Thursday, July 4, 2013

As Somaliland Journalists Jailed, Fight Back by FUNCA Member, UN Contrasted

Matthew Russell Lee
By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, July 3 -- With the UN less and less willing to answer questions, whether about which Congolese Army units it works with or even which Syria villages Secretary General Ban Ki-moon was referring to in a July 2 statement, there's been talk of a media strike at the UN.

Some have proposed not going to the UN noon briefing, not asking questions, even not writing stories. But that might be just what the UN has in mind. And many large media have already reduced their UN presence and coverage substantially.

The view of Inner City Press and the new Free UN Coalition for Access is that in New York and places like it, the better response is simply to report more, to ask more questions and report on the (non) answers, to talk with more sources and dig deeper.

But we realize that in some other places the possibilities and dynamics are different.  
For example in Somaliland, on which Inner City Press has been reporting for months, Free UN Coalition for Access member Mohamoud Walaaleye has protested the Hargeisa Regional Court's sentencing to prison of Hubaal newspaper's manager Mohamed Ahmed Jama Aloley for one year and editor Hassan Hussein Kefkef, for two years.

This was on charges of “propagating false information,” reporting on smuggling by diplomats and the capacities of elected officials, and came after an attack on the newspaper's office by authorities and a suspension of publication.

Mohamoud Walaaleye
Mohamoud Walaaleye, who asks questions not only in Hargeisa but to UN officials, tells us that the “Somaliland media association, (SOLJA) is incapacitated to reach a common stand condemning this action. For that, I, Mohamoud Walaaleye, reached a decision of withholding all my journalism activities till the discharged of the jail sentences of my colleagues at Hubaal newspaper.”
Now that, and to a lesser degree this, is what solidarity is all about. By contrast, UN headquarters' chosen partner UNCA tried in 2012 to get the investigative press thrown out of the UN; its first vice president passed internal “UNCA only” documents immediately to UN officials, here.

Wednesday, July 3, 2013

Maxkamadda Gobolka Maroodijeex Oo Xukun Ku Riday Masuuliyiinta Wargeyska Hubaal Iyo Ururka SOLJA Oo Cambaareeyay

Maxkamadda Gobolka Hargeysa, ayaa maanta xukun xadhig iyo ganaax iskugu jira ku riday masuuliyiinta wargeyska madaxa banaan ee HUBAAl ka dib markii xayiraad la saaray wargeyska oo dacwad ku saabsan warar ay qoreen ay ka socotay maxkamadda.
 
Maxkamada degmada Hargeysa ayaa Mareeyaha wargeyska Hubaal Maxamed Axmed Jaamac (Caloolay) ku xukuntay hal sano oo xadhig ah iyo laba milyan oo shilin oo ganaax ah, halka Tifaftiraha wageyska Xasan Xuseen Cabdilaahi (Xasan Keef-keef) lagu xukumay laba sanno oo xadhig ah iyo laba milyan oo ganaax ah, iyadoo wageyska la sheegay inay xayiraadu saarnaadoonto illaa inta ka dhamaysanayaan xadhigooda.
 
Garsoore Cismaan Ibraahin Daahir, oo ah garsooraha xukumay masuuliyiinta wargeysa Hubaal, ayaa sheegay inay wargeysa Hubaal ku cadaatay inuu aflagaadeeyey madaxweynaha Somaliland iyo safaarada wadanka Ethiopia ee magaalada Hargeysa.
 
Garsooraha oo ku dhawaaqay xukunkan waxa uu yidhi “Xasan Xuseen Cabdilaahi oo ah tifatiraha Wargeyska Hubaal waxay maxkamadu ku xukuntay laba sano oo xadhig ah iyo laba milyan oo ganaaxa, tifatiruhuna waa ninka qoraalka sameeya ee wixii ceeba iyo wixii kale kala saara, Maxamed Axmed Jaamac oo ah maareeyaha guud ee wargeyska Hubaal waxay maxkamadu ku xukuntay hal sano oo xadhig ah iyo laba milyan oo ganaaxa.”
 
“Danbigan aanu ku qaadnay wargeyska waxa weeye inuu aflagaadooyin iyo been abuur ku sameeyey xukuumadda iyo dad kale, waxaana ka mida inay sheegeen in safaarada wadanka Ethiopia ay khamri soo galiso wadanka taas oo ah been ,”ayuu yidhi Cismaan Ibraahim.
 
Garsoore Cismaan wuxuu intaasi ku ladhay “Waxa kale oo ka mid ah inay wax ka sheegeen xukuumada Somaliland iyo madaxda ugu saraysa qaranka, sidaas darteed anaga oo cuskanayna qodobadda 287 iyo qodobo kale wargeyskaas danbigii wuu ku cadaaday,” ayuu raaciyey hadalkiisa, waxaanu intaas ku daray “ Dacwadan waxa ka hadlay laba daraf kuwaas oo kala ahaa xeer ilaalinta iyo qareenka eedaysanayaasha,kuwaas oo qolana danbiga oogaysay qolada kalana iska difaacaysay. sidaas darteed qareenka eedaysanayaashu iskamay rogin eedayntii loo soo jeediyey, wargeyskana lagama qaadanayo xayiraada, balse waxa laga qaadanayaa marka ay dhamaysteen xukunkooda.”
 
Dhinaca kale, Xoghaya guud ee ururka suxufiyiinta Somaliland ee Solja Maxamed Rashiid Muxumed Faarax, ayaa sheegay in ururka suxufiyinta Somaliland ay canbaaraynayaan xadhiga lagu xukumay masuuliyiinta wargeyska Hubaal, waxaanu yidhi “Waxaanu aad u canbaaraynaynaa oo aanu ka soo horjeednaa xukunka cadaalada darada ah ee lagu qaaday wargeyska Hubaal oo maalintii labaatanaad xidhan iyo tafatirihii iyo maareeyihii oo lagu xukumay laba sano iyo hal sano, kuwaas oo lagu qaaday xeerka ciqaabta oo aan ahayn xeer madaniya”ayuu yidhi xogyaha ururka saxaafadda, waxaanu intas ku daray “Suxufiyiintu waxay xaq u leeyihiin in lagu qaado xeerka madaniga ah iyo xeerka saxaafada Somaliland ee dalka u yaala,maaha macquul in la yidhaa wargeys ayaa labaatan cisho xidhnaanaya,dadkii laayeyna way maqan yihiin.”
 
Garyaqaan Maxamuud Cabdiraxmaan u doodaya wargeyska HUBAAL, ayaa sheegay inay xukunkan ka qaadanayaan racfaan, waxaanu sheegay in xukunkani aanu ahayn mid cadaaladda ku salaysan.

Somaliland: In Somaliland, Hubaal journalists sentenced to jail said CPJ

Nairobi, July 3, 2013–A court in the capital of the semi-autonomous republic of Somaliland today convicted the manager and editor of the independent daily Hubaal of defamation and sentenced them to prison.
 
Hubaal‘s editor, Hussein Hassan Abdullahi, received two years, while the paper’s manager, Mohamed Ahmed Jama, was sentenced to one year in jail on charges of defamation and false publication of news capable of disturbing public order, local journalists told CPJ. The court issued a fine of 2,000,000 Somaliland shillings (US$300) to Hussein and 1,000,000 shillings (US$150) to Mohamed, according to news reports.
 
Defense lawyer Adburahaman Mohamoud said the journalists will appeal. He told CPJ that the conviction contravenes the Somaliland media law and constitution, which require civil as opposed to criminal procedures for alleged press offenses.
 
Judge Osman Fanah of the Regional Court in Hargeisa also ordered that the daily remain suspended for the duration of the journalists’ sentence, local journalists told CPJ. The Attorney General had ordered publication of the paper suspended on June 11.
 
The indictment, filed by Attorney General Farhan Mire, charged the pair in connection with a January article claiming that Ethiopian diplomatic staff used their positions for smuggling illicit goods, as well as a June article alleging that Somaliland’s president was in poor health and relinquished duties to the state minister for the presidency. The charges came amid the paper’s extensive coverage of a dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the latter’s construction of a huge dam across the Nile River. Local journalists said they suspect Somaliland authorities are sensitive to critical media coverage of Ethiopia, given the republic’s close economic ties to that country.
 
“The conviction of the Hubaal journalists is not only an effort to silence the newspaper, but a message to the entire Somaliland press that authorities will abuse the courts to punish their critics,” said Tom Rhodes, the Committee to Protect Journalists’ East Africa consultant. “Authorities should act quickly to overturn this unjust verdict and release Mohamed Ahmed and Hussein Hassan.”
 
The two Hubaal journalists were to be transferred to Hargeisa’s Central Prison around 10 p.m. local time this evening, defense lawyer Adburahaman said.
 
In April, two assailants raided the Hubaal offices and shot at Mohamed, injuring his arm and hand, according to news reports. Despite authorities identifying one of the assailants as a policeman, no one has been charged to date, local journalists said.
 
Journalists are often harassed, arbitrarily detained, or attacked in Somaliland, according to CPJ research.

Djibouti’s big cargo dream

Djibouti’s big cargo dream


By John W. McCurry
Djibouti International Airport hopes to become a conduit for air cargo to Africa’s landlocked nations. The airport in the tiny nation of less than one million people on the Horn of Africa took its ambitious plans to the Transport Logistic exhibition in Munich in June. It was the first time the airport had forayed into the world of trade shows.
DIA has big plans for expansion of its cargo infrastructure, and a new airport is scheduled to open in about four years. Airport officials hope that is enough to entice air carriers and logistics specialists to take a long look at Djibouti.
“We are looking for partners,” Moussa Houssein Doualeh, air operations cargo manager for DIA, says. “This is our first trip as an airport. We are trying to catch the rest of the world.”
Djibouti’s air cargo operation is small, just 3,000 tonnes per year. Doualeh hopes the exposure gained in Munich will send those numbers upward in the coming years.
DIA’s facilities, in Doualeh’s words, “do not answer all the requirements” for a significant cargo operation, but that will change later this year when a 4,000-sq.-ft. warehouse with cold storage capabilities opens. Long-range, the plans are more grandiose with a proposed US$600-million project to develop a new airport about 15 miles from Djibouti City. The current airport has just one runway and handles only commercial and military aircraft. A nearby U.S. military base shares the runway.
Djibouti, with the fifth largest container port in Africa, already has a major sea cargo operation, and DIA officials envision development of a sea-air cargo model where products arrive at the Doraleh Container Terminal and are transported to the airport for flights into Africa’s interior. The idea is to entice shippers to bring their sea cargo to Djibouti rather than Dubai.
“Come to Djibouti instead of Dubai,” Doualeh says. “We want to develop a sea-air model and see how we can fit and connect with the landlocked countries in Africa. We want to find partners to bring shipments from the Far East to Djibouti and dispatch them to the landlocked countries.”
Doraleh Container Terminal opened in 2009 and the Djibouti Ports & Free Zones Authority plans further expansion, which will accommodate three million containers per year by 2015. Port officials say this expansion will make the port the largest container terminal on the continent.
Doualeh has talked with Emirates, Etihad Airways and DHL about development of cargo operations at DIA. He says he is optimistic these talks will be fruitful.
Doualeh cites Ethiopia and Nigeria as two significant landlocked markets that could be served with air cargo flights from Djibouti.
“Everything going to Ethiopia comes through Djibouti,” he says. “Eighty million people are being fed by road. We are a very small country, but our seaport is one of the best in the region. We are trying to save time for the shippers, the transporters and the customers. We are working with the seaport to see how we can bring things along with this sea and air movement.”
DIA also envisions air cargo possibilities beyond Africa to Western Europe and the east coast of North and South America.
Doualeh says DIA is prepared to entice air carriers with reduced rates for landings and handling for the first six months.
He says cargo from the Far East takes 80 days to reach Lagos, Nigeria. Developing airfreight infrastructure in Djibouti would allow that time to be reduced drastically.
“It takes just three and a half hours from Djibouti to Lagos by 747. That’s 100 tonnes straight away from Djibouti to Lagos,” Djibouti says. “We need professional logistics people to set it up. The rest will come easy.”


This entry was posted in Air Cargo World Magazine, Middle East. Bookmark the permalink.
- See more at: http://www.aircargoworld.com/Air-Cargo-News/2013/07/djibouti%E2%80%99s-big-cargo-dream/0114360#sthash.oNjN7dgf.dpuf
 
By John W. McCurry
 
Djibouti International Airport hopes to become a conduit for air cargo to Africa’s landlocked nations. The airport in the tiny nation of less than one million people on the Horn of Africa took its ambitious plans to the Transport Logistic exhibition in Munich in June. It was the first time the airport had forayed into the world of trade shows.
 
DIA has big plans for expansion of its cargo infrastructure, and a new airport is scheduled to open in about four years. Airport officials hope that is enough to entice air carriers and logistics specialists to take a long look at Djibouti.
 
“We are looking for partners,” Moussa Houssein Doualeh, air operations cargo manager for DIA, says. “This is our first trip as an airport. We are trying to catch the rest of the world.”
 
Djibouti’s air cargo operation is small, just 3,000 tonnes per year. Doualeh hopes the exposure gained in Munich will send those numbers upward in the coming years.
 
DIA’s facilities, in Doualeh’s words, “do not answer all the requirements” for a significant cargo operation, but that will change later this year when a 4,000-sq.-ft. warehouse with cold storage capabilities opens. Long-range, the plans are more grandiose with a proposed US$600-million project to develop a new airport about 15 miles from Djibouti City. The current airport has just one runway and handles only commercial and military aircraft. A nearby U.S. military base shares the runway.
 
Djibouti, with the fifth largest container port in Africa, already has a major sea cargo operation, and DIA officials envision development of a sea-air cargo model where products arrive at the Doraleh Container Terminal and are transported to the airport for flights into Africa’s interior. The idea is to entice shippers to bring their sea cargo to Djibouti rather than Dubai.
 
“Come to Djibouti instead of Dubai,” Doualeh says. “We want to develop a sea-air model and see how we can fit and connect with the landlocked countries in Africa. We want to find partners to bring shipments from the Far East to Djibouti and dispatch them to the landlocked countries.”
 
Doraleh Container Terminal opened in 2009 and the Djibouti Ports & Free Zones Authority plans further expansion, which will accommodate three million containers per year by 2015. Port officials say this expansion will make the port the largest container terminal on the continent.
 
Doualeh has talked with Emirates, Etihad Airways and DHL about development of cargo operations at DIA. He says he is optimistic these talks will be fruitful.
 
Doualeh cites Ethiopia and Nigeria as two significant landlocked markets that could be served with air cargo flights from Djibouti.
 
“Everything going to Ethiopia comes through Djibouti,” he says. “Eighty million people are being fed by road. We are a very small country, but our seaport is one of the best in the region. We are trying to save time for the shippers, the transporters and the customers. We are working with the seaport to see how we can bring things along with this sea and air movement.”
 
DIA also envisions air cargo possibilities beyond Africa to Western Europe and the east coast of North and South America.
 
Doualeh says DIA is prepared to entice air carriers with reduced rates for landings and handling for the first six months.
 
He says cargo from the Far East takes 80 days to reach Lagos, Nigeria. Developing airfreight infrastructure in Djibouti would allow that time to be reduced drastically.
 
“It takes just three and a half hours from Djibouti to Lagos by 747. That’s 100 tonnes straight away from Djibouti to Lagos,” Djibouti says. “We need professional logistics people to set it up. The rest will come easy.”

Somalia in Process of Forming Telecommunications Regulations

Representatives from the Somali government and private businesses met in Dubai to discuss a draft bill to regulate the country's telecommunications sector, Somalia's Hiiraan Online reported Monday (July 1st).

Minister of Information, Posts and Telecommunications Abdullahi Ilmoge Hirsi praised Somalia's telecommunications sector for providing services over the past two decades of civil war, but warned the unregulated environment cannot continue.

"They made a remarkable effort to expand the country's telecommunications, but lack of regulatory laws led to the misuse of our spectrum," he said. "Our aim is not to interfere with the telecommunications companies but to put in place regulatory laws that can uphold the interests of consumers and suppliers."

The bill is expected to be tabled in parliament after a period to gather stakeholders' opinions.

The International Telecommunications Union, a UN agency that co-ordinates international co-operation and works to improve infrastructure in the developing world, promised to assist the Somali government and telecommunications companies in creating a better cooperative environment so they can work together.

Somalia demands Kenyan troops leave southern port

Photo released by the AU-UN Information Support Team on October 2, 2012 shows soldiers of the Kenyan contingent serving with the African Union Mission in Somalia near the black flag of the Al Qaeda-linked group Shebaab on the wall of Kismayo Airport. Somalia's government has demanded that Kenyan troops stationed in the volatile port city of Kismayo be replaced, accusing them of backing Shebab. (AU-UN IST/AFP/File)
MOGADISHU (AFP) –  Somalia's government has demanded that Kenyan troops stationed in the volatile port city of Kismayo as part of an African Union force be replaced, accusing them of backing a militia force opposing Mogadishu.

Calling for a "more neutral African Union force", Somalia's information ministry accused the troops of supporting militia soldiers "in violation of their mandate", as well as attacking civilians and arresting a top government army commander. 

Several rival factions are battling for control of Kismayo, a strategic and economic hub in the southern Jubaland region: these include former Islamist chief Ahmed Madobe, who in May appointed himself "president" of Jubaland, and Bare Hirale, a former Somali defence minister who also leads a powerful militia.
 
The Kenyan troops, who invaded Somalia in 2011, ousting Al-Qaeda-linked Shebab fighters from Kismayo before joining the 17,700-strong AU force known as AMISOM, back Madobe's control of the region.

But since Mogadishu's weak central government does not recognise the title of "president" or the region of Jubaland, the Kenyan troops are seen as opposing the central government they are mandated -- and funded by the UN and European Union -- to support.

Abdishakur Ali Mire, Somali deputy information minister, called for an "immediate replacement" of Kenyan troops there with AU forces from other nations.

"There was a targeted offensive against civilians and the SNA (Somali National Army) command centre in Kismayo by the AMISOM Section Two forces," Mire said in a statement released late Sunday.

"Kenyan forces arrested and mistreated" the government army commander in Kismayo, he added, calling for his immediate release.

AMISOM's sector two, the Kismayo region, is manned by more than 4,000 Kenyan troops, as well as a small force from Sierra Leone.

Restive Jubaland lies in the far south of Somalia and borders both Kenya and Ethiopia. Control is split between multiple forces including clan militia, Kenyan and Ethiopian soldiers and the Shebab. 

Rich in farmland, and possessing a lucrative charcoal industry, the region is also viewed by Kenya as a key buffer zone to protect its borders.

Kismayo has changed hands more than a dozen times since the collapse of central government in 1991.

Egyptian military ousts Morsi, suspends constitution

Egypt teeters on the brink: Deadly clashes erupt as President Mohamed Morsi vows to stay in office despite protests calling for his resignation and military-set deadline of intervention.
By Abigail Hauslohner, William Booth and Sharaf al-Hourani,
 
CAIRO — The Egyptian military removed President Mohamed Morsi from power Wednesday and suspended the constitution in moves it said were aimed at resolving the country’s debilitating political crisis.
 
In a televised address to the nation after a meeting with a group of civilian political and religious leaders, the head of the powerful armed forces, Gen. Abdel Fatah al-Sissi, said the chief of Egypt’s constitutional court “will assume the presidency” on an interim basis until a new presidential election is held. Sissi said the interim president will have the right to declare laws during the transitional period.
 
The announcement came as huge crowds of pro- and anti-government protesters massed in the streets of Cairo and the army deployed armored vehicles. In the afternoon, a top adviser to embattled Morsi had declared that a military coup was underway and warned that “considerable bloodshed” could ensue.
 
Up until the announcement, the Egyptian military had denied that it was staging it a coup. According to the official Middle East News Agency, top commanders were backing Muslim and Christian religious leaders, youth representatives and the head of a liberal opposition alliance in jointly presenting a “roadmap” for a political transition.
 
The plan is the result of an emergency meeting between military and civilian leaders, including top Muslim and Coptic Christian clerics and opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei, the state-run news agency reported.
 
Without mentioning Morsi by name in a heavily anticipated eight-minute speech at 9 p.m. Wednesday night, Sissi said the military had responded to the people’s demands in an act of “public service.”
 
“The armed forces have tried in recent months, both directly and indirectly, to contain the internal situation and to foster national reconciliation between the political powers, including the presidency,” Sissi said. But those efforts had failed, he said. The president, he added, “responded with negativity in the final minutes.”
 
In a meeting with “religious, political and youth symbols,” the military accepted a “roadmap that will achieve a strong Egyptian society that does not alienate any of its children or strains, and ends this division,” Sissi said.
 
The announcement sparked cheers and celebration among Morsi opponents packed into Cairo’s Tahrir Square.
 
But in eastern Cairo, supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, an entrenched Islamist movement that backs Morsi, erupted in angry chants following Sissi’s speech, and stones started flying. The Brotherhood’s two main political channels immediately vanished from the airwaves.
 
Ahead of the announcement of the roadmap, dozens of armored vehicles were deployed at eastern Cairo’s Rabaa Adawiya Mosque and outside Cairo University, where hundreds of thousands of Morsi supporters gathered. The president’s supporters and opponents waited all day to see whether Egypt’s army would take action, as promised, once its deadline for Morsi and his opponents to forge a political agreement had expired.
 
At Rabaa al-Adawiya, Morsi supporters rallied even as army troops set up roadblocks along a main street leading to the mosque. From a stage before the crowd, Muslim Brotherhood officials told the crowd before the military’s announcement that they were calling on all supporters to come out into the streets to join them. One speaker urged the audience to remain peaceful. The army was still with them, he said, and was trying to resist pressure from Morsi’s liberal opposition to carry out a coup.
 
Earlier, Essam al-Haddad, a top presidential aide, declared Egypt’s predicament “a military coup.” In a post on his office’s official Facebook page at 5:30 p.m. Wednesday, he warned that no coup could succeed without bloodshed.
 
“In this day and age, no military coup can succeed in the face of sizable popular force without considerable bloodshed,” Haddad wrote. Hundreds of thousands of people have gathered to support the president and Egypt’s pursuit of democracy, the statement continued. “To move them, there will have to be violence.” There would be “considerable bloodshed.”
 
“As I write these lines I am fully aware that these may be the last lines I get to post on this page,” Haddad wrote. “For the sake of Egypt and for historical accuracy, let’s call what is happening by its real name: Military coup.”
 
There were unconfirmed reports, meanwhile, that Morsi and the top leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamist movement that constitutes the president’s main base of support, were being banned from travel.
 
Two top Brotherhood officials reached by phone on Wednesday dismissed rumors that Morsi and his aides had been put under house arrest or barred from leaving the country. “This is not true. This is all empty talk,” said Abdullah Shehata, a prominent Brotherhood member. “Everything is fine.”
 
The military denied Tuesday that it had any intention of launching a coup against Morsi, 61, who took office June 30, 2012, as Egypt’s first democratically elected president.
 
An armed forces spokesman reached by telephone Wednesday night said the military was preparing to hold a news conference. Asked whether Wednesday’s events could be considered a coup, he said hurriedly, “No. God willing, no.”
 
At Cairo University, several thousand Morsi supporters milled about as the sun set Wednesday, and armored vehicles packed with troops pulled up alongside the demonstrators. As they watched the troops arrive, many of the president’s supporters said they were prepared to fight.
 
“If the army comes out tonight, or tomorrow, the whole country might turn into another Syria,” said Alaa Hossam, a government bureaucrat and Morsi supporter. “It doesn’t mean that we will go fight the liberals,” he added. “It means we will fight against the army.”
 
Asked whether Morsi is finished, a former member of Egypt’s powerful military council, Gen. Mamdouh Abd al-Haq, said, “God willing.” In a telephone interview Wednesday night, Abd al-Haq declined to comment on what lies ahead for Egypt. But he said, “It is clear what is happening.”
 
Morsi posted a Facebook message about an hour before the 5 p.m. deadline (11 a.m. Eastern time) calling for a coalition government and an independent committee to propose amendments to the constitution. They were concessions that Morsi’s opponents dismissed as nominal — and far too late.
 
Celebratory cheers, whistles and fireworks erupted from the thousands of flag-waving, anti-government protesters in Tahrir Square shortly after 5 p.m., as the rumors circulated that the military had placed Morsi and his inner circle under house arrest.
 
News agencies reported that top military commanders summoned civilian political leaders, including prominent Morsi critics, to an emergency meeting Wednesday. ElBaradei, a former diplomat who once headed the International Atomic Energy Agency, was among those who attended, along with Muslim and Christian religious leaders, the agencies said.
 
An Egyptian military spokesman, Ahmed Mohamed Ali, said Wednesday night that top military commanders had concluded a meeting with “a number of religious, national and youth symbols,” and that a statement would be issued shortly.
 
Gamal Abdel Fatah, the head of Egypt’s international media center, denied reports that the military had taken over state media operations at the towering downtown headquarters of Egypt’s state television. “The army is protecting the building, but the situation is normal inside the building,” Fatah said.
 
In Washington, the Obama administration continued to insist Wednesday that it was not taking sides in the Egyptian crisis. But a State Department official pointedly criticized Morsi for failing to reach out to Egyptian protesters during his televised address to the nation Tuesday night.
 
“There was an absence of significant specific steps laid out in President Morsi’s speech,” State Department spokeswoman Jennifer Psaki said. “We had said that he must do more to be truly responsive and representative to the justified concerns expressed by the Egyptian people. And unfortunately, that was not a part of what he talked about in his speech.”
 
Psaki, responding to reporters’ questions about the unrest in Cairo, said the administration could not independently confirm that the Egyptian military was mounting a coup against Morsi, and she declined to criticize the military’s move Wednesday to seal off the presidential palace. “We think that all sides need to engage with each other and need to listen to the voices of the Egyptian people,” Psaki said.
 
Among those awaiting the military’s statement in Cairo Wednesday afternoon was Mohamed Farouk, a bus driver who stood shoulder to shoulder with other Egyptians in a huge throng at Tahrir Square. “I’m very excited to be here among these crowds as we wait for such a historic moment,” he said. “I trust that the army will force [Morsi] to step down, as the deadline has already passed. And I’m very optimistic about the future of Egypt after Morsi.”
 
Ahmed el-Shennawy, an accountant, said, “Not since Adam’s time have there been so many people on the street. You see the square is completely full, even in the burning sun.” Shennawy said he had voted for Morsi but rapidly lost faith in the Islamist leader as the year wore on and the nation’s economy slumped. “He thought he was like a god, but he was never accepted by real, free Egyptians,” he said.
 
“Today: dismissal or resignation” read the bold, red headline in Wednesday’s edition of the state-run al-Ahram newspaper. It was the same font and color that the paper used for its historic front page on February 12, 2011, the day after the ouster of longtime autocrat Hosni Mubarak. That headline stated: “The people toppled the regime.”
 
Officials with the Muslim Brotherhood, which backs Morsi, said they refused an invitation Wednesday afternoon to meet with ElBaradei and the Tamarod group, which helped organize the massive demonstrations that spurred the military to say it would act. Instead, top Brotherhood officials took to a stage before thousands of the president’s supporters in eastern Cairo, striking angry and defiant tones.
 
Burnt cars and motorcycles, shards of twisted metal, broken glass and shell casings littered the streets around Cairo University on Wednesday, where supporters and opponents of Morsi had clashed overnight, leaving at least 18 people dead and hundreds injured, according to state television.
 
“We swear to God that we will sacrifice even our blood for Egypt and its people, to defend them against any terrorist, radical or fool,” the army said in a message posted to its Facebook page overnight.
 
On Wednesday afternoon, Egypt’s Interior Ministry posted a Facebook message saying police and state security forces were committed “to the safety of the Egyptian people, side by side with the armed forces.”
 
Morsi delivered a fiery televised speech Tuesday night that made it clear he would not cede power. Waving his hands and shaking his fists, he swore that he was committed to the process that led to the historic elections last year and said that any attempts to subvert the constitution were “unacceptable.”
 
Morsi acknowledged that he had made mistakes during his year in office as Egypt’s first democratically elected president. But he appealed to Egyptians to give him more time to deal with the country’s problems.
 
The speech represented a direct challenge to the nation’s military and a signal that efforts to mediate the crisis have so far failed. Earlier on Tuesday, Morsi met with his defense minister, Abdel Fatah al-Sissi, in an apparent bid to reach an accord.
 
Although Sissi was appointed by Morsi, the general’s announcement Monday afternoon that he would give the president and his opponents 48 hours to resolve their differences before the military implemented its own “road map” for the country was seen here as a direct threat to Morsi’s hold on power.
 
Morsi’s backers in the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood described the statement as a pledge for “a coup” and vowed that they would not go quietly if their president were forced out.
 
As night fell Tuesday, bursts of automatic gunfire crackled along the Nile as the president’s supporters and opponents came to blows in the working-class neighborhood of Kit Kat in central Cairo and near the university, where the president’s supporters had gathered.
 
On Wednesday, the two camps staged rival protests in neighborhoods across the city, awaiting the countdown to the military’s deadline.
 
By afternoon, fewer than 200 Morsi supporters milled about near the main gate of Cairo University, where thousands had gathered the day before. At another gate a few blocks away, opposition protesters gathered to block Islamists from approaching the area.
 
“They have beards! They have beards! There are beards inside!” shouted one of those anti-government demonstrators, Mohamed Mustafa, as a minibus approached the gate, packed with more than a dozen Brotherhood supporters.
 
Mustafa, a lawyer, and his friends, rushed the bus and forced the passengers to flee, leaving behind pro-Morsi banners, several gallons of kerosene and cloth sacks of marbles, stones, nails and screws, which the activists concluded would have been used in slingshots.
 
Seven of Morsi’s cabinet ministers have resigned in the past two days, including the foreign minister on Tuesday, according to local news media reports. A governor, a military adviser and the cabinet’s spokesman also quit their posts. The ultraconservative Salafist Nour party, which won the second-largest bloc in parliament, distanced itself from Morsi on Tuesday, saying that it supported the protesters’ calls for early elections.
 
Egyptian police officers have said they will no longer protect the president or his Muslim Brotherhood backers, and protesters have pressed in closer to the palace where Morsi is thought to be staying.
 
The demonstrations that have raged for nearly a week have been tarnished by a wave of sexual assaults and rape, Human Rights Watch reported Wednesday, saying that at least 91 women had been attacked in just four days of protests.
 
One of the victims required surgery “after being raped with a ‘sharp object,’” the rights group said in a statement, citing reports from the Egyptian activist group, Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment. The group runs an emergency hotline and rescue efforts for assault victims in Tahrir Square.
 
Egypt’s government and police force have long neglected what Human Rights Watch calls an “epidemic” of sexual violence in Egypt. Attacks on women, particularly at protests, have been on the rise in recent months.
 
Analysts say that if Morsi is sidelined — or forced out entirely — his Islamist backers will probably have two options: They either agree to participate in whatever political role the military allows them to occupy, or they go on the offensive.
 
“Rarely in history do elected presidents leave power without a lot of bloodshed,” said Joshua Stacher, an Egypt expert and a political scientist at Kent State University in Ohio. “The Brotherhood is viewing what happened yesterday as an existential threat.”
 
Egypt’s Islamists, empowered by Mubarak’s fall and the country’s young democracy, have no intention of going back to the prisons and the torture chambers that they suffered at the hands of previous military regimes, Stacher said. 

“So they’re going to fight their way out, because they believe they have an electoral mandate, which they do,” he said.

Amro Hassan contributed to this report.

 

 

Somalia: Somalia’s shameful protest letter on Kenya to African Union

SOMALIA’S SHAMEFUL PROTEST LETTER ON KENYA TO AFRICAN UNION
Khalif Abdi Farah alias Firimibi
Northern Forum for Democracy
norfod5@yahoo.com
July 03 2013

Somalia Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign
Affairs Minister, Fawsiya Yusuf Haji Adam.
It’s either the world isn’t fair enough to Somalis that, they cobbled together something that the UN hurriedly celebrated as a government after a fair period of transition or it’s the illegitimacy of asking some innocent tribal elders nominate a president with no set criterions that has given birth to a weird form of leadership which is peddling some form of a confused Somalia leadership led by one Hassan Sheikh Mohamud controlled by his ideologically linked ‘Damul jadid’ junta of the Al-qaeda management base in Qatar and Eqypt.
Pundits closely watched his manoeuvres to oppose the liberation of Jubaland from the Alshabaab terror group and the subsequent lawful formation of a federal government by all local stakeholders. As if that wasn’t enough, this President of Somalia who
 is so much toyed around by the British government for nothing has under the watch of the global security networks planned, organized, resourced and mobilized both Alshabaab and some crooked militia groups from Moqadishu to cause mayhem in Kismaayo and true to his words and those of his Prime Minister and cabinet members in the security portfolio ensured the occurrence of three key fights that even the aides of his Defence Minister got killed besides several Alshabaab.
It’s good to note that, Kenyan defence forces restrained themselves to an extent that, they dangerously risked the lives of Kenyan men and women by even allowing terror groups to be hitting their main base at Kismaayo airport just to remain neutral lest the Moqadishu junta claim Kenya’s involvement in the fracas they knowingly mooted to occur.
What even puzzles many further is that, the AMISOM command that has a Djaboutian as their spokesperson openly concurs with the wrongs that Moqadishu government does in Kismayu and we challenge interested parties to listen to all his speeches in Somali language that are contrary to the officially released English version. Sounds funny that, AMISOM is now talking of investigating Kenya’s involvement in the Kismaayo attacks when no one including General Guti has raised a finger over the organization, deployment and commitment of crime by President Hassan’s government in Jubaland including the unlawful dispatch of some Kenyan trained Somali forces from Gedo together with Alshabaab fighters who sojourned at Alshabaab camps where they hosted them with bulls slaughtered for them and eventually caused several attacks in Kismaayo by even setting an IED bomb for KDF and Sierraleonian forces.
What adds an insult to injury is the below protest and defamatory letter conjured and created in Villa Somalia against the forces of Kenya without whom Ashabaab would have thrived in Somalia. More so, a letter talking of the behaviour and action of a force from a sovereign state and not even the regional blocs like IGAD, East Africa community or even the Foreign and
Defence ministries of Kenya are put into picture yet Somalia’s President and Foreign Minister find it fit to share with some God knows ghetto sites like Galgadud.com?. This is indeed a clear reflection of the dangerous crooks who now claim to be leaders in Somalia yet are busy backstabbing Kenya with no appreciation of the immense sacrifice that our country has made for Somalia.
We are seriously and with no two way about it demand our able, appropriate and competent Foreign Minister Madam Amin ‘Jawahir’ Mohamed respond to this horrible diplomatic miscarriage and make it clear to Somalia and the world that, we will sacrifice more and be in Somalia for a while until and when that country will get rid of Alshabaab and have some form of a decent government.
Let the ‘Damul jadid’ Junta at Villa Somalia be told in black and white that, Kenya is very much aware of their current intense mobilization of Alshabaab, militias from Galgadud, Hiraan, Lower Shabelle, Middle Shabelle, Benadir, Bay and Bakool and that their intention of frontally waging a multi-prong war against Kenyan forces based in Gedo and Lower Juba will meet a fatal blow as Kenya has the capacity to defend the innocent residents of Jubaland and its forces for as long as the Moqadishu government wish to be in war with Kenya.
Yes, Kenya has a known and distinguished reputation as an International peace keeper in over 30 countries and your flimsy accuses against Kenyan forces based on your cheap clan agenda will not deter us from Keeping Jubaland free from Terror forces and its better if only the President and his team focus their energy in charting a clear path to make Somalis trust each other and have the confidence to become a nation again.
Khalif Abdi Farah alias Firimibi
Northern Forum for Democracy
Email: norfod5@yahoo.com
 

Spy agencies win millions more to fight terror threat

Britain's intelligence agencies will emerge as the biggest winners from the Government’s review of public spending, The Telegraph can disclose
MI6, MI5 and Government Communications Headquarters will see an increase in their combined £1.9 billion budget Photo: PA
By Robert Winnett, Political Editor

MI6, MI5 and Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) will see an inflation-busting increase in their combined £1.9 billion budget, underlining the Government’s concern over the growing terrorist threat following the Woolwich attack.

Police spending on counter-terrorism will also be protected and will rise in line with inflation.

The percentage increase in the budgets of the intelligence agencies – at more than three per cent in addition to inflation – will be the largest of any item of government spending including the NHS, schools and international development.

It will lead to the agencies receiving about another £100 million in funding annually from 2015.

Local councils are also expected to emerge as winners with increased funding for elderly social care. Money from the ring-fenced NHS budget is expected to be diverted to help fund care homes and home visits for frail pensioners.

George Osborne will on Wednesday unveil the Government’s spending plans for the 2015-16 financial year following months of Whitehall wrangling.

The Spending Review, which will cut a further £11.5 billion in public expenditure, is regarded as especially sensitive as the cuts will be implemented just weeks before the next general election.

The biggest losers will include the Business department, the Culture department, the Home Office and the Justice department, which are expected to each lose about eight per cent from their budgets.

The Ministry of Defence will see its budget cut by about £1 billion, although this will not involve further reductions in front-line troops.

Mr Osborne is also expected to set out plans for long-term caps on welfare spending and other areas of government expenditure which are not tightly controlled.

The Chancellor will detail proposals to divert the money saved from Whitehall spending to fund long-term infrastructure projects such as widening major roads.

He is expected to say: “Britain is moving from rescue to recovery. But while the British economy is leaving intensive care, now we need to secure that recovery.

“We’re saving money on welfare and waste to invest in the roads and railways, schooling and science our economy needs to succeed in the future.”

The intelligence agencies have recently faced criticism that they are struggling to deal with emerging threats, amid suggestions that MI5 and MI6 could have done more to prevent the murder of Drummer Lee Rigby in Woolwich. One of the suspects had attempted to travel to Somalia and both were known to the intelligence services.

GCHQ’s activities have also come under scrutiny following accusations that it may be abusing its power in secretive projects with the United States to monitor internet traffic.

The Chancellor is understood to have contacted the heads of the three agencies last Friday to inform them of their spending increases. MI5, MI6 and GCHQ have seen their budgets fall in real terms by more than 10 per cent since 2010 and there were fears that they would face a further round of cuts.

A Whitehall source said: “This has been one of George’s personal priorities. It is vitally important we look after these budgets and they were settled last week with agreement at the very highest level.”

Mr Osborne and the Prime Minister are understood to believe the agencies need more resources to tackle the growing terrorist threat from sub-Saharan Africa and Syria, and the rising problem posed by cyber terrorism.

In the wake of the GCHQ snooping row, William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, praised the agencies’ work and cooperation with US counterparts.

Speaking in America, he said “we should have nothing but pride” in the “intelligence-sharing relationship between Britain and the United States”. He added that both countries’ intelligence work operated “under the rule of law” and “only exists to protect” people’s freedoms.

Mr Osborne confirmed on Tuesday that the NHS and schools budgets would continue to rise.

Money is also expected to be diverted from the health budget to local authorities to fund social care. Norman Lamb, a health minister, recently warned of an impending crisis in social care as councils struggled to fund enough places for ailing pensioners.

Last week, council leaders warned Mr Osborne that street lights may have to be switched off and libraries closed unless NHS funding was diverted to help pay for elderly care.

They said the amount of money spent on social care has been cut by a fifth in less than three years and they were preparing to reduce budgets further.

Mr Osborne agreed for £2 billion to be transferred from the NHS to the social care sector in his previous Spending Review, but councils said much of the money has gone on propping up the system because of the ageing population.

Ministers are also expected to set out the entitlement criteria for state help. The Government has pledged to cap the maximum bill that anyone faces for social care at £72,000 from 2016, and the details of how this will work are to be announced this week.

Earl Howe, a health minister, was asked about the growing problem in social care, with hospitals often forced not to discharge elderly patients who are infirm but not ill because they have nowhere to go. He said there would be “more news” about increased funding for social care on Wednesday and sources confirmed that the social care budget would rise after several years of cuts.

Danny Alexander, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, also hinted that the Government may speed up the introduction of its community budgets programme, which is designed to make public sector services share operations.

He urged MPs to “listen carefully” to the Chancellor’s statement for more news after being asked about the programme’s national implementation.

Tuesday, July 2, 2013

Somalia money business warns 'money will go underground' if banks shut down transfer channel

Abdirashid Duale, chief executive of Dahabshiil, Somalia's largest money transfer company

JOHANNESBURG –  The chief executive of Somalia's largest money transfer company is warning that money wired into the country could "go underground" if Somalis aren't able to send money to family members through banks.

Abdirashid Duale, chief executive of Dahabshiil, Somalia's largest money transfer company, is asking Barclays to reconsider a recent decision to stop facilitating money transfers to some of Somalia's money transfer companies.
He said Tuesday that regulatory bodies won't be able to monitor transfers if banks shut off the transactions.

A study released last month by the U.N.'s food and agricultural agency estimates that Somalia's diaspora community sends some $1.2 billion into Somalia annually, money that is desperately needed in one of the world's poorest countries.

Banks worried about anti-terror regulations have grown wary of facilitating transfers into Somalia.

Why Somalia Matters - New INDEPTH BOOK ABOUT SOMALIA

A new book is a powerful antidote to the view of Somalia as the locus of cartoonish violence and exotic pirates.

by Michael Maren

The World’s Most Dangerous Place: Inside the Outlaw State of Somalia, by James Fergusson, Da Capo Press, 432pp, $27.50.

At one point in The World's Most Dangerous Place, his exhaustively reported chronicle of the Somali nation, Scottish journalist James Fergusson interviews a Somali restaurant owner in Minneapolis about the upcoming Tom Hanks "pirate" film, Captain Phillips. "I can tell you what this movie is going to be already," Abdi Ahmed tells Fergusson. "They will have a bunch of American people kidnapped, and Tom Hanks will save them, and a bunch of skinny black guys will get killed."

In other words, why bother to pay attention to any of it? Indeed, that's how many people—even I, who spent many years reporting from Somalia—have regarded the place of late. With alarming consistency, the country has cycled through peace conferences, changes of leadership, famines, and fighting.

The names change; a new set of colorful characters takes the stage and assume the title of "president" while commanding armies that are indistinguishable from the clan militias that roam the countryside looting, raping, and killing. The babies I saw crying at United Nations feeding centers in 1993 are now carrying AK-47s, killing on behalf of clan militias or the bloodthirsty Al Qaeda–linked al-Shabaab. They are perpetuating the new climate of fear, creating the new famines that will disenfranchise a new generation of Somalis to accelerate the cycle of violence.

Fergusson first arrived in Somalia in 2008 after covering Afghanistan and areas more central to the West's focus on militant Islam. But with the rise of al-Shabaab his curiosity was piqued: "An African Taliban, at war in a country more corrupt than Afghanistan! That was a place I was very curious to see." Fergusson's curiosity never wanes, and it propels this book, carrying the reader through the tangled maze of international acronyms and complicated clan lineages that play such a large role in the country's structure. Understanding a particular gun battle, for example, requires you to see the distinction between the Hawiye, Habr Gedir, Suleiman subclan and the Hawiye, Habr Gedir, Sacad sublcan (and to understand this hundreds of times over for other clans and subclans). With that knowledge comes the understanding that relationships between and among factions in Somalia cannot be taken at face value. Payments from costal pirates to al-Shabaab, for example, are a simple business arrangement, but U.S. officials have a history of mistaking it for a military alliance.

The subtleties of clan rivalry—as complex as any family relationships—were lost on many when the world intervened during the famine of the early 1990s. These details, the root causes of gun battles and alliances that tore the country apart, were usually cut from news reporting by editors who thought it too arcane to keep readers engaged. Fergusson doesn't shy away from those data, but he also avoids getting all wonky about his newly gained knowledge as well. First and foremost, he is an engaging storyteller with a fine eye for a telling detail. We see through his narrative how these clan divisions might explain the political fracturing of the nation over the past two decades as well as the breakdown of clan authority that has led to the rise of sharia courts and then the dangerous al-Shabaab.

Unfortunately, and through no fault of his own, Fergusson's access in Somalia, particularly in Mogadishu, was extremely limited. He was not free to stroll the alleyways of Mogadishu's Bakara Market chatting with money changers and arms dealers. He did not roam the countryside to Baidoa and areas where al-Shabaab found most of its support. Had he done that, it's likely he wouldn't have survived to tell the story. Much of his reporting from that city came from behind the barbed-wire fences of what is called the Bancroft Hotel, named after the American contractors who built it, and with the protection of Ugandan soldiers who are part of AMISOM (African Mission in Somalia). He does find refugees from Baidoa, and devotes a chapter to the travails of a young man Aden Ibrahim, who had found refuge behind the sandbags of the military compound. "He was a walking epitome of the Somali catastrophe," Fergusson  writes. Indeed, Aden's story is the most compelling chapter in the book.

I also wish that Fergusson had focused some on the ongoing U.S. intervention in Somalia. There have been numerous reports of a "secret CIA prison" in the country, for example, and the level of U.S. involvement with Ethiopia's battle against al-Shabaab is not entirely clear. What is certain is that much of al-Shabaab's credibility as a nationalist organization came from its opposition to these foreign invaders. It may be too early to tell that story, or perhaps it's not one that interested Fergusson, but when it is told there will be valuable lessons the next time westerners want to intervene against the fundamentalist threat.

Some of the other insightful material in the book comes from his interviews with the youth of the Somali diaspora London and Minneapolis. Both cities have become recruiting grounds for militants, and Fergusson's interviews bring us close to the kids who might indeed become the next generation of terrorists and the Somali community leaders who are trying hard to make sure that doesn't happen. In London, for example, imams host a phone-in radio show to give kids advice on how to live like a good Muslim in the West.

What Fergusson makes clear in all this reporting is that Somalia matters. It matters for humanitarian reasons; his descriptions of famine and suffering are moving, as these things tend to be. And it matters because ultimately what happens in the empty wastes of Somalia will find their way to our shores one way or the other. At a time when most American news organizations have closed or cut back their bureaus in Africa, and when covering Somalia more often than not means flying in for a day or two to interview foreign officials, Fergusson has produced an extraordinary chronicle that reminds us why we once regarded this as an important place.

The book is a powerful antidote to the current American view of Somalia as the locus of cartoonish violence and exotic pirates, fodder for late-night jokes and action-movie heroes. The introduction to The Worlds's Most Dangerous Place, written just before the book went to press, strikes an optimistic note. Al-Shabaab is on the run, and perhaps the title of his book may be overstated at this time. And when you meet the Somali characters Fergusson portrays, you may feel his very very cautious optimism. Yet it's very hard to not feel like we know the end of the next chapter in this story, a bunch of skinny black guys getting killed.
----------------
Michael Maren is currently a filmmaker. He worked in Somalia for USAID in the early 1980s and returned as a journalist from 1993 to 1996. He documented his experience there in The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity (Free Press).