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Wednesday, February 20, 2013
Minnesota congressman arrives in Somalia's capital for rare visit by US politician
MOGADISHU, Somalia — A U.S. congressman visited Somalia’s capital on Tuesday, the first visit in years by a member of Congress to what until recently was considered one of the world’s most dangerous cities.
Keith Ellison, a Democrat from Minnesota, said his visit to Mogadishu fulfilled a request from his constituents with ties to Somalia. Minnesota has one of the largest populations of Somali-Americans in the U.S.
Ellison, the first Muslim elected to Congress, noted that the U.S. government in mid-January recognized the Somali government for the first time since the country fell into anarchy in 1991.
“We’ve seen 20 years of warlordism, 20 years of terrorism, of refugees streaming across the border into every neighboring country, piracy in the gulf,” Ellison told The Associated Press in a phone interview from neighboring Kenya.
“But a stable Somalia will bring this all to an end, and I think we need to be a part of the solution. I’m telling you, investing money in Somalia is sending good money after good. We should now see Somalia as a trading partner and a partner of educational exchanges.”
Ellison was greeted by Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. The president said that Ellison’s visit was a big day for Somalia.
Mogadishu has experienced about 18 months of relative peace, after the August 2011 ouster of the Islamic extremists of al-Shabab from the capital by African Union forces. Following the advice of security advisers, Ellison did not travel beyond Mogadishu’s airport complex, the most secure part of the city, but he said he wished he had been able to and hopes to on a future trip. He said he never felt in any danger.
One of the issues Ellison met with Somali officials about was the financial remittances often sent by Somalis in the U.S. back to family members in Somalia. Such remittances have become harder to make over fears that people sending money could be accused of aiding a terrorist organization such as al-Shabab.
Ellison said he thinks he made “real progress” on the problem. He said he also got a better grip on how to handle refugee issues and Somalia’s security needs.
Ellison said that being Muslim gives him an advantage in a Muslim country like Somalia because he knows religious greetings and customs, but that it wasn’t a major factor in his trip there or in his meetings.
Somalia has seen great political progress over the last year, including voting in a new interim constitution, and electing a new president and parliament. International supporters say Mohamud’s government is a step toward moving the country out of its failed-state status, but that much more remains to be done in a country bloodied by two decades of war.
In one sign that should give Mogadishu residents hope, Ellison said he met with Somali business leaders who grew up in the U.S., Canada, and U.K. who have returned to help Somalia rebuild. He said that fact communicated great optimism for the future of the country.
“It feels great to be a part of the story of the new Somalia,” Ellison said. “They’re handling their business politically. They’re trying to handle their business economically. They need a little help, but the alternative is what? Twenty more years of refugees spilling into Kenya, Ethiopia and Uganda? Twenty more years of piracy? Twenty more years of al-Shabab? People are saying no. They’ve had enough.”
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Jason Straziuso reported from Nairobi, Kenya.
Islamist assault on In Amenas takes Sahel crisis to another level
Coming only days after France committed troops and its air force to overturning dramatic advances made by Islamist militants in Mali, the 16 January attack on a gas production facility at In Amenas, in south-eastern Algeria, underlined the security threat and political volatility that now blight the Saharan/Sahel region. Never during the 1990s conflict with radical Islam did a major Algerian hydrocarbons facility face such attack. Sahel politics were a localised affair in which players such as Major General Mohammed ‘Tewfik’ Medienne’s Algerian military security apparatus and veteran Tuareg leader Iyad ag Ghali largely knew where they stood. But the fallout from Captain Amadou Sanogo’s coup d’état in Mali last March and subsequent collapse of Bamako’s control over the north has triggered an international crisis.
While talk of ‘Islamic terrorism’ dominates the narrative, this crisis is rooted in the region’s structural weaknesses. As the African Energy Atlas 2012 observed, the Sahel region has become prey “to an unfolding crisis in which political battles… and communal tensions… are being exacerbated by economic crisis as desertification overtakes ever more pastoral communities”. As the rise of Boko Haram in northern Nigeria violently testified, this crisis was finding new expression as traditional elites lost authority. Meanwhile, the availability of arms and fighters, as materiel supplied to the Libyan rebellion that overthrew the late Muammar Qadhafi found its way into wider circulation, amplified the region’s diverse crises. Mali’s army was not fit for purpose, and was outgunned by Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and associated groups.
The extent of the Sahel’s crisis was underlined by the speed with which President François Hollande reversed France’s previous reserve at intervention, dispatching troops from other African bases and trying to rescue a hostage in Somalia – who might be used as a pawn in the struggle.
Algeria had previously opposed international military intervention in Mali, but it too has been sucked in as President Abdelaziz Bouteflika and his generals lost control of events in their old fief. Now the conflict threatens to spread not just into other Sahel states – with Mauritania and Niger already in the front line – but also into Algeria and potentially other Maghreb countries.
As African Energy went to press, news media were reporting that at least one foreign worker had been killed and several others kidnapped by jihadists escaping French military assaults which began in northern Mali on 11 January. UK ambassador Martyn Roper tweeted: “We can confirm that British nationals are caught up in a terrorist incident in In Amenas. Continuing to work closely with local authorities.”
The field, near the border with Libya, is operated by a joint venture of BP, Norway’s Statoil and Algerian state company Sonatrach. Mauritania’s ANI news agency, known for its access to jihadist spokesmen across the region, said Islamist fighters were holding the foreigners. The Irish government said a national had been abducted; five Japanese workers with JGC Corporation were said to be among the detainees. Jihadist groups in northern Mali had warned Algeria not to co-operate, but one month after Hollande’s ‘historic’ visit to Algiers, it opened its airspace to French jets.
Several local sources said the attack was orchestrated by Al-Mouakioune Bi Dam (The Blood Signatories), a recently created group involving legendary trans-Sahel smuggler and former AQIM leader Mokhtar Belmokhtar. A spokesman claimed the group had achieved full control of the In Amenas base, where it claimed to hold around 300 people, of whom 41 were said to be foreign. The number of pawns being played in the Sahel has just gone up, adding to the complications. The conflict is entering a new phase, which is unlikely to be resolved by bombing alone, or within the immediate future.
While talk of ‘Islamic terrorism’ dominates the narrative, this crisis is rooted in the region’s structural weaknesses. As the African Energy Atlas 2012 observed, the Sahel region has become prey “to an unfolding crisis in which political battles… and communal tensions… are being exacerbated by economic crisis as desertification overtakes ever more pastoral communities”. As the rise of Boko Haram in northern Nigeria violently testified, this crisis was finding new expression as traditional elites lost authority. Meanwhile, the availability of arms and fighters, as materiel supplied to the Libyan rebellion that overthrew the late Muammar Qadhafi found its way into wider circulation, amplified the region’s diverse crises. Mali’s army was not fit for purpose, and was outgunned by Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and associated groups.
The extent of the Sahel’s crisis was underlined by the speed with which President François Hollande reversed France’s previous reserve at intervention, dispatching troops from other African bases and trying to rescue a hostage in Somalia – who might be used as a pawn in the struggle.
Algeria had previously opposed international military intervention in Mali, but it too has been sucked in as President Abdelaziz Bouteflika and his generals lost control of events in their old fief. Now the conflict threatens to spread not just into other Sahel states – with Mauritania and Niger already in the front line – but also into Algeria and potentially other Maghreb countries.
As African Energy went to press, news media were reporting that at least one foreign worker had been killed and several others kidnapped by jihadists escaping French military assaults which began in northern Mali on 11 January. UK ambassador Martyn Roper tweeted: “We can confirm that British nationals are caught up in a terrorist incident in In Amenas. Continuing to work closely with local authorities.”
The field, near the border with Libya, is operated by a joint venture of BP, Norway’s Statoil and Algerian state company Sonatrach. Mauritania’s ANI news agency, known for its access to jihadist spokesmen across the region, said Islamist fighters were holding the foreigners. The Irish government said a national had been abducted; five Japanese workers with JGC Corporation were said to be among the detainees. Jihadist groups in northern Mali had warned Algeria not to co-operate, but one month after Hollande’s ‘historic’ visit to Algiers, it opened its airspace to French jets.
Several local sources said the attack was orchestrated by Al-Mouakioune Bi Dam (The Blood Signatories), a recently created group involving legendary trans-Sahel smuggler and former AQIM leader Mokhtar Belmokhtar. A spokesman claimed the group had achieved full control of the In Amenas base, where it claimed to hold around 300 people, of whom 41 were said to be foreign. The number of pawns being played in the Sahel has just gone up, adding to the complications. The conflict is entering a new phase, which is unlikely to be resolved by bombing alone, or within the immediate future.
East Africa power update report: Horn of Africa
Big dams remain at the heart of Ethiopia's post-Meles electricity strategy. With an influx of donor funds into the transmission and distribution network, the government has room to finance its hydro projects with Chinese support.
This six-page report takes a project-by-project view of the power sector in Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somaliland. It includes a one-page opening analysis article and a full page map covering electricity infrastructure in the Horn of Africa.
Revised February 2013, the map provides a regional overview of electricity infrastructure across Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somaliland. Planned and existing generation and transmission projects are clearly marked. The map illustrates Ethiopia's hydroelectricity and geothermal power potential. Transmission projects are shown from 500kV down to a number of smaller 66 and 33kV lines. Detail includes major cross-border transmission links.
Example project entry from the update:
Gilgel Gibe III (1,870MW). EEPCo awarded EPC contract to Salini (July 2006) for power plant and 243 metre high dam with 14.7mcm reservoir. Completion estimated 2013-14, to cost €1.77bn. Contracts: electromechanical and hydraulic steel structure works – China’s Dongfang Electric Corporation (agreement signed with EEPCo, May 2010; $500m contract underwritten by ICBC). China’s Tebian Electric Apparatus Stock Company Ltd to build transmission line to Addis Ababa. Concrete forming equipment and engineering support for dam wall – Harsco Corp ($2m contract signed June 2010). Consortium of Mott MacDonald (UK), Sogreah (France) and local AG Consult performed economic, financial and technical assessment. Finance: WBG, Public-Private Infrastructure Advisory Facility, EIB and AfDB withdrew support in 2010. EIB explicitly stated that withdrawal was not due to technical, environmental or social assessment results. Significant funding from Ethiopian government with Chinese support. Project’s procurement and environmental impact have been controversial. AE: 224/4, 192/13, 187/9, 184/12, 169/9, 153/13, 151/10, 141/10, 134/11, 132/9, 123/1, 119/10, 107/8.
The report can be accessed through an African Energy subscription or may be bought separately for £95.
Project reports are ideal for the busy executive who wants concise, considered analysis.
This six-page report takes a project-by-project view of the power sector in Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somaliland. It includes a one-page opening analysis article and a full page map covering electricity infrastructure in the Horn of Africa.
Revised February 2013, the map provides a regional overview of electricity infrastructure across Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somaliland. Planned and existing generation and transmission projects are clearly marked. The map illustrates Ethiopia's hydroelectricity and geothermal power potential. Transmission projects are shown from 500kV down to a number of smaller 66 and 33kV lines. Detail includes major cross-border transmission links.
Example project entry from the update:
Gilgel Gibe III (1,870MW). EEPCo awarded EPC contract to Salini (July 2006) for power plant and 243 metre high dam with 14.7mcm reservoir. Completion estimated 2013-14, to cost €1.77bn. Contracts: electromechanical and hydraulic steel structure works – China’s Dongfang Electric Corporation (agreement signed with EEPCo, May 2010; $500m contract underwritten by ICBC). China’s Tebian Electric Apparatus Stock Company Ltd to build transmission line to Addis Ababa. Concrete forming equipment and engineering support for dam wall – Harsco Corp ($2m contract signed June 2010). Consortium of Mott MacDonald (UK), Sogreah (France) and local AG Consult performed economic, financial and technical assessment. Finance: WBG, Public-Private Infrastructure Advisory Facility, EIB and AfDB withdrew support in 2010. EIB explicitly stated that withdrawal was not due to technical, environmental or social assessment results. Significant funding from Ethiopian government with Chinese support. Project’s procurement and environmental impact have been controversial. AE: 224/4, 192/13, 187/9, 184/12, 169/9, 153/13, 151/10, 141/10, 134/11, 132/9, 123/1, 119/10, 107/8.
The report can be accessed through an African Energy subscription or may be bought separately for £95.
Project reports are ideal for the busy executive who wants concise, considered analysis.
UNICEF Somalia Fast Facts - January 2013
Report from UN Children's Fund
Published on 31th January 2013THE SITUATION
For two decades Somalia has experienced violence, conflict and lawlessness which have exacerbated poverty and hardship, undermined social and economic development and made it challenging for the international community to address humanitarian and development priorities.
Consecutive years of harsh droughts and ongoing conflict have resulted in repeated crop failure, depleted livestock, rising food prices and deteriorating purchasing power.
These have eroded coping mechanisms and triggered a long running state of emergency in Somalia. By July 2011 the situation deteriorated into one of the worst famines experienced in decades.
The overall nutritional situation has improved since the famine officially ended in February 2012 as a result of significant humanitarian efforts and a good harvest.
The Quarterly Food Security and Nutrition brief (Dec 2012) says the food security and nutrition situation in Somalia will continue improving in the first half of 2013 and the population in food security crisis will reduce. Most livelihoods in Somalia are likely to be classified as Stressed requiring programmes for disaster risk reduction, protecting livelihoods and building resilience.
Internally Displaced Persons in settlements in the North and Central with limited access to food will remain in food security crisis and will require humanitarian assistance. The nutrition situation in the South, in a few areas in the North and in the central regions is likely to remain Critical to Very Critical mostly due to underlying causes of malnutrition such as lack of health infrastructure, poor feeding practices and expected seasonal outbreaks of Acute Watery Diarrhea.
Currently, a third of the population (2.12 million people) is still in crisis and needs emergency assistance – over 70 percent are in the South. A further 1.7 million have only emerged from crisis in the past year, and could easily fall back without support to maintain their livelihoods. Some 236,000 of the total population of 1.5 million under the age of five are acutely malnourished, of these 54,000 are severely malnourished. And more than 1.1 million Somalis are internally displaced, often living in deplorable conditions.
Critical Issues affecting Children and Women in Somalia
• The child and maternal mortality rates for Somalia are amongst the highest in the world; one in every ten children dies before seeing their first birthday and 12 in every 1000 women die due to complications related to child birth.
• Somalia is ranked one of the world’s lowest in terms of immunization coverage rates.
• In most regions of the south, 1 in 5 children is acutely malnourished and 1 in 15 is severely malnourished, at exceptionally high risk of death.
• Only 30% of the overall population has access to safe water and only 20% in the worst affected areas of the south.
• About 1.1 million people are internally displaced; close to 60% of them are children.
• The gross enrollment rate at primary school level is just over 33% and 75% of women are illiterate.
• Almost all women aged 15 to 49 years (98%) have been subjected to female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C).
• Persistent recruitment and use of children as young as nine in armed conflict.
UNICEF EMERGENCY RESPONSE
- UNICEF humanitarian action involves rapid response, preparedness, investment in early recovery as well as building communities’ resilience to disasters to reduce their exposure to risk.
- The rapid scale-up of humanitarian activities enabled UNICEF to more than double the number of children treated for malnutrition. This year UNICEF-supported nutrition centres admitted almost 396,000 malnourished children (of which more than 218,000 were severely malnourished) - the vast majority in the Central South Zone of Somalia (CSZ). A total of 38,000 households, including some 45,000 children under five have received support in wet feeding sites along border areas. Over 180,000 households have received at least one monthly supplementary food ration in accessible areas of southern Somalia through the UNICEF supported Blanket Supplementary Feeding Programme.
- Basic equipment, essential medicines, medical supplies and running costs were provided to partners operating 148 Maternal and Child Health centres (MCH) and 236 Health Posts with a coverage area of an estimated 1.8 million people in CSZ.
- Since the beginning of 2012, 764,000 children aged between 9 months and 5 years have been vaccinated against measles in CSZ.
- 997,000 people in CSZ gained access to water through sustained (161,000) and temporary interventions (836,000) such as: construction and rehabilitation of water points, operation and maintenance and chlorination.
- Some 140,000 people gained access to sanitation facilities in 2012, mainly in IDP camps and host communities, including 60,000 people in Puntland and Somaliland who are now living in villages with no open defecation.
- UNICEF and partners are supporting an estimated 207,912 children (including 90,552 girls) in 652 schools. These schools have 5,121 teachers (1,047 female) managing the classrooms. During the 2011/12 school year, UNICEF supported 386,657 with 43% girls.
- 26,000 households received fuel efficient stoves helping to lower the risk of sexual violence, often perpetrated against women collecting firewood.
- 950 children formally associated with armed conflict and at risk of recruitment were enrolled in reintegration programmes.
Ethiopia and the horn of Africa
It is important that Ethiopia continues to be the "cool cat" in the crowd, staying calm and peaceful so not to disturb the fragile democracies in the making all around it.
by Sunniva Hersir Sollid, Student
The Oslo Center is currently involved in three countries on the horn of Africa, all of them neighbors to the same country: Ethiopia. Since 2005, Ethiopia has been a relatively calm and peaceful country. Having a new government and slowly becoming a democracy after years of living first as a monarchy, then under a communist regime, Ethiopians have hope for the future. Both the former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the former Patriarch Abune Paulos have been deeply involved in keeping the peace after the Derg regime was defeated. They have initiated peace talks and interreligious dialogues that have helped the country move forwards and out of its oppressing past.
Changes in the situation
With the election of a new Patriarch coming up, there is much talk of different possible outcomes among the Ethiopian people. The late patriarch, Abune Paulos, was a liberal man who initiated peace talks with Eritrea during the civil war and was the initiator for the interreligious dialogues between the different religious communities in Ethiopia. He was concerned with the welfare of all religious communities and spent much time on interreligious relations. He became one of the seven serving presidents of the World Council of Churches and was a pioneer in his country.
With the election coming up, people are asking themselves if the next Patriarch will be as liberal as Abune Paulos. If they elect someone more conservative, many of the forums and dialogue centers might not survive. These interreligious meeting points are important for the religious freedom and tolerance in the country, if they shut down there will be no arena where doubt, suspicion and rumors can be confronted thru dialogue. Leaving statements uncommented and not confronted could lead to suspicion and rumors, and in the end false statements can be seen as the truth.
The possible impact
Having an unstable country in the midst of all these newly developing democracies on the horn of Africa is not ideal. Somalia is closely tied with Ethiopia, having its own region in Ethiopia in the southeast called Somali with more than 4.6 million people, making it the biggest Somali state second only to Somalia itself. Being in the process of building a democracy from scratch, Somalia does not have the resources to help a neighboring country. This is also the case with Kenya, being but two weeks from the general election and trying to keep the calm in a country where the last presidential election ended with 1300 dead. These new and fragile democracies are unstable enough themselves without having a neighboring country, which has been calm and peaceful until now, becoming unstable and disrupt the developments towards democracy on the horn of Africa.
It is important that Ethiopia continues to be the "cool cat" in the crowd, staying calm and peaceful so not to disturb the fragile democracies in the making all around it.
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| Sunniva Hersir Sollid |
Ethiopia is facing a very important election; the election of a new Patriarch which is currently being discussed in the high ranks of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Who it will be and what the implications might be is still unclear, but the outcome could have an effect not only on Ethiopia but the entire horn of Africa.
The Oslo Center is currently involved in three countries on the horn of Africa, all of them neighbors to the same country: Ethiopia. Since 2005, Ethiopia has been a relatively calm and peaceful country. Having a new government and slowly becoming a democracy after years of living first as a monarchy, then under a communist regime, Ethiopians have hope for the future. Both the former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the former Patriarch Abune Paulos have been deeply involved in keeping the peace after the Derg regime was defeated. They have initiated peace talks and interreligious dialogues that have helped the country move forwards and out of its oppressing past.
Changes in the situation
With the election of a new Patriarch coming up, there is much talk of different possible outcomes among the Ethiopian people. The late patriarch, Abune Paulos, was a liberal man who initiated peace talks with Eritrea during the civil war and was the initiator for the interreligious dialogues between the different religious communities in Ethiopia. He was concerned with the welfare of all religious communities and spent much time on interreligious relations. He became one of the seven serving presidents of the World Council of Churches and was a pioneer in his country.
With the election coming up, people are asking themselves if the next Patriarch will be as liberal as Abune Paulos. If they elect someone more conservative, many of the forums and dialogue centers might not survive. These interreligious meeting points are important for the religious freedom and tolerance in the country, if they shut down there will be no arena where doubt, suspicion and rumors can be confronted thru dialogue. Leaving statements uncommented and not confronted could lead to suspicion and rumors, and in the end false statements can be seen as the truth.
The possible impact
Having an unstable country in the midst of all these newly developing democracies on the horn of Africa is not ideal. Somalia is closely tied with Ethiopia, having its own region in Ethiopia in the southeast called Somali with more than 4.6 million people, making it the biggest Somali state second only to Somalia itself. Being in the process of building a democracy from scratch, Somalia does not have the resources to help a neighboring country. This is also the case with Kenya, being but two weeks from the general election and trying to keep the calm in a country where the last presidential election ended with 1300 dead. These new and fragile democracies are unstable enough themselves without having a neighboring country, which has been calm and peaceful until now, becoming unstable and disrupt the developments towards democracy on the horn of Africa.
It is important that Ethiopia continues to be the "cool cat" in the crowd, staying calm and peaceful so not to disturb the fragile democracies in the making all around it.
Somalia's Deadly Legacy: Landmines and Unexploded Ordinance (UXO)
Report from NATO Civil-Military Fusion Centre
OVERVIEW
A failed state for over twenty years, Somalia has been without an effective central government since 1991 following the overthrow of then President Siad Barre. In 2012, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) successfully drove al Shabaab from its urban strongholds in the south and centre of the country, enabling Somalis to establish a new central government, including members of parliament, a president and prime minister. However, humanitarian conditions remain precarious and the population faces a myriad of issues as a legacy remains after years of fighting which urgently needs to be addressed amid continued insecurity. The landmine problem in Somalia stems from numerous internal and regional conflicts spanning nearly forty years with the first reported mine laid in 1964. The protracted conflict has left a deadly legacy of landmines and unexploded ordnance (UXO) throughout the country, with incidents related to explosives reported almost daily. While the eastern Somalia-Ethiopia border region is heavily infected with UXOs laid during the 1977 border war, al Shabaab militants have similarly affected the centre and south. Mine action facilitates the safe disposal of these items, eliminating the threat to lives, and preventing unsecured items from undermining peace-building and reconstruction efforts.
The UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS) reports that anti-personnel landmines caused only four per cent of deaths and injuries in Somalia during 2011, while UXO represented 55 per cent, and unknown explosive items another 32 per cent. Of 134 known mine/Explosive remnants of war (ERW) casualties verified in 2011, 73 per cent survived their accidents. According to UNMAS, most communities in south-central Somalia suffer “from a degree of explosive remnants of war contamination; few have the support or capacity to deal with these threats.†Moreover, the socioeconomic impact of landmines affect almost every aspect of Somali society: reduced land available for livestock and agricultural production, greater than before transportation costs, poor performance of rehabilitation and development efforts, disabilities and a loss of life, general insecurity, and obstruction of repatriation and reintegration. The UN asserts, however, that Somalia’s landmine and UXO threat is “a finite problem†and one that “given sustained attention,†can be resolved within a ten-year period if resources are made available.
FACTS
- Somalia signed the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention in 2012.
- The Somaliland Mine Action Center (SMAC), under the direction of the Office of the Vice-President, is responsible for coordinating implementation of the Act.
- Information pertaining to number or types of anti-personnel landmines has not been provided by the government, however officials have acknowledged the existence of stockpiles. The Antipersonnel Mine Ban Act requires the destruction of all stockpiled antipersonnel landmines held by the government of Somaliland within four years.
- Explosive stockpiles, abandoned weapons and ammunition caches, and improvised explosive device (IED) factories are the newest threats as the Somali government gains control of areas in centre and south Somalia.
Tuesday, February 19, 2013
States continue to silence human rights NGOs at the UN
The UN Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations, which acts as the
gatekeeper to NGO access to the UN, continues to wrongly delay, deny,
and reject access to credible human rights NGOs.
At its most recent session in New York in January 2013, the Committee
approved 159 NGOs for access (or ‘consultative status’) to the UN, but
deferred a further 180 applications.
“It is deeply regrettable that some States on the Committee continue to
oppose NGOs that hold views they do not agree with, or that have been
critical of a government’s human rights record,” said Madeleine Sinclair
of the International Service for Human Rights.
“NGO accreditation should be accessible, expeditious and based on fair,
transparent and non-discriminatory criteria,” said Ms Sinclair.
ISHR’s research reveals that the NGOs that are most frequently and
persistently delayed or deferred include those that work on sexual
orientation and gender identity issues, women’s rights, reproductive
rights, minority issues, caste, freedom of expression and association,
and human rights more generally. Some NGOs waiting for accreditation
have had their applications deferred for up to 10 years.
According to Ms Sinclair, “States that are not supportive of civil
society engagement at the UN continue to use strategies to control the
review process and defer applications, such as asking irrelevant or
repetitive questions that go far beyond the scope of what NGOs are
required to submit with their applications.”
ISHR welcomes statements from some states which decry this practice. At
the January session of the UN Committee on NGOs, for example, Belgium
noted “serious concerns about the long list of deferred applications and
huge backlog” and expressed “deep regret” that many human rights
organizations were blocked on arbitrary and spurious grounds. Bulgaria
noted its concern that the applications of the “most knowledgeable and
meaningful NGOs have been deferred”, saying that the Committee must be
more efficient and ensure equal treatment.
Background
The Committee on NGOs is tasked with considering the applications of
NGOs for consultative status with the UN as well as the quadrennial
reports submitted by NGOs already in consultative status. Consultative
status provides NGOs with access to a range of fora at the UN, including
the Human Rights Council, ECOSOC and its subsidiary bodies, UN
conferences, and special events organized by the President of the
General Assembly.
The Committee has come under criticism in recent years for failing in
its core task of giving civil society a voice at the UN and deviating
from the guiding principles in ESOCOC resolution 1996/31 in its handling
of applications for consultative status and review of quadrennial
reports. It is widely accepted that State membership of the Committee
lies at the root of these negative trends and the balance of the
Committee’s membership tends towards States that do not support a
vibrant civil society at the UN. Members of the NGO Committee for the
period 2011-2014 are: Belgium, Bulgaria, Burundi, China, Cuba, India,
Israel, Kyrgyzstan, Morocco, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Peru,
Russian Federation, Senegal, Sudan, Turkey, United States of America,
and Venezuela.
Somaliland: Stanfield, the Epic 400Kms Trekker Fundraiser for Edna Hospital
How far would you go for Edna hospital: talk with Christopher Stanfield and fundraising event to support Edna Hospital?
Somalilandsun - West London Somaliland Community and others would like to invite you to a talk with Christopher Stanfield and fundraising event to support Edna Hospital, Hargeysa, Somaliland on Friday, 1st of March, 6pm at Oxford House, Derbyshire Street, London, E2 6HG
September 8th 2012, Christopher Stanfield began his challenge to walk from Egypt to Somaliland. The adventure was something Christopher had dreamed up 1 year previous; he wanted to raise both money and awareness for Edna Adan's maternity hospital in Somaliland. He also wanted to be able to help Somaliland take a step towards gaining recognition as a breakaway country, and to no longer be affiliated with Somalia.
"Edna Adan's hospital is an inspiring white light in Somaliland, and it is time we all stood up and recognized both the hospital, and this ever growing, and stabilizing country" Christopher
The journey took 4 months to complete almost 4000km, passing through Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia, Djibouti and finally Somaliland. After four grueling months and over 2000 miles of trekking, on January 4th 2013, he reached his destination a changed man. The physical journey might now be over, but the journey of change and prosperity is just beginning.
http://www.stanfields-somaliland.com/
http://www.stanfields-somaliland.com/apps/blog
http://www.ednahospital.org/
Friday, 1 March, 6pm
Oxford House, Derbyshire Street
London, E2 6HG
Your contribution: £20
Maamulka Dekeda Berbera Waxa uu Beeninayaa war kusoo baxay warbaahinta dalka
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Eng.Cali Cumar Maxamed, Maareeyaha Guud Dekedda Berbera
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Maamulka Dekeda Berbera Waxa uu
Beeninayaa war kusoo baxay warbaahinta dalka oo ku saabsanaa Dekeda
Berbera in la isku badelayo Madaxda Waaxyaheeda ama ku cusub la
magacaabayo Taas oo ay qoreen wargeysyada dalka qaarkood 16 feb. 2013
waxaanu cadeynaynaa inaanay jirin wax isku shaandheyn iyo isku bedel ah
oo qorsheysani inaanu jirin warkaasina yahay mid been abuur ah oo aan
sal iyo raad toona lahayn.
Waxaanu kaloo cadeynaynaa inaanay waxba
ka jirin in madaxda sare ee qaranku wax farogelin ah ku leeyihiin
hawlaha shaqaalaha ee dekeda Berbera masuuliyadeedana Maamulka Dekedu
leeyahay.
Waxaanu usoo jeedinaynaa Warbaahinta
madaxa banan inay iska hubiyaan waxa ay qorayaan masuuliyiinta ay waxka
qorayaana ay siiyaan xaqa ay u leeyihiin in wax laga weydiiyo waxa laga
qorayo bulshadana aan loo gudbin war xaqiiqda ka fog oo been abuur ah.
ALLAA MAHAD LEH.
Eng.Cali Cumar Maxamed
Maareeyaha Guud Dekedda Berbera
Madaxwayne Ku Xigeenka Somaliland Oo Ku Dhawaaqay Inuu U Tartamayo Guddoomiye Ku Xigeenka Koowaad Ee Kulmiye
Hargeysa (Ramaas) Febr 18,2013 – Madaxwayne ku xigeenka Somaliland Md Cabdiraxmaan Cabdilaahi Ismaaciil (Saylici), ayaa caawa ku dhawaaqay inuu u tartamayo Guddoomiye ku xigeenka koowaad ee xisbiga Kulmiye, kaasi oo ololihii shirwaynihiisu bilaabmay.
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| Madaxwayne ku xigeenka Somaliland Md Cabdiraxmaan Cabdilaahi Ismaaciil (Saylici) |
Madaxwayne ku xigeenku waxa uu sheegay in
si kasta oo xaalada xisbigu tahay, haddana isagu uu u taagan yahay
Musharaxa Guddoomiye ku xigeenka Kulmiye, inkasta oo uu sheegay inaanu
sheegi Karin wakhtiga shirwaynuhu dhacayo.
Xilka uu sheegay in Madaxwayne ku
xigeenku u tartamayo ayaa waxa maanta isugu sheegay inuu u tartamayo
Cabdikariin Xinif oo ah Agaasime Waaxeedka Maamulka ee Komiishanka la
dagaalanka Aydhiska.
Dhawaaqa Cabdiraxmaan Sayliici, ayaa
loolanka Kulmiye ee hogaanka xisbiga sii adkaynaya, maadaama oo ay hore
hogaanka ugu tartamayeen siyaasiyiin door ahi.
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