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Wednesday, October 19, 2011

Hope in Somalia is four-legged, woolly

Young men struggle to keep goats and sheep together on the streets 
of Hargeisa.
SAYYID AZIM / THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Enlarge Image
Young men struggle to keep goats and sheep together on the streets of Hargeisa.
Where there are beasts, there is life, goes a saying in Somalia. Half its people depend on livestock for their survival. This year, they will export record numbers of animals. That seems improbable, given that a famine is raging in south Somalia, which has seen over a million animals die of hunger and thirst. But the grazing in other parts of Somalia, especially the north, has been excellent, and demand for livestock from abroad has never been higher. After banning Somali sheep and goats for many years for allegedly being diseased, Jeddah in Saudi Arabia has once again declared them welcome.

For the first time since the collapse of Somalia as a unitary state in 1991, Saudi and Lebanese traders have ventured into the local livestock markets. Goats are mainly exported to Mecca for the annual haj pilgrimage. The UN Food and Agriculture Organization estimates that $250 million worth of animals will leave the port of Berbera and its more ramshackle rival, Bossaso, in the seven weeks before the haj in early November.
In the livestock market in Hargeisa, capital of the semi-autonomous region of Somaliland, sweaty goatherds press in on Adan Ahmed Deria, a trader. Hundreds of camels are being loaded onto trucks. Deria nods to show that the price is fixed. "God willing," he says, "I will buy 800,000 goats and sheep this year." That is $52 million of business, in cash, in a country where the economy has apparently collapsed.

Trade is set to grow further. Saudi Arabia wants to double its livestock imports from Somalia by 2013. The herders face fierce competition from Georgia, China and Paraguay, but halal butchers value the quality of Somali animals, which are raised by nomadic Muslims.

Somalis have hardly begun to tap the value of their animals. With about $50 million in international help, they could invest in watering stations, encourage communities to cure animal skins, make soap from bone marrow and fashion buttons from camel bone. They might also usefully improve transportation by, say, building bridges over rivers prone to flooding, which would cut out rapacious middlemen.

Though the region suffers from rampant piracy, it mainly affects international shipping rather than locals. Last month, pirates captured a livestock ship in the waters off Bossaso; they were killed within hours by irate traders and herders. Meanwhile, hijacked foreign freighters litter the coastline undisturbed.
As parts of the economy grow, Somalis increasingly look to the diaspora for loans. Its members are prominent in gold and metal markets across Africa. Many excel at moving goods and money around. The once-thriving fishing industry would be helped by investment in refrigerators, as would frankincense cultivation, which employs 10 per cent of the workers in Puntland, a breakaway region in the north.
None of this is to deny that the situation in south Somalia -- the country's breadbasket -- is anything other than dire. UN figures yet to be published suggest that 80,000 people may already have died as a result of the famine. More are certain to follow them to the grave. According to Somali aid workers from the hungriest areas, the situation is bad but improving. Forecasts for the coming rains are promising. Showers have already arrived in some places. Recovery will be a struggle, but apocalypse looks less likely now.

An American celebrity campaign emphasizes that famines are man-made. That is unhelpfully vague, but not necessarily wrong. In Somalia, famine results from the strictures imposed by the al-Qaida-linked Shabab militia, which controls large parts of the south. A drought has strained the entire region. But Kenya and Ethiopia have dealt with it much better than the ignorant and petty Shabab. They have been kicked out of Mogadishu, Somalia's ruined seaside capital, by African Union troops paid by America and the European Union.

The Shabab are not yet defeated, but they have lost a lot of ground and support. The story of a 23-year-old farmer, Ahmed Mohammed, is typical. He fled his village of Bulamerer on the Shabelle River along with his heavily pregnant wife and one of their children. They left two other children behind in the village with Mohammed's mother and his teenage brothers and sisters. The family's goats died of hunger. He fears his children might suffer the same fate. Still, he says he will not return home until the Shabab have gone.

The fighters take a third of the harvest as taxation, ban singing, whip the men to prayers, force the women to cover their faces and violently break up any gathering of four or more people. The village school is run by the Shabab, but only those loyal to their cause are allowed to attend. Echoing the suggestion that the famine is at least in part man-made, Mohammed claims he and others were denied access to river water for their crops.
Now on the defensive, the Shabab have taken actions as desperate as they are deadly. On Oct. 4, they arranged a suicide bombing in Mogadishu that killed more than 100 people. Most were students queuing up for scholarships to Turkey. The bomber, a teenager, recorded an interview before the attack in which he said of the victims, "They never think about the hereafter and about harassed Muslims."

The target of the bombing was education -- hope itself -- but also the Transitional Federal Government. It is supported by the AU troops in the capital. The prime minister, Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, wants to finish off the Shabab and has said, "This is the time to intervene" and that the "cowards" should not be allowed to regroup. An offensive led by the AU and transitional government troops this week hammered Shabab positions on the edge of Mogadishu. Publicly, donor countries say the government is the best bet to run the country. Privately, they lambaste it. Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, the lacklustre president, has extended his mandate by delaying elections to next year, to nobody's satisfaction. Venal and inept, his government surely needs to be replaced. But with what?

Republished from the Winnipeg Free Press print edition October 18, 2011 A10

The Other Horn of Africa - Ahmed Mohamoud Silyano


2011-10-18
The Other Horn of Africa
HARGEISA – Drought, famine, refugees, piracy, and the violence and terrorism endemic to the shattered city of Mogadishu, a capital ruined by civil war: these are the images that flash through peoples’ minds nowadays when they think of the Horn of Africa. Such perceptions, however, are not only tragically one-sided; they are short-sighted and dangerous.
Behind the stock images of a region trapped in chaos and despair, economies are growing, reform is increasingly embraced, and governance is improving. Moreover, with Yemen’s government imploding across the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa’s strategic significance for maritime oil transport has become a primary global security concern. In short, the Horn of Africa is too important to ignore or to misunderstand.

Of course, no one should gainsay the importance of combating famine, piracy, and terrorist groups like the radical and murderous Al-Shabaab. But, at the same time, we have seen my homeland, Somaliland, witness its third consecutive free, fair, and contested presidential election. And Ethiopia has emerged as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, with GDP up 10.9% year on year in 2010-2011, rivaling China and leading Africa. Indeed, Ethiopia is one of the few countries in the world poised to meet the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals on time and in full in 2015.

In the wider region, too, things are looking up. South Sudan gained its independence this July at the ballot box. And Uganda has discovered large new deposits of oil and gas that will help to lift its economy.
All of these changes reflect the fact that the Horn of Africa’s peoples are no longer willing to be passive victims of fate and their harsh physical environment. On the contrary, they are determined to shape their destinies through modernization, investment, and improved governance.

After decades of stable enmities, the peoples and nations of the Horn of Africa are learning how to cooperate and align their interests. For example, Somaliland and Ethiopia are collaborating on the construction of a gas-export pipeline from Ethiopia’s Ogaden region, promising new jobs and income for people in one of the poorest and least developed parts of the world.

Although there is much that we can and will do to help ourselves, the Horn of Africa can still benefit from international assistance. But the international community needs to do more than provide food and medicine to victims of famine and drought. Necessary as that is, we need pro-growth investments that will help provide jobs for our peoples and products and resources for the world. That means focusing on promoting market economies and stable government, rather than subsidizing failure and failed states.

Unfortunately, at least with respect to Somaliland, this is not the case. For 20 years, ever since we re-established our independence – we had voluntarily joined with Italian Somaliland to form Somalia in 1960 – the international community has closed its eyes to the successful democracy that we have built. Even more perverse, it appears to be demanding that we abandon the peaceful, tolerant society that we have established and submit to the control of whatever government – if there even is one – rules (or misrules) the remainder of Somalia from the rubble of Mogadishu.

Our successful democratic experiment is being ignored in part because of a hoary ruling a half-century ago by the Organization of African Unity, the precursor to today’s African Union. Back then, with the recent demise of the colonial empires stoking fears of tribal rivalries and countless civil wars, the OAU ruled that the frontiers drawn up by the imperial powers should be respected in perpetuity.

That taboo still claims routine support from many African leaders. And yet Eritrea’s secession from Ethiopia did not lead to other breakaway movements in Africa. Likewise, South Sudan’s peaceful, and internationally supported, separation from Sudan has not led to new calls for Africa’s borders to be redrawn.

A 2005 report by Patrick Mazimhaka, a former AU deputy chairman, cast heavy doubt on the application of this rule in Somaliland. As Mazimhaka pointed out, the union in 1960 between Somaliland and Somalia, following the withdrawal of the British and Italian colonial powers, was never formally ratified. But his report has been left in a drawer ever since.

So when should a people be able to declare their independence and gain international recognition? The Palestinians’ decision to take their case to the UN has put this issue on the front burner. International law is of no help here; indeed, the World Court has offered only scant guidance.

The basic principles that I believe should prevail, and which Somaliland meets, are the following:

·         Secession should not result from foreign intervention, and the barriers for recognizing secession must be high;
·         Independence should be recognized only if a clear majority (well over 50%-plus-one of the voters) have freely chosen it, ideally in an unbiased referendum;
·         All minorities must be guaranteed decent treatment.

All three of Somaliland’s parties adamantly support independence, confirmed overwhelmingly by a referendum in 2001. So there is no question of one clan or faction imposing independence on the others. Yet, although Somaliland is deepening its democracy each day, our people are paying a high price because of the lack of international recognition.

World Bank and European Union development money, for example, pours into the black hole that is Somalia, simply because it is the recognized government. Somalilanders, who are almost as numerous as the people of Somalia, are short-changed, getting only a fraction of the money invariably wasted by Somalia.

Justice demands that this change. The national interest of most of the world’s powers requires a Somaliland willing and able to provide security along its borders and in the seas off our coasts. Our people are willing. But, to paraphrase Winston Churchill, give us the tools, and the international recognition, so that we can finish the job.

Ahmed M. Mohamoud Silyano is President of Somaliland.
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Q&A: Who are Somalia's al-Shabab?

http://news.bbcimg.co.uk/media/images/56104000/jpg/_56104117_shabab_afp.jpg

Kenya says its forces have entered Somali territory to tackle militant Islamist group al-Shabab - who are they?

Who are al-Shabab?

Al-Shabab means The Youth in Arabic. It emerged as the radical youth wing of Somalia's now-defunct Union of Islamic Courts in 2006, as it fought Ethiopian forces who had entered Somalia to back the weak interim government.

There are numerous reports of foreign jihadists going to Somalia to help al-Shabab.
It has imposed a strict version of Sharia law in areas under its control, including stoning to death women accused of adultery and amputating the hands of thieves.

How much of Somalia does al-Shabab control? 
It controls most of the south and centre, including the second city, Kismayo.
In August, it announced a "tactical withdrawal" from the capital, Mogadishu, after a sustained offensive by African Union (AU) and government forces.

The AU and the government claimed that al-Shabab had been routed in the capital.
However, in early October, a suicide bomber detonated a lorry-load of explosives near a government building, killing more than 70 people.

Analysts believe al-Shabab is increasingly focusing on guerrilla warfare to counter the firepower of AU forces.
Kismayo, a port city, is a key asset for the militants, allowing supplies to reach areas under their control and providing taxes for their operations.

In September, the US launched a series of attacks by unmanned drones on suspected al-Shabab positions around Kismayo.

Who is al-Shabab's leader?
Ahmed Abdi Godane is the head of the group. He comes from the northern breakaway region of Somaliland.
There have been reports - strenuously denied by al-Shabab - that his leadership is being increasingly challenged by southerners, who form the bulk of the group's fighters, estimated to number between 7,000 and 9,000.

Mr Godane is rarely seen in public. His predecessor, Moalim Aden Hashi Ayro, was killed in a US airstrike in 2008.

What are al-Shabab's foreign links?
Al-Shabab pledges loyalty to al-Qaeda - and has given refuge to its operatives.
In its most public confirmation of the links, al-Shabab officials accompanied a man claiming to be from al-Qaeda and identified as US citizen Abu Abdulla Almuhajir as he distributed aid to famine victims in Islamist-controlled territory.

US officials believe that with al-Qaeda on the retreat in Afghanistan and Pakistan following the killing of Osama bin Laden, its fighters will increasingly take refuge in Somalia.

Has al-Shabab carried out attacks outside Somalia?
It was responsible for a double suicide bombing in Uganda's capital, Kampala, which killed 76 people watching the 2010 football World Cup final on television.

The attack was carried out because Uganda - along with Burundi - provide the bulk of the 9,000 AU troops in Somalia.

Neighbouring Djibouti and the western African state of Sierra Leone have promised to bolster the AU force to 12,000 by the end of 2011.

Kenya said it had sent troops to Somalia because al-Shabab fighters had abducted two Spanish aid workers from the world's largest refugee camp, Dadaab.
Al-Shabab has denied responsibility.

Analysts say the militants often enter and leave Kenya without being intercepted. Their fighters are said to even visit the capital, Nairobi, for medical treatment.

The 2002 twin attacks on Israeli targets near the Kenyan resort of Mombasa were allegedly planned in Somalia by an al-Qaeda cell, while the US believes some of the al-Qaeda operatives who carried out the 1998 attacks on its embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam then fled to Somalia.

Who are al-Shabab's backers? 
Eritrea is its only regional ally. It denies claims it supplies arms to al-Shabab.
Eritrea supports al-Shabab to counter the influence of Ethiopia, its bitter enemy.
With the backing of the US, Ethiopia sent troops to Somalia in 2006 to defeat the Islamists. The Ethiopian forces withdrew in 2009 after suffering heavy casualties.

What about the Somali government?
The president is a moderate Islamist, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. He was elected in 2009 by the Somali parliament, sitting in neighbouring Djibouti. It could not convene in Somalia because of the violence.
It was hoped that he would be able to achieve peace with al-Shabab, but the group simply denounced him as a traitor and a puppet of foreign powers.

Somalia is pretty much a failed state. It has not had an effective national government for about 20 years, during which much of the country has been a constant war-zone.

This made it easy for al-Shabab, when it first emerged, to win support among Somalis. It promised people security - something they welcomed.

But the on-going fighting has knocked al-Shabab's credibility.

The group advocates the Saudi-inspired Wahhabi version of Islam, while most Somalis are Sufis. Al-Shabab has destroyed a large number of Sufi shrines, causing its popularity to further plummet.

And al-Shabab is battling to deal with a famine in six areas under its control. Tens of thousands of people have fled its territory in search of food to government-controlled territory and to neighbouring Kenya and Ethiopia.

Al-Shabab acknowledges there is a drought, but denies that it amounts to a famine.
It has refused to allow the UN World Food Programme (WFP) and several Western agencies from distributing aid in areas under its control, accusing them of having a political agenda.
One of the famine-affected areas is Lower Shabelle. It was once Somlalia's breadbasket, but years of fighting forced farmers to flee.

A-Shabab blames the lack of rains on Allah, and says people should pray for the drought to end.
It has also urged people to return to their villages to plant crops, rather than becoming dependent on aid.

French hostage taken from Kenya to Somalia dies

Wednesday, October 19, 2011

France's Foreign Ministry says a Frenchwoman who was taken hostage off a resort in northern Kenya and had been held in Somalia has died.
The ministry says in a statement that unspecified "contacts" had indicated to French officials that Marie Dedieu had died but that the date and circumstances of her death were not immediately clear.


The ministry said Wednesday that the kidnappers "probably refused to give her the medication we sent her." Kenya's government blamed the attack on Somali militants from the al-Shabab group.


Dedieu, who French officials said was in her 60s, was captured from an island resort near the northern Kenyan town of Lamu on Oct. 1.

Ciidamada Sirdoonka Faransiiska Oo Magaalada Hargeysa Gaarey



Sida ay sheegayaan Wararka laga helayo kuwa sirdoonka dalka Faransiiska oo socdaal ku tagay magaalada Hargeysa ee xarunta maamulka Somaliland,

Waxayna wararka qaar ay sheegayaan inay halkaasi u tageen ka dib markii ciidamada Somaliland ay qabteen nin looga shakiyey inuu ka mid ahaa kooxihii Hotel ku yaala magaalada Muqdisho ka afduubtay labo nin oo Faransiis ah oo tababarayaal ahaa.

Ciidamada sirdoonka Faransiiska ee tagay magaalada Hargeysa oo watay diyaarad qaas ah ayaa su’aalo weydiiyay ninkan laga shakiyey, kaas oo dhowr maalmood u xirnaa ciidamada maamulka Somaliland, ka hor intii aysan halkaasi tagin ciidamada Faransiiska.
Nin kan oo ay qabteen doraad ciidanka sirdoonka maamulka Somaliland ayaa la sheegay inuu la socday gaari ka mid ah kuwa xamuulka khudarada ah ka qaada Koonfurta Soomaaliya kaas oo la sheegay inuu si dhuumaaleysi ah ku galay galay Somaliland, isagoo iska dhigayey nin ganacsade ah oo uu u raranyahay gariga.
Ilaa hadda maamulka Somaliland kama hadlin qabashada ninkaasi, hase yeeshee waxaa laga war helay diyaarad ka mid ah nooca ciidamadda oo la sheegay inay wateen Sirdoonka Faransiiska oo madaarka Hargeysa soo fadhiisatay, ka dibna saraakiil la socotay ay su’aalo weydiiyeen ninkii looga shakisanaa inuu ku lug lahaa afduubka labadii nine e Faransiiska ahaa.
Sidoo kale lama oga in maamulka Somaliland in ninkaas ay u gacangeliyeen ciidamada sirdoonka ee dalka Faransiiska iyo inay weli iyagu gacanta ku hayaan, waxaase la ogyahay in maamulada ka jira Soomaaliya oo ay ku jirto dowladda KMG ay inta badan gacanta u geliyeen marka ay qabtaan qof Soomaali ah oo ay ka shakiyaan ciidamada ajnabiga ah ee ka socda sirdoonada dalalka shisheye.

Medeshivalley.com: French hostage taken from Kenya to Somalia dies

Medeshivalley.com: French hostage taken from Kenya to Somalia dies

Saturday, July 30, 2011

Wargeyska Waaheen oo ka Ka Qaybgalaya Shirka Caalamiga ah ee Hoggaamiyayaasha Saxaafadda Afrika

Friday, July 29th, 2011

Wargeyska Waaheen ayaa qaybgalaya shir ay iskugu imanayaan saxaafadda Afrika inteeda ugu waaweyn oo lagu qaban doono Dalka Tunisia bisha November ee inagu soo aadan. Wargeyska oo casuumad rasmi ah ka helay machadka Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS Media Africa) oo ah mid laga leeyahay Dalka Jarmalka kana shaqeeya horumarinta Saxaafadda Afrika iyo hay’adda African Media Initiative (AMI) oo si wada-jir ah ugu qabanay sannadkan Caasimadda Dalka Tunisia ee Tunis kulankan oo lagu magacaabo Shirka Hogaamiyaasha Saxaafadda Afrika (African Media Leaders Forum [AMLF]).

Shirkan ayaa ah mid ay ka soo qaybgalayaan Madax-badan oo dunidda iskaga timid oo ka mid yihiin Madaxda Bangiga Adduunka, Madax matalaysa Dalalka qaadhaan-bixiyayaasha, shirkaddaha dhinaca tiknoolajiga, khubaro saxaafadda ku xeel-dheer, saxafiyiin iyo mulkiilayaasha saxaafadda Afrika kuwooda ugu waaweyn.

Ajandaha shirkan oo sannadle ah ayaa lagaga arrinsan doonaa sidii maalgalin loogu heli saxaafadda Afrika, loogana taageeri lahaa dhinaca tiknoolajiyadda iyo isku xidhka dhexooda si ay danahooda uga wada-tashadaan, iyadoo la filayo in halkaas qaadhaan-bixiyayaashu kaga yaboohi doonaan lacago badan oo lagu caawin doono saxaafadda Afrika si kor loogu qaado adeegyadda ay bulshadda u hayaan.

Madaxa hay’adda KAS Media Africa, Mr. Markus Brauckmann ayaa yidhi: “Waa mid ka mid ah wakhtiyadda ugu xiisaha badan caalamka saxaafadda, waana wakhtiga ugu wanaagsan ee aynu awoodeena iskugu xidhi karno” waxaanu intaas ku daray: “Waxaanu dareemaynaa in dadka aanu shirkan u qabanayno oo ah hoggaamiyaasha ugu sareeya saxaafada Afrika ay wax badan ka faa’iidaysan doonaan oo aanay ka faa’idin shirarkii hore.” Dhinaca kale, Guddoomiyaha Hay’adda AMI, Mr. Amadou Mahtar Ba, ayaa yidhi, “Waxaanu si gaar ah ugu faraxsanahay in doorkan KAS Media Africa ay khibaradooda sannadkan markii ugu horrasay ku soo biirinayaa Kulanka Hogaamiyayaasha Saxaafadda Afrika. Shirkana wuxuu noqday run ahaantii suuqa ugu weyn ee saxaafadda Afrika ay ka helaan fursado xidhiidh oo dhex mara saxaafadda Afrika ugu waaweyn dhexdeeda iyo hawl-wadeenadeeda ka hawlgala”.

Shirkan ayaa markii ugu horraysay lagu qabtay Magaaladda Dakar, caasimadda Senegal sannadkii 2008 dii, iyadoo 2009 kiina lagu qabta Lagos, Nigeria halka sannadkii 2010 lagu qabtay Dalka Yaoundé, Cameroon.

Waa markii ugu horraysay ee saxaafadda Somaliland ay ka qaybagasho shir caalamiya oo baaxaddaas leeg oo saxaafadda Afrika iyo qaadhaan-bixiyayaashu iskugu imanayaan. Ta intii ka danbaysay markii la guddoonsiiyey Tifaftiraha Wargeyska Waaheen, Mr. Maxamuud Cabdi Jaamac “Xuuto” abaalmarinta Saxaafadda Afrika ee Xorta ah, oo ah tan ugu sumcadda badan Qaaradda Afrika. Waxa isa soo taraiyey xidhiidhka caalamiga ah ee hay’adaha iyo ururadda caalamiga ah ee saxaafadda ku shuqulka lahi ay la samaynayeen, taasoo ka dhigtay inuu noqdo mid ka mid ah Wargeysyadda ugu caansan Qaaradda Afrika sannadka 2011 ka. Waxaana la filayaa in sannadkan 2012 uu shirar hor leh oo caalamiya oo ka dhacaya daafaha dunidda uu ka qaybgalaan madaxda iyo saxafiyiinta ka hawlgasha Wargeysku oo guud ahaan kor u qaadi doona magaca Dalka, gaar ahaan fursado tabaro iyo maal-galinba u soo kordhin doona saxaafadda Somaliland.

Wargeyska Waaheen oo ka Ka Qaybgalaya Shirka Caalamiga ah ee Hoggaamiyayaasha Saxaafadda Afrika

Friday, July 29th, 2011

Wargeyska Waaheen ayaa qaybgalaya shir ay iskugu imanayaan saxaafadda Afrika inteeda ugu waaweyn oo lagu qaban doono Dalka Tunisia bisha November ee inagu soo aadan. Wargeyska oo casuumad rasmi ah ka helay machadka Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS Media Africa) oo ah mid laga leeyahay Dalka Jarmalka kana shaqeeya horumarinta Saxaafadda Afrika iyo hay’adda African Media Initiative (AMI) oo si wada-jir ah ugu qabanay sannadkan Caasimadda Dalka Tunisia ee Tunis kulankan oo lagu magacaabo Shirka Hogaamiyaasha Saxaafadda Afrika (African Media Leaders Forum [AMLF]).

Shirkan ayaa ah mid ay ka soo qaybgalayaan Madax-badan oo dunidda iskaga timid oo ka mid yihiin Madaxda Bangiga Adduunka, Madax matalaysa Dalalka qaadhaan-bixiyayaasha, shirkaddaha dhinaca tiknoolajiga, khubaro saxaafadda ku xeel-dheer, saxafiyiin iyo mulkiilayaasha saxaafadda Afrika kuwooda ugu waaweyn.

Ajandaha shirkan oo sannadle ah ayaa lagaga arrinsan doonaa sidii maalgalin loogu heli saxaafadda Afrika, loogana taageeri lahaa dhinaca tiknoolajiyadda iyo isku xidhka dhexooda si ay danahooda uga wada-tashadaan, iyadoo la filayo in halkaas qaadhaan-bixiyayaashu kaga yaboohi doonaan lacago badan oo lagu caawin doono saxaafadda Afrika si kor loogu qaado adeegyadda ay bulshadda u hayaan.

Madaxa hay’adda KAS Media Africa, Mr. Markus Brauckmann ayaa yidhi: “Waa mid ka mid ah wakhtiyadda ugu xiisaha badan caalamka saxaafadda, waana wakhtiga ugu wanaagsan ee aynu awoodeena iskugu xidhi karno” waxaanu intaas ku daray: “Waxaanu dareemaynaa in dadka aanu shirkan u qabanayno oo ah hoggaamiyaasha ugu sareeya saxaafada Afrika ay wax badan ka faa’iidaysan doonaan oo aanay ka faa’idin shirarkii hore.” Dhinaca kale, Guddoomiyaha Hay’adda AMI, Mr. Amadou Mahtar Ba, ayaa yidhi, “Waxaanu si gaar ah ugu faraxsanahay in doorkan KAS Media Africa ay khibaradooda sannadkan markii ugu horrasay ku soo biirinayaa Kulanka Hogaamiyayaasha Saxaafadda Afrika. Shirkana wuxuu noqday run ahaantii suuqa ugu weyn ee saxaafadda Afrika ay ka helaan fursado xidhiidh oo dhex mara saxaafadda Afrika ugu waaweyn dhexdeeda iyo hawl-wadeenadeeda ka hawlgala”.

Shirkan ayaa markii ugu horraysay lagu qabtay Magaaladda Dakar, caasimadda Senegal sannadkii 2008 dii, iyadoo 2009 kiina lagu qabta Lagos, Nigeria halka sannadkii 2010 lagu qabtay Dalka Yaoundé, Cameroon.

Waa markii ugu horraysay ee saxaafadda Somaliland ay ka qaybagasho shir caalamiya oo baaxaddaas leeg oo saxaafadda Afrika iyo qaadhaan-bixiyayaashu iskugu imanayaan. Ta intii ka danbaysay markii la guddoonsiiyey Tifaftiraha Wargeyska Waaheen, Mr. Maxamuud Cabdi Jaamac “Xuuto” abaalmarinta Saxaafadda Afrika ee Xorta ah, oo ah tan ugu sumcadda badan Qaaradda Afrika. Waxa isa soo taraiyey xidhiidhka caalamiga ah ee hay’adaha iyo ururadda caalamiga ah ee saxaafadda ku shuqulka lahi ay la samaynayeen, taasoo ka dhigtay inuu noqdo mid ka mid ah Wargeysyadda ugu caansan Qaaradda Afrika sannadka 2011 ka. Waxaana la filayaa in sannadkan 2012 uu shirar hor leh oo caalamiya oo ka dhacaya daafaha dunidda uu ka qaybgalaan madaxda iyo saxafiyiinta ka hawlgasha Wargeysku oo guud ahaan kor u qaadi doona magaca Dalka, gaar ahaan fursado tabaro iyo maal-galinba u soo kordhin doona saxaafadda Somaliland.