly popular with Al-Qaeda", notes Stig Jarle Hansen, from Norway's University of Life Sciences and author of a book on the Shebab.

The deaths show the splits in the long-running insurgency to topple the internationally-backed government -- defended by 17,700 AU troops -- but also signal Godane's efforts to sweep away opposition to his command and cement his more radical leadership.

Afghani was killed after he reportedly penned a letter circulated on extremist websites to Al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri, criticising Godane's leadership.

Afghani's killing is "very important", added Hansen, noting that Godane -- with a $7 million US bounty on his head -- faces tough challenges to lead the fractured and decentralised forces, and maintain the loyalty of veteran commanders.

-- Risk of fresh 'Afghan-style' attacks --

"One scenario if Godane fails (to unite forces) is that the Shebab turns into something like the (Ugandan-led rebel)Lord's Resistance Army...an organisation based around terror and the charisma of the leader," Hansen told AFP.

"It can remain a shadow structure that is to be reckoned with also inside Kenya and Tanzania."

There are concerns Godane's elimination of commanders with more nationalist agendas could see a rise in attacks such as the assault on the UN compound, tactics more commonly seen in Afghanistan.

How Al-Qaeda's "central" leadership will react to Godane's purges will also be important, Hansen added.

Veteran Islamist leader Hassan Dahir Aweys, allied to the Shebab since 2010, also fled Godane's purge after criticising his rule, and has since been placed under arrest in the capital Mogadishu.

"His capture does not spell the end for Al-Shebab," wrote Somali analyst Abdihakim Ainte for the African Arguments site, hosted by Britain's Royal African Society.

"Quite the contrary, it may encourage hardliners to stage more deadly assaults in order to counter the view that Al-Shebab is on the back foot."

The influential cleric and former army colonel is on both US and UN Security Council terrorism sanctions lists.

But Aweys has long been critical of Godane and while his arrest is significant, the impact on the Shebab's operational capacity is less important.

Yet divisions amongst Somalia's national army, cobbled together out of multiple militia forces, continue to be exploited by the Shebab.

Mogadishu's government is also struggling to impose authority over autonomous regions unused to central control after two decades of war.

"Despite progress... Al-Shebab still remains the primary threat to the survival of the new Somali government", South Africa's Institute for Security Studies (ISS) warned in a recent report, adding that while it may not be in control but it could "make the country ungovernable."

Cash flows have dried up but funds are still raised inside Somalia through local taxes.

Key strongholds remaining include rural southern and central Somalia, while another faction has dug into remote and rugged mountains in the northern Puntland region.

Still, the force is believed to be less capable of carrying out the major regional attacks as it did in the 2010 bombings in Uganda, killing 74 as people watched the World Cup.

"We believe they are now more focused internally on Somalia and lack the capability for regional attacks, but we remain ever watchful," said one Western security expert.

"But in terms of defeat inside Somalia, we must be careful not to confuse the victory symbol of raising flags in the centre of towns with the harder task of establishing control."

WAR DEGDEG AH: DAGAAL CULUS OO LAGA BAQAYO IN KA DHEX QARXO CIIDAMADA QARANKA SOMALILAND AGGA BADHAN IYO KUWA MAAMUL GOBALEEDKA PUTLAND,( WARBIXIN MUHIIM AH)

Taliyaha Ciiddamada Qaranka Jamuriyada Somaliland ee Fadhigoodu yahay Magaalada Badhan, Yaasiin Cismaan Saalax (Gurey) oo Telefoonka ugu waramay

Taliyaha Ciiddamada Qaranka Jamuriyada Somaliland ee Fadhigoodu yahay Magaalada Badhan, Yaasiin Cismaan Saalax (Gurey) oo Telefoonka ugu waramay Shabakada Caalamiga aH ,MaandeeqNews isaga oo jooga Magaalada Badhan ayaa sheegay inay Magaalooyinka Badhan iyo dhahar hada si buuxda gacanta ugu hayaan CiidamadaQaranku Somaliland isla markaana ay ka saareen xubno ka socday guddiga doorashooyinka Maamulka Puntland oo Magaalooyinkaasi soo galay.

Waxaanu taliye Gurey sheegay in markii ay ka war heleen in xubnahaasi ka socday Maamulka Majeerteniya ay ku sugan yihiin deegaanadaasi ay Ciidamada Qaranka Somaliland weerareen isla markaana ay ka saareen meelihii ay joogeen, wuxuuna yiri ‘’way jirtay xili ay soo galeen magaaloyinka Dhahar iyo badhan qolo ka socotay Komishanka doorashooyinka Majeerteeniya , ka dib markii aanu ogaanay inay deegaanadaasi ku jiraan, oo dad yar oo u dhashay gobolka Boosaaso ay xagan wax ka wadeen ayay ciidamada Qaranku Ka Sareen meeshii ay joogeen, waanay baacsadeen.” Ayuu yiri Taliyaha.

Yaasiin Cismaan Saalax (Gurey) waxa kale oo uu sheegay in Masuuliyiin ka socday maamulka Majeerteniya oo hawlo ka waday Magaalada Dhahar ay sidoo kale doraato weerareen kana saareen ciidamada Magaaladaasi “Qolo ka socotay dhinaca Majeerteniya oo Magaalada Dhahar dadka uga yeeraayay iyagana ciidamada ayaa shalay weeraray, dadka iyo maatada Magaalada dhexdeeda ayay rasaas ka rideen, laakiin waa laga saaray” ayuu yiri Taliye Gurey.

Taliyaha ciidamada Qarnka Somaliland ee gobolka Badhan waxa kale oo uu tilmaamay in ciidamada ee aagaasi ay diyaar u yihiin isku day kasta oo kaga yimaada dhinaca Maamulka Majeerteniya isla markaana aanay maamulka Farooel uga suurtagelayn inuu wax sanduuqyo ah keeno deegaanadaasi wuxuuna yiri “Sanaaduuqda waxay doonayaan inay keenaan 16 ka bisha July 6- maqribnimo laakiin wax goboladan ugu suurtagelaya ma aha, ciidanka waa u diyaar, indhaha ayaanay ku hayaan, waxaanay eegayaan waa sanduuqa goobaha ay doonayaan in ay sanaaduuqda dhigaan ayaa lagu diyaarinayaa ciidamada oo aad iyo aad u badan, talaabo ayaanay qaadayaan ah inay indhaha ku dhuftaan.

Waxaanu intaasi raaciyay “gobolkan Badhan waa Somaliland, gobolka barina waa majeerteeniya oo waa Puntland, Gaalkacayo iyo Qardho ayaan nabad ahayn Badhan oo Somaliland inuu Faroole sanaaduuq keeno ama carqalad ka rido waa mid aan soconayn, Dawlada Somaliland-na kama yeeli doonto indhahana ka laaban mayso, sida foosha xun ee uu Faroole muddada badan ugu doonayay inuu nabadgelyo darro ka abuuro deegaanadan” “Waxaanu leenahay Faroole ha ogaado arrintaasi in aanay ka soconayn, ciidanka Qarankuna waa diyaar oo way joogaan Dhahar, Badhan iyo Laasqorayba, aagaas oo dhan waana ku diyaar.” Ayuu yiri Taliyaha.

Dhinaca kale guddoomiye ku xigeenka gobolka Badhan Maxamed Faarax Cumar, oo isna xalay u waramay shabakada,MaandeeqNews.com isaga oo jooga magaalada Badhan, ayaa sheegay inay ka maamul ahaan diyaar u yihin in aanay Puntland sanduuqyo keenin magaalooyinkaasi “Arrintaasi diyaar garawgeedu wuu jiraa, ciidanka Qaranka iyo ka maamul ahaanba diyaar ayaanu u nahay, waxaan u soo jeedin lahaa Faroole inuu faragelinta ka daayo deegaanadan iyo shacabkayaga, nin gurigiisii gubanayaa ma aha inuu guri kale isku hawlo.”.   

AKHRI Oo DAAWO Aad YAABTIDE!: Asalka calanka dalka Soomaaliya oo la ogaaday in la soo Minguuriyay, Xog Sugan + Daawo Video

Waa yaab! Yaabka Yaabkiis!!! Taariikhda Calanka Soomaalidu miyey khaldantahay? oo 53 sanadood ma calan COPY ah ayaa inaga dul babanayay? Mise horaa loo caddeyey ee aniga ayaan ka warqabin.

Waxaa la igu barbaariyey taariikhda calanka buluuga ah oo xiddigta cad oo shanta gees-leh dhexda ku leh in uu hindisay Ilaahay ha u naxariistee nin la oranjiray Maxamed Cawale Liibaan. M. Cawaale wuxuu ahaa nin aad u wanaagsan, ilbaxna ah aqoon dheeraadana u laha addunyada. Waxuu madax ka ahaan jiray xafiiska madaxweyne Aaden Cabdulle Cosman, kaddibna warshaddi kallunka ee Boolimoog ayuu maareeye ka noqday, ugu danbeyntiina ilaa burburkii wuxuu la taliye u ahaa goddomiyaha Bangiga Horumarinta Soomaaliyeed.

Waxaa taariikhda Soomaalidu qoreysaa in 1954 uu Maxamed Cawaale hindisay oo sawiray calanka buluuga ah tafsiirna ku bixiyey in buluugu cirkeena yahay xiddigta cad ee shanta-gees lahina ay ka dhigantahay shanta Soomaaliyeed ee gumeystuhu kala qaybsaday. Sidaas baan ku rumeysannay uguna heesijirnay ilaa wakhtigan xaadirka ah.

Hadaba goor galab ah ayaan Filin American ah oo la yiraahdo: GODS AND GENERALS aan soo kiraystay. Wuxu Filmku ku saabsanyahay dagaalkii sokeeye ee Woqooyi iyo Koofurta Mareykana ka dexdhacay, dagalkaas oo bilowday April 12, 1861 dhammadayna 9 April 1865, iyada oo Gen. Robert Lee uu hoggaminayay ciidamada Koofureed oo isku dhiibay Gen. Ulysses Grant oo ahaa Tliyaha ciidamada Waqooyi mudo kadibna Madaxweynaha America uu noqday sanadihiii 1869 ilaa 1877.

Ciidamada Koofureed ayaa waxay wateen Calankii Soomaalida ee buluuga ahaa oo heesa la yaab leh u qaadayey oo u micno dhaw kuwii aan u qaadi jirnay bluglay. Yaab iyo amakaag ayaa igu dhacay markaan arkay Gen. John Bell Hood oo ku magacdheeraa Sam Hood oo ciidankiisii oo rer Texas ahi ay sitaan n calankeeni Buluuga ahaa. Arrintaas markaan arkay ayaan raadin ugu dhaqaaqay bal asalkeeda iyo taariikhda calanka buluuga ah cida hindistay in aan raadiyo.

Ciidamada Koofurta America calamadii ay kala wateen 1861. Waxanan arkayaaa in calankeenii buluugley dhex babanayo. Waxana ay ku magacaabayeen “bonnie blue flag”

Waxaan ogaaday in markii ugu horreysay ee Calan Buluug ah oo dhexda ku leh xidig cad oo shan geesood leh ay ahayd 23 September 1810. Dadkii deganaa galbeedka Florida (USA) oo Spain gumaysan jirtay ayaa isticmaarkii ku kacay burburiyeyna wixii mood iyo noolba Spain lahayd. Waxay dhulka soo dhigeen calankii Boqortooyada Spain iyaga oo saaray Calanka Buluug ah ee dhexda ay uga taalo xidigta cad ee shangeeslayda ah kaasi oo aan sina uga duwanayncalanka Soomaalida. 10 December 1810 ayaa ‘USA” la wareegtay dowladii cusbay ee Florida, oo la oran jiray “Republic of West Florida”. Waxaana la soo dejiyey Calankii Buluuga ahaa oo lagu badalay calankii “USA”

Muddo kaddib waqtigii dagaalkii sokeeye ee Mareykanka uu bilaabanaayey ayaa dowlad goboleedkii Mississippi ka goostay dalka Mareykanka lana soo baxaday “Bonnie Blue Flag” waa Calankii Buluuga ahaa oo awal meel la isaga tiiriyey.

Dib bay u soo noolaatay Calankii Buluuga xidigta shanta gees leh oo cadi dhexda uga taalay sanadkii 1861 halakaas oo cidamada koofureed gaar ahaan  ciidankii Texas ay wateen Calanka Buluuga ah. Dowlad gobleedyadii koofureed markay ka bexeen wadajirkii America waxay ka dhigteen si aan rasmi ahayn calanakooda kan buluuga ah ama siday.

Bulshada Soomaalida dhexdeeda Ilaa waqtigan xaadirka ah waxa la isku haystaa cida hindistay calanka Soomaaliya ee Buluuga  ah laakiin muran kama taagna ninkii tiriyey heestii ugu caansaneyd ee Calanka buluuga ah loo tiriyo oo la curiyay sannadkii 1861 heestaasi oo uu alifay Mr. Harry McCarthy oo asalkiisu Irish ahaa kana yimid gobolka Ulster.

Su’aasha muhiimka ah, ee aan u soo bandhigayo guud ahaan bulshada Somalia ayaa waxay tahay, sidee calankan buluuga ahi inoogu yimid. Ma Maxamed Cawaalaa hindisay calankan buluuga ah ee xidigta cad ee shanta geesle leh isaga oo aan arag calankaan gobolo ka mid ah Maraykanka ka dul babanayay sanadahii  1810 iyo 1861? Mise wuu soo koobi gareeyay markuu ogaaday in aan dowlad lehi aanay jirin sannadkii 1954 oo meel la isaga tiiriyey?.

Daawo Video-gan Cadaynta ah

Qore: Abdulkadir Aden Mohamud “Jangeli”

Jangelione@yahoo.com

Source: Xiiso.com

UK Barclays to cut Somalia's remittance "lifeline"

Photo: Abdi Hassan/IRIN

Somalia’s economy depends on remittances from abroad

© Abdi Hassan / IRIN

NAIROBI, 4 July 2013 (IRIN) - By withdrawing banking services from more than 250 money-transfer companies, Britain's Barclays Bank risks severing an essential lifeline for millions of people in Somalia who depend on remittances from relatives in the UK, warn humanitarians, rights activists and academics.

For most of the remittance firms, the move is set to come into effect on 10 July, although an extension of 30 days has been granted to some of the companies.

Barclays said there was a risk that some of the firms might be "unwittingly facilitating money laundering and terrorist financing".

Companies set to have their Barclays accounts shut down - effectively ending their UK operations - include one of Africa's largest remittance firms, Dahabshiil. While countries other than Somalia may also be affected, ongoing humanitarian challenges in the nation and the absence of a formal banking system there mean that Barclays' decision could have devastating consequences.

"A huge number of Somalis rely on remittances, which are estimated to be as much as US$1.2 billion every year - more than the entire humanitarian operation in the country," Philippe Lazzarini, the UN's top humanitarian official in Somalia, told IRIN. "It is not an overstatement to say this move will cut a lifeline for essential services in Somalia."

Humanitarian fall-out
An "urgent appeal" to British Prime Minister David Cameron, issued on 1 July by 185 Somali civil society groups, said the move was likely to have "dire consequences" in Somalia "where no alternatives to the money service businesses exist."

"We are seriously worried that without the services of these money transfer organizations, Somalis living in the diaspora throughout the UK. will not be able to send desperately needed support home to their relatives. This will have immediate and severe humanitarian implications," the appeal added.

Four leading international aid and development NGOs have this week written privately to Barclays asking the bank to reconsider its decision, warning of significant humanitarian fall-out.

According to Senait Gebregziabher, Somalia country director at Oxfam and one of the signatories of the letter to Barclays, stopping the transfers would see many more Somali families "fall back into crisis". Somalia is still recovering from a famine that killed some 260,000 people in 2011.

A report soon to be published by the NGOs Oxfam and Adeso estimates that members of the Somali diaspora in the UK send over 100 million pounds ($152.5 million) to Somalia every year.

These remittances are reportedly second in total value only to those sent back from the US.

Far-reaching effects

The NGOs' research suggests that remittances account for around 60 percent of the recipients' annual income, with money mostly being used to cover basic household expenses.

Mogadishu resident Halima Mohamed and her family depend entirely on financial support sent through money-transfer firms by her two sons in Britain and Denmark.

"My sons send $300 dollars each month, which we use to cover our basic needs like food, water and rent. Three of my children are at school, while one attends university, and we'll find it hard to cope with the situation if Barclays proceeds with its decision," she told IRIN.

Remittance firms serving Somalia have developed systems that help them operate in a country with no formal banking infrastructure. Using bank transfers where possible, the firms also use non-bank financial transfers based on trust and social solidarity, commonly known as 'hawala', meaning "transfer". This system has become vital both for the delivery of support to families for business development. Aid groups rely on these systems as well.

"While this suspension will not affect our local transfers, it is worth noting that the UN and many of the large relief and development organizations use hawala money transfers to pay their staff, procure assistance, and implement very successful emergency aid and poverty-relief programs such as cash-for-work," the UN's Dawn Blalock Goodwin told IRIN.

Liability

For Barclays, the question is one of compliance with international financial regulation and potential risk to the firm - both in terms of reputation and possible legal penalties from the US and other jurisdictions.

"As a global bank, we must comply with the rules and regulations in all the jurisdictions in which we operate. The risk of financial crime is an important regulatory concern, and we take our responsibilities in relation to this very seriously," said Daniel Hunter, spokesperson for Barclays.

"It is recognized that some money service businesses don't have the proper checks in place to spot criminal activity and could unwittingly be facilitating money laundering and terrorist financing."

"Abuse of their services can have significant negative consequences for society and for us as their bank. We remain happy to serve companies who have strong anti-financial crime controls, but are asking the others to find another bank. This is solely about the company's controls, not where they send money to," he added.

The Barclays decision follows HSBC's payment last December of a record $1.9 billion fine to settle accusations from US prosecutors that it had failed to implement anti-money laundering controls and allowed terrorists to move money around the financial system. The UK's financial regulator also warned British banks on 1 July that they were not doing enough to protect against financial crime, saying they could face punishment for failing to spot abuses such as sanctions violations or terrorist funding.

In 2011, two Somali women in Minnesota were convicted of funnelling money to Al-Shabab militants using hawala brokers, and a Somali website, Sunatimes, has made allegations linking Dahabshiil to the Somali Islamists. Dahabshiil strenuously denies the claims and is taking the Somali journalist who runs the website to court.

Moving underground
But some argue the move by Barclays will shift legitimate transfers to murkier channels.

More than 100 academics and aid practitioners wrote to the British government last week to protest Barclays decision, warning that closing down money transfer channels "will only encourage people to send funds through illegal, unsafe, and untraceable channels, thereby potentially making the problem of support to proscribed parties much more serious".

"We are regulated by the UK government. We are a licensed institution as is any other legal company," Abdirashid Duale, CEO of Dahabshiil, told IRIN.

"Dahabshiil's anti-financial crime controls are fully compliant with all applicable legal requirements and industry best practice and have been regularly audited by HMRC [the UK's customs and tax department] for a number of years (on behalf of the FSA [Financial Services Authority]), without any adverse findings."

"There is no other bank willing to open an account for us in the UK," Omar Abdinur, managing director of Tawakal UK, another remittance firm affected by the decision, told IRIN. "We have approached many banks but they are not willing. They say that money transfer is a risky business, but there is no single case in the UK where it has been proved that our firms are under-regulated or that we have transferred money to people under sanctions."

Government response
Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has also called on Barclays to reverse its decision, stressing that the country is at a turning point "after two decades of chaos".

"We understand Barclays' corporate responsibility and its duty to its global customers to maintain a reputation for tackling financial crime, but that does not have to mean pulling the rug from under the feet of people battling extreme poverty - and before our fledgling government can step in to help," he said in a statement last week.

Though faltering in its recovery - with some 10 percent of its population still reliant on humanitarian aid and violence ongoing in parts of the country - Somalia is seen as taking some steps in the right direction, a transition in which the UK is playing a key role.

In May, UK Prime Minister David Cameron, with President Hassan, hosted the second London Conference on Somalia, at which international donors pledged some $300 million in assistance.

But remittance flows to Somalia remain the country's highest foreign exchange earner, and are a vital revenue stream. Any drop in remittances would throttle signs of economic recovery, analysts say.

"Somalia is almost entirely dependent on remittances, and if the closures come into effect, this could cause a humanitarian crisis as well as economic stagnation," Somali economist Professor Yahye Amir told IRIN.

Extending the central bank's reach and introducing banking regulation are among the government's many priorities. Normal bank transfers, such as SWIFT, are not currently possible.

"Because Somalia's crisis has been so prolonged, families have little ability to absorb shocks such as floods, droughts, disease outbreaks, displacement, a poor harvest or, in this case, an economic shock," said the UN's Lazzarini.

"The key thing to realize is that when humanitarian needs are assessed, remittances are already factored in. So a withdrawal or disruption of remittances will likely increase the number of vulnerable households or, for already vulnerable families, increase their need for humanitarian aid," he said.

"With no formal banking systems as an alternative, we know from our experience on the ground that if remittances from the UK to Somalia were to be halted, many more families would fall back into crisis."

The UK's Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) noted in a statement the "important role" played by remittances "in supporting the economy and people of Somalia". But an FCO spokesperson also said that "Barclays' decision is ultimately a private commercial matter".

The view from Dadaab

While the threat to remittance flows into Somalia has provoked the greatest outcry, there is also concern about the impact on Somali refugees in neighbouring Kenya.

According to hawala companies operating in the 20-year-old Dadaab camp, which houses two-thirds of Kenya's 500,000-strong Somali refugee population, more than a third of camp residents depend on remittances sent from abroad.

"What we receive from aid agencies is not enough, so if these remittances are closed or scaled down, our main source of support will be cut off," Fatuma Mohamed Ali, a mother of eight who receives money from her relatives in the UK and Denmark, told IRIN. "I started a business with the money my daughter sent me."

Refugees are not allowed to move out of the Dadaab complex, but many manage to run thriving businesses in the camp by using remittance money to contract people to buy goods for them in Garissa, Nairobi and Mombasa.

A Dahabshiil official, who did not want to be named, said: "In addition to the refugees, some of the aid agencies operating in Dadaab use our services, as the security situation make it difficult for them to carry cash around. Every month, we pay salaries to hundreds of staff as well as transfer other money to pay for agency operations. As you can, these hawala firms are a lifeline for the Dadaab camps."

Source: IRIN

Brotherhood leader arrested, Egypt's Islamists call protests

By Asma Alsharif and Shadia Nasralla

CAIRO (Reuters) - The leader of the Muslim Brotherhood was arrested by Egyptian security forces on Thursday in a crackdown against the Islamist movement after the army ousted the country's first democratically elected president.

Mohammed Badie leader of the Muslim Brotherhood

The dramatic exit of President Mohamed Mursi was greeted with delight by millions of people on the streets of Cairo and other cities overnight, but there was simmering resentment among Egyptians who opposed military intervention.

An Islamist coalition led by the Brotherhood called on people across the nation to protest in a "Friday of Rejection" following weekly prayers, an early test of Mursi's ongoing support and how the military will deal with it.

Perhaps aware of the risk of a polarized society, the new interim leader, judge Adli Mansour, used his inauguration to hold out an olive branch to the Brotherhood, Mursi's power base.

"The Muslim Brotherhood are part of this people and are invited to participate in building the nation as nobody will be excluded, and if they respond to the invitation, they will be welcomed," he said.

Just before he spoke, the air force staged a series of fly pasts in the smoggy skies over Cairo, a stark reminder of the military's role in the latest upheaval. The stunt, involving dozens of aircraft, was repeated at dusk.

But a senior Brotherhood official said it would not work with "the usurper authorities". Another of its politicians said Mursi's overthrow would push other groups, though not his own, to violent resistance.

Mursi's removal after a year in office marked another twist in the turmoil that has gripped the Arab world's most populous country in the two years since the fall of Hosni Mubarak.

INVESTIGATION OPENED INTO MURSI

The United Nations, the United States and some other world powers did not condemn Mursi's removal as a military coup. To do so might trigger sanctions.

Army intervention was backed by millions of Egyptians, including liberal leaders and religious figures who expect new elections under a revised set of rules.

Egypt's armed forces have been at the heart of power since officers staged the 1952 overthrow of King Farouk.

The protests that spurred the military to step in this time were rooted in a liberal opposition that lost elections to Islamists. Their ranks were swelled by anger over broken promises on the economy and shrinking real incomes.

The downfall of Egypt's first elected leader, who emerged from the "Arab Spring" revolutions that swept the region in 2011, raised questions about the future of political Islam which only lately seemed triumphant.

Deeply divided, Egypt's 84 million people are again a focus of concern in a region traumatized by the civil war in Syria.

The Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide, Mohamed Badie, was arrested in the northern city of Marsa Matrouh, near the Libyan border, although security sources said they did not believe he had been trying to flee the country.

Demonstrators often chanted against Mursi and Badie in the same breath. Despite its denials, the Brotherhood never managed to shake off the image that Badie and its executive board were the silent force behind Mursi's presidency.

Prosecutors also ordered the arrest of his influential deputy Khairat el-Shater after both men were charged with inciting violence against protesters outside the Brotherhood's headquarters in Cairo that was attacked on Sunday night.

At least 16 people have been killed and hundreds wounded in street clashes across Egypt since Mursi's overthrow.

Television stations sympathetic to Mursi were taken off air, and a newspaper affiliated with the Brotherhood's political arm said the state-owned printing press had refused to produce its Thursday edition.

Mursi was in military custody, army and Brotherhood sources said, and authorities opened an investigation into accusations that he and 15 other Islamists insulted the judiciary.

A senior Brotherhood politician, Essam El-Erian, said the movement would take a long view of the political setback, and that Egypt's Islamist leaders had not been given a fair chance to succeed in office.

Mohamed El-Beltagy, another senior Brotherhood politician, said the movement would not take up arms over what he called a military coup, although he warned that other, unnamed, groups could be pushed to violent resistance by recent events.

There was also a call from calm from the influential Dawa Salafiya movement of Egyptian Salafists, ultra-orthodox Islamists who have occasionally been allied with Mursi but distanced themselves from him in recent weeks.

"IT'S ABOUT EGYPT"

Outside the court where Mansour was sworn in, 25-year-old engineer Maysar El-Tawtansy summed up the mood among those who voted for Mursi in 2012 and opposed military intervention.

"We queued for hours at the election, and now our votes are void," he said. "It's not about the Brotherhood, it's about Egypt."

For the defeated Islamists, the clampdown revived memories of their suffering under the old, military-backed regime led by Mubarak, himself toppled by a popular uprising in 2011.

The clock started ticking for Mursi when millions took to the streets on Sunday to demand he resign. They accused the Brotherhood of hijacking the revolution, entrenching its power and failing to revive the economy.

That gave armed forces chief General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who already had his own reservations about the state of the nation under Mursi, a justification to invoke the "will of the people" and demand the president share power or step aside.

The United States and other Western allies had also pressed Mursi hard to open his administration to a broader mix of ideas.

Sisi, in uniform and flanked by politicians, officers and clergy, called on Wednesday for measures to wipe clear a slate of messy democratic reforms enacted since Mubarak fell. The constitution was suspended.

INTERIM GOVERNMENT

A technocratic interim government will be formed, along with a panel for national reconciliation, and the constitution will be reviewed. Mansour said fresh parliamentary and presidential elections would be held, but he did not specify when.

Liberal chief negotiator Mohamed ElBaradei, a former U.N. nuclear agency chief and favorite to become prime minister in the interim government, said the plan would "continue the revolution" of 2011.

With its position astride the Suez Canal and as Israel's biggest neighbor, the stability of the most populous Arab country is important for many powers.

U.S. President Barack Obama, whose administration provides $1.3 billion a year to the Egyptian military, expressed concern about Mursi's removal and called for a swift return to a democratically elected civilian government.

But he stopped short of condemning the military move in a way that might block U.S. aid. A senator involved in aid decisions said the United States would cut off its financial support if the intervention was deemed a military coup.

Israel avoided any show of satisfaction over the fall of an Islamist president. Many in the Jewish state had been initially alarmed by Mursi's rise although early in his term Mursi made clear he would not renege on the 1979 peace treaty that Israel views as the corner stone of its security.

Germany called the latest events in Egypt "a serious setback for democracy" while NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen said he was "gravely concerned" about the situation.

But the new emir in Qatar, which has provided billions of dollars in aid to Egypt following the ousting of Mubarak, congratulated Mansour on his appointment.

The markets reacted positively to Mursi's exit. Egypt's main stock index rose 7.3 percent on the day.

(Reporting by Asma Alsharif, Mike Collett-White, Alexander Dziadosz, Shaimaa Fayed, Maggie Fick, Alastair Macdonald, Shadia Nasralla, Tom Perry, Yasmine Saleh, Paul Taylor, and Patrick Werr in Cairo, Abdelrahman Youssef in Alexandria and Yursi Mohamed in Ismailia, Michelle Martin in Berlin, Adrian Croft in Brussels, Ayla Jean Yackley in Istanbul, Jeffrey Heller in Jerusalem and Amena Bakr in Dubai; Writing by Mike Collett-White; Editing by Peter Graff)

Somalia: Heavy Clashes Grips Galka'ayo Town As Police Clashes With Large Riots

Galka'ayo- — clashes between demonstrators and the police of Puntland state turned to ugly clashes in Galka'ayo town in Mudug region of Somalia.

3 people have been confirmed dead in the clashes including the police officers who tried to dismiss the riots and 8 others sustained serious injuries in today's demonstrations.

The situation of the town has now returned to calm but tensions still exist between rival parties in the coming elections.

Opposition parties have accused Horsed party for sidelining other parties in the upcoming election and dictarship of Abdirahman Farole who is the current president of the region.

Mr. Farole has been accused by traditional elders and other politicians for mis use of funds.

Recently the army in Bosaso town demonstrated and took over the port as they accused government officials for not paying their salaries.

Somalia: Failed State - Will Somali Islamist purge strengthen al-Shabab?

The surrender of Somalia's veteran militant Islamist, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, signals that his faction has lost the battle for control of the al-Shabab group to hardliners determined to step up their military campaign to establish an Islamic state in the East African country.

By Farouk Chothia BBC Africa analyst
 

The surrender of Somalia's veteran militant Islamist, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, signals that his faction has lost the battle for control of the al-Shabab group to hardliners determined to step up their military campaign to establish an Islamic state in the East African country.

The 78 year old - whose trademark is a goatish beard, coloured with red henna - was forced to give himself up to government forces last weekend, fuelling speculation that his life was under threat from the young Islamists who once revered him as their elder statesman, but have now rallied behind his bitter rival, Afghan-trained Ahmed Abdi Godane.

Somali analyst Hassan Abukar, writing in the African Arguments blog of the UK-based Royal African Society, said Mr Aweys' surrender came after Mr Godane's fighters had staged a "coup" in al-Shabab, killing the group's co-founder Ibrahim al-Afghani, who also fought in Afghanistan and was a close ally of late al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden.

Al-Shabab At A Glance 

• "The Youth" in Arabic
• Formed as a radical offshoot of the Union of Islamic Courts, which controlled Mogadishu, in 2006
• Previously ran much of southern Somalia
• Lost some popular support by banning Western aid agencies during 2011 famine
• Estimated to have 7,000 to 9,000 fighters
• Led Ahmed Abdi Godane, who trained in Afghanistan
• Ibrahim al-Afghani, an explosives expert who also fought in Afghanistan, was a co-founder

“Al-Shabab is highly secretive, and Aweys is intelligence material for the government”

Yusuf Garaad Ex-BBC Somali Service editor

Al-Shabab's former spokesman Mukhtar Robow has also been forced to flee, reportedly to the southern Bay and Bakol region where his Rahanweyn clan is based.

"In a single stroke, Godane, the emir of al-Shabab who goes by the nom de guerre of 'Abu Zubeir', managed to re-align the radical group's leadership dynamics and further consolidated his power by getting rid of his major detractors," Mr Abukar said.

For Kenya-based Somali analyst Rashid Abdi, Mr Godane's victory suggests that al-Shabab will intensify its military campaign to establish an Islamic state in Somalia.

"It will want to show that it remains a cohesive force, and my fear is that there will be an escalation of conflict, with more bombings. It is still a potent military force," he told the BBC.

Al-Shabab has carried out a spate of hit-and-run attacks and bombings, especially in the capital, Mogadishu, after the African Union force launched an offensive in 2011 to help the government recapture territory.

In the most recent attack on 19 June, at least 15 people, including four foreigners, were killed in an assault on a heavily guarded UN office in Mogadishu.

"The group has been successful in attacking soft targets, such as the UN compound, perhaps to distract its fighters from debilitating fragmentation among its leaders," said Mr Abukar.

"It is unlikely that this terror group will vanish from the political scene in Somalia in the near future. Godane and his followers will continue to exploit the government's inability to exert its control outside Mogadishu."

Former BBC Somali Service editor Yusuf Garaad Omar says Mr Aweys' surrender is a political coup for the government, and its regional and Western allies.

"Al-Shabab is highly secretive, and he is intelligence material for the government. They will expect him to download information about its leadership structure, training and funding sources. In that sense, his surrender is a blow to al-Shabab," he told the BBC.

A security officer in the regime of autocratic ruler Siad Barre who was overthrown in 1991, Mr Aweys had a reputation of being a Somali and Islamic nationalist, in contrast to Mr Godane's image as a global jihadist who led al-Shabab into an alliance with al-Qaeda last year.

"Aweys is the father of the jihadist ideology in Somalia, and supported suicide bombings. But he was a bit averse to foreign influence, and more perceptive to public opinion because his goal was to achieve power," Mr Abdi told the BBC.

However, Mr Garaad argues that Mr Aweys was forced to join al-Shabab about three years ago as it had the upper hand over his Hizbul Islam militia.

"Aweys relied more on local resources and was conquered by al-Shabab, which had foreign links in terms of training and know-how," he says.

Row over al-Qaeda

His feud with Mr Godane - who refused to anoint him as "spiritual leader" - boiled over last year when Mr Aweys used a Friday religious sermon to accuse al-Shabab's top brass, as Somali journalist Abdi Aynte wrote at the time, of "monopolising jihad, globalising the Somali conflict, assassinating innocent Somalis and, more damningly, acting in a manner unbecoming of upright jihadists".

Mr Aynte said Mr Aweys - who had been designated a terrorist by the US and UN in 2001 - preferred a "primarily nationalist ideology" in Somalia.

"For more than three decades, Aweys defined Somalia's narrative of political Islam, earning him both friends and foes within the Islamic movements... He argued that Islam is the only answer for Somalia and can be the only uniting factor against tribalism and factionalism," he said.

As for the younger generation led by Mr Godane, they are simply "caught up in the cult of martyrdom" fuelled by al-Qaeda, says Mr Abdi.

"They don't care about public opinion. They want to establish an Islamic state through military conquest, and they love martyrdom more than power," he told the BBC.

However, it is far from clear that Mr Godane has the backing of al-Qaeda.

"Two months ago, Ibrahim al-Afghani wrote an open letter to Ayman al-Zawahiri, the leader of al-Qaeda, in which he criticised Godane for targeting foreign jihadists, imprisoning them in secret detention centres in the areas the terror group controls, and even killing them," Mr Abukar says.

The foreign jihadists who joined al-Shabab - including US citizen Omar Hammami known as "al-Amriki", who reportedly survived an assassination attempt by Godane loyalists - have become increasingly disillusioned with it, he says.

"Moreover, the influx of foreign jihadists into Somalia has, for all practical purposes, decreased and further eroded the place of that country in the annals of global jihad."

For Mr Aynte the in-fighting suggests that al-Shabab is on the path of "self-immolation".

"In the final analysis, the split within al-Shabab is yet another chapter in Somalia's extraordinarily complex political system, where alliances shift constantly. The break-up presents another dilemma for the international community, as it attempts to help Somalia resuscitate itself from 20 years of state collapse," he added.

The fate of Mr Aweys is unclear. He could be charged with war crimes or he could end up joining a peace process, focusing on winning over youth from al-Shabab.

But the more likely scenario is that he will negotiate his retirement, Mr Abdi told the BBC.

"He is still seen as a father figure by certain Somalis, and the government may decide to let him fade away. He is old now, and probably thinking of his retirement, but there are many Somalis who won't forgive him for what he did to their country."

Life and times of Hassan Dahir Aweys

• Served in the regime of ex-ruler Siad Barre
• Formed Somalia's first Islamist militia, Ittahad al-Islamiyyah, in 1990s
• On a US terror list since 2001
• Briefly captured the capital, Mogadishu, in 2006 under banner of Union of Islamic Courts
• Merged his Hizbul Islam militia with al-Shabab in 2010
• Surrendered to government forces in July 2013

Somalia's Islamist insurgents: key players

Somalia's Al-Qaeda linked Shebab insurgents have lost a series of towns to African Union and government troops, while commanders have initiated purges against rival factions. Here are a series of portraits of Shebab or rival Islamist leaders.

AHMED ABDI GODANE: Top commander or "emir" of the Shebab, aged just 36 and with a $7 million US reward for his arrest, Godane has sought to crush challengers to his command. The camera-shy extremist, a slightly built man said to have once worked as an accountant for an airline company, is one of the most radical supporters of global jihad, a position sometimes at odds with some factions' more nationalist agendas. Also known by the name Abu Zubayr, he has claimed responsibility for the July 2010 bombings in the Ugandan capital Kampala that killed 74 people. Educated in Pakistan and reportedly trained in Afghanistan, he enjoys Somali poetry. He comes from the Isaaq clan of Somaliland, in the north.

MUKHTAR ROBOW: Former Shebab military commander and spokesman who trained in Afghanistan, 50-year old Robow has fallen out with Godane. Influential and powerful, the US have offered $5 million for his arrest. Also known as Abu Mansur, he is believed to have fled Godane to his Rahanweyn clan stronghold near Baidoa in south-central Somalia.

HASSAN DAHIR AWEYS: Once a war hero as a colonel in the Somali army battling Ethiopia, the veteran Islamist cleric has for decades led a series of hardline movements. On both US and UN Security Council terrorism sanctions lists, he fled Godane's purges, but has since been arrested and is being held in government-controlled Mogadishu. Aweys' Hizb al-Islam forces have been allied with Shebab troops since 2010 but he has been a recent outspoken critic of Godane. In his late 70s, he comes from the Habr Gedir sub-group of the Hawiye clan.

FUAD MOHAMED KHALAF: Holding both Somali and Swedish nationality, Khalaf is accused of fundraising for the Shebab, as well as taking part in attacks inside Somalia. Also known as "Shongole", the US offer $5 million for his capture.

AHMED MADOBE: A former Islamist governor of the key southern port of Kismayo, he was ousted in the Ethiopia's 2006 US-backed invasion. But after spending two years in an Ethiopian jail, the warlord has now abandoned his former comrades and teamed up with Kenyan troops as self-declared "president" of Jubaland, based in Kismayo. His Ras Kamboni militia, from the Ogadeni clan, face multiple rival forces.

OMAR HAMAMI: A US citizen better known as Al-Amriki or "the American", the Alabama-born fighter has a $5 million bounty for his arrest offered by his own government. Aged 29, rose to international prominence through his rap songs, recruiting videos and frequent use of social media to promote his cause.

JEHAD SERWAN MOSTAFA: Looking more like a computer geek than the extremist training camp instructor he is accused of being, Mostafa is a US citizen, born in Wisconsin but most recently a resident of California. Aged 31, he is said to be a leader of foreign fighters and promoting the group on the internet. The US have posted a $5 million reward for him.

BASHIR MOHAMED MAHAMOUD: Shebab military commander in his early 30s, with a $5 million reward for his arrest.

ABDULLAHI YARE: Reportedly a deputy to Godane and the Shebab's head of media, with a $3 million reward for his capture.

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