PROF SAMATAR: “FROM SOOMAALI TO SAMAROON” - Maqaal aad u XIISO !!! badan wuxuu maskaxdiisa Ka soo maaxday Qoraa Sare A/qadir Oromo

Qoraa Sare A/qadir Oromo iyo Proff. Samantar

Qurba-joog ambadayoo, af-qalaad la wacan yahay

Aayadaha Qur’aankiyo, Axaadiista Nabigiyo

Dhaqankii awoowiyo, hiddihii ab laga gaar

Midaan hoos u eegine, idilkood la liitaan

Odayada mid quursada, aqoontooda aan rabin

Ummaddaan muxuu taray, aqoonyahanna ugu yahay?

In ogaal aqoon yahay, aqoonina ogaal tahay

Kan ogina abwaan yahay, kaan aqoon engegan yahay

Inan-yahow ma moog tahay, mise waad ogsoon tahay?

Nin sabool ah oo aan Alle ugu deeqin afarta maal adduunyo midna, ayaa beer-falashada ka doorbiday ugaarsi, ayaandarro wax-daaca oo digooda gurigiisa uma soo hoydaan. Nolol-maalmeed qoyskiisu wuxuu ku tiirsanaa ugaarsi iyo qaraabka miraha dabeeciga ah. Foof tagga hiirta waabari wuxuu dhigi jirey dabino wuxuuna teedin jirey geedaha manka iyo ubaxa leh ee ugaadhu aroorta hore sanka la soo raacdo. Dabinada maalin waxaa ugu dhici jiray sagaar, maalinna cowl, maalinna waxba kuma dhici jirin oo waa ku hungoobi jirey. Si uu usoo kormeero dabinadii saakay la dhigay, goor duhurkii ah ayuu dhalandhoolay:

dabinkii kowaad waa ku hungoobey oo ugaadh sooma ag joogsan, dabinkii labaadna ugaadhii waa ka sastay o siriqda aasan bey dareentay, dabinkii seddaxaadna tafaasha laanta oo tooxa laga badiyey darteed xarigii waa fakaday oo geedka ayuu sare ugu shareermey. Waa maalin madow waxay ahayd arbaca bil u dambeys fool adag oo gabraartii waa ku hungoobey, xaaskii oo dabka sii shiday iyo carruurtii oo gaajo la ildaran wuxuu ula laabtay gacmo maran iyo niyad-jab.

Maalintii xigtay dabinkii kowaad waxaa ugu dhacay xayawaan uusan weligi hore u arkin, waa xayawaan aad u yar balse qurxoon isla markaana so’ iyo saan midna aan lahayn. Ugaarsadihii wuxuu go’aansaday inuu magaalada u iib geeyo xayawaankaan qurxoon. Afarta addin ayuu ka xiray wuxuuna u qaaday dhanka magaalada, intii uu sii socday qofkii ka horyimaadba wuxuu weydiinaayey magaca xayawaankan. Qof baa ka horyimid oo wuxuu ku yiri, waxaa la yiraahdaa MUKULAAL, qof kale ayaa ku yiri waxaa la yiraah BISAD, qof kale ayaa ku yiri waxaa la yiraah YAANYUUR, qof kale ayaa ku yiri waxaa la yiraah DINAD, qof kale ayaa ku yiri BASHO, qof kale ayaa ku yiri waxaa la yiraah CURRE, qof kale ayaa ku yiri waxaa la yiraah SHAAMBI, qof kale ayaa ku yiri waxaa la yiraah DURMAD, ilaa magacyo toban gaarey ayaa loogu sheegay. Ugaarsadihii aad buu u farxay wuxuuna is yiri maanta waxaad heshay xayawaankii adduunka ugu qaalisanaa oo toban magac leh, maanta ayaad faqri baxday oo gorofta cayrta tuurtay.

Markuu tegay suuuqii magaalada dadkii ayaa soo wada eegay, taasina si weyn bey u farxad gelisay oo wuxuu is-yiri dadka kusoo wada eegay macnaheedu waxaa weeye qiimaha iyo wanaagga xayawaankaani leeyahay. Mar labaad ayaa farxadi qalbigiisa buuxisay, is hadal hoosena wuxuu naftiisa kula sheekeystay maanta ayaa Guulle ku gargaaray oo aad gaawaha u culatay: horweyn geel ah, giir lo’aad, ari goohaya iyo ido gorod madow. Ayaandarro Soomaalidu war ma qarisee, runtii ayaa loo sheegay oo iyadoo la qoslayo waxaa lagu yiri “war bahalka aad suuqa keentay lama iibiyo waayo harag iyo hilib toona maleh ee miyaad waallan tahay maxaad mukulaal beec ah suuqa u keentay. Ugaarsadihii oo aad u niyadxun ayaa mukulaashii meel ku tuuray wuxuuna yiri waa bahal magacyo badan oo aan manaafacaad lahayn. Meel xun ka bax, intii aan suuqa u soo siday jaaqdeedii iyo cidiyaheedii ayaa wax walba iiga daran.

Manaafacaad la’aanta iyo magacyada badan ee bisadda waxaa la mid ah aqoonyahan isku sheegga aaminsan afkaarta shisheeyaha iyo siyaasi beeleedka sebenka fowdada soo ifbaxay. Waxaad maqli: Prof hebel, Dr hebel, wuxuu bare-sare ka yahay jaamacad hebel, wuxuu haystaa shahaado sare “PHD”, waa aqoonyahan, waa indheergarad wax walba odorosi kara.

Ha-yeeshee markey arrintu ficil iyo wax-qabad gaarto waa magac qurxoon iyo muunad la’aan, waa hungo iyo haan-maran, waa aqoon la’aan ku wajahan baaxaadegga siyaasadda, waa faham la’aan dhaqan dhaqaalaha bulshada iyo ku hagista hillinka toosan. Waxaan aaminsanahay haddiiba Soomaalidu aqoonyahan leedahay waa suugaanleyda Eebbe hibada u siiyey hal-abuurka maansada. Tusaale heesta “af qalaad aqoonta miyaa” ee Cali Sugulle allifey iyo heesta “dadweynaha hanuuninaa hasaawinaa danta u hagnaa” ee Xasan Sh. Muumin allifey, filimaayo aqoonyahan kasoo  qalinjebiyey “Harvard University” inuu curin karo erayadaas oo habkaas bulshada u abaabuli karo.

Derbiyada gudaha Madxafka Qaranka waxaa lagu xardhay magacyada indheergaratadii alliftey qoraalka farta Somaalida, waxay ka koobnaayeen (17 nin iyo Xaliimo Maxamed Cali), waxay kala ahaayeen 3 soo bandhigtay xuruuf Laatiin ah, 4 soo bandhigtay xuruuf Carabi ah iyo 11 soo bandhigtay xuruuf Hebrew ah. 18kaas indheergarad ama aqoonyahan filimaayo midkoodna inuu kasoo qalinjebiyey jaamacadaha reer Galbeedka, waxayse ahaayeen maskax-maal iyo suugaanley hibo u leh wax curinta.

QURBA-JOOGTA  QAFIIFTAY

Dalku waa isu furan yahay, shacabkana colaad ba’ani ma dhextaal, walow ay weli jiraan, jirina doonaan dagaalladii reer miyiga ee ka dhalan jirey ku hardanka: biyaha iyo baadka, barta iyo beerta iyo wixii soo raaca. Ayaandarro dagaal siyaasadeed aan dhammaad lahayn ayaa dalka ka oogan, waxaa daadihiya qurba-joog mar lebbisan shaati aqoonyahan, marna lebbisan shaati siyaasi beeleed, marna lebbisan shaati FEDERAL iyo Soomaali kala geyn. Dagaallada sokeeye waxaa dabkooda huriya oo Soomaalida waalay waa koox isku magacaawday “Diaspora” balse lagu suntay “dayuusbaro”. 

Siday ila tahay Prof Axmed Samatar waa horyaalka qurba-joogta qafiiftay, waxaa asiibay qulub iyo jago jacayl. Muddo dheer kadib Prof Samatar oo caafimaad doon ah waxaa Xamar loogu sheegay dhaqtar ku xeeldheer daweynta cudurka qulubka iyo hoggaan u qafiifka.

Dhoolatus siyaasadeed  qurbaha lagu soo bandhigay sida: durbaanka xisbiga Hiil-qaran oo la dananiyey, aftahamnimo fagaareyaasha wacdaro iyo indhasarcaad laga dhigay kadib, Prof Samatar wuxuu garaacay albaabka dhaqtarka rugta caafimaadka ku leh “Villa Somalia”. Durbadiiba wuxuu u diray “Sheybaarka dhexe” dhiigga Profasoorka waxaa laga helay (saar-qabiil, kursi-u-qooq, hoggaamin jacayl, isla-weyni, af Ingiriis ku faan, Gaalo jacayl iyo cudurro kale oo halis ah).

Dhaqtarka Xamar oo ah Kaadirka Carabta, waaba iskala sarreeyaa ku hadalka Af-Ingiriiska wuxuuna aaminsan yahay Af-Carabigu inuu yahay “afdalu luqa, axsanu luqa” maadama Alle kusoo dejiyey Qur’aanka Kariimka ah. Teeda kale haybta Profasoorka ee ah Maxamed Case dhaqtarku waa garanwaayey oo “Mesegada” ka baxda Koofurta ayaa loo kala saaraa “Shamuurey iyo cascase ama cadood”. Cascase waa magac aan Koofurta ku lahayn miisaan siyaasadeed, maalqabeen iyo muruq milateri midna.

Prof Samatar dulqaad iyo samir midna ma muujin, afka labadiisa ayuu furtay, uma hadlin asluubkii laga rejeynaayey oday aqoon leh iyo anshax siyaasi. Wuxuu fagaare kasta ka yiri “Xamar waa qurun iyo qashin, waa qaxooti iyo qowleysato, waa meel maamulkeedu u xiran yahay Hawiye & Daarood kaliya ‘dual-monopoly’. Anigoo Soomaali ah ayaan Xamar tegay, anigoo Samaroon ah ayaan kasoo laabtay. Shalay midnimo ayaan doonayey, maantase Somalilander baan ahay oo Boorame ayaan tegayaa si aan u noqdo caaqilka Samaroon. Aflagaadada lagu dheehay erayada Ingiriiska ah ee Prof Samatar ku hadlo, anfariir iyo amakaag ayey ku riday qaxootiga ku nool qashinka Xamar, waxayse ku qanceen seddax arrimood:

Heestii Sulfa ee ahayd “lama miiraa lay mudaa oo waa laygu maasadaa”.  

Nin lamaan oo magaalo ka duday siigo yaraa. Takartii maroodiga fuushay ee markey ka duushay ku tiri “i cafi maroodi ilaa saakay dushaadaan dangiigay” maroodigiina ku yiri “maba dareemin culayskaaga”.

Waa yaabka yaabkiisee, weligaa ma is weydiisay: 

Prof Samatar muxuu Soomaali hore ugu qabtay? Muxuuse ku muteystay madaxtinimada uu ku qafiifay? Muxuuse maanta qaban karaa?

06/09/1967 ayaa Prof Samatar Soomaaliya kasoo tegay. Waa maalin taariikhi ah oo Soomaalidu wada taqaan, waa maalintii la xiray Wasiirkii Arrimaha dibedda Axmed Yuusuf Ducaale oo lagu eedeeyey inuu gatay qaddiyadda xoreynta Jabuuti. Axmed Ismacil Samatar wuxuu ahaa weriyihii maalintaas warka duhurnimo Radio Muqdisho ka tebiyey, sida aan weli xusuusto wuxuu warka ka billaabay “Wasiirkii Arrimaha Dibedda oo gacmaha laga duubay, xabsigana loo dhaadhiciyey”.  

Durbadiiba Axmed Samatar BBC ayuu shaqo ka helay wuxuuna uga sii gudbay Ameerika, 06/09/1967 ilaa 10/09/2012 doorashadii Madaxweynaha JFS, 45-taas sano hal maalin dalka dib uguma soo noqon. Xooluhu waa xaab daaq, dadkuna waa xan daaq, sida aan maqlay Axmed Samatar laguma sheegin halyey lagu hirto oo dadka kaalmeeya. Filimaayo hal arday oo jufadiisa ah inuu jaamacad u qalqaaliyey. Filimaayo xataa boqol dollar inuu horumarinta dalka ku taageeray. Filimaayo inuu weligi hal dugsi dayactiray. Waxaan maqlay 1993 kulan ka dhacay “Ottowa University” oo Axmed Samatar xiriiriye ka ahaa inuu halkaas kaga tookhay anigu Soomaaliya uma socdo oo xataa bogcadii laygu aasi lahaa waan sii iibsaday. Haddaba weydiintu waxay tahay, Soomaaliya ma qashin qubkii qurba-joogtaa? Soomaaliya ma hoygii hawlgabkaa?

Axmed Samatar oo sida muuqata 70 sano sare u dhaafay muxuu maanta Soomaaliya u qaban karaa? Axmed Samatar oo habdhaqanka reer Galbeed niyadsami u aaminsan laga rejeynmaayo xataa inuu maanta oori yar arooso oo carruur dhalo oo gurigiisa ay ku koraan dhowr qof oo qaraabo ah, taasi waa inta ugu yar ee uu Soomaali maanta u qaban karo.

Murtida laga dhaxlay awooweyaashii hore waxay tahay “wax la tacbo dad baa ugu fiican  — irsaq waayi-meysid aroosoo ubad kordhi – qofkii kaa dad badan kaa deeq badan – dhashaada iyo dhul baa magan loo yahay” waa hidde dhaqan soo jireen ah, ha-yeeshee aqoonyahannada Axmed Samatar hormoodka u yahay waxay aaminsan yihiin “ubad ilbax waa laba uun ama la noolow islaan cad oon ubad dhalayn”. Dagaalkii 2aad kadib rag Soomaaliyeed ayaa degay Yurub. Raggaas oo ahaa dhallinyaro awood jinsi leh, sida ayax doog helay oo kale waxay ku daateen haweenkii caddaanka ah, wiil helay haweenay gole-joogsi wacan leh, timo sugul ah iyo indha cawlan oo eegmo caashaq leh “blonde hair and blue eyes” balse minka iska xirtay iskana tallaashay ubad dhalis ayaa aabbihi u soo diray farriin leh “maandhow maxaad dad iyo duunyo haysaa?”  Wiilkii wuxuu su’aashaas kaga jawaabay aabbe waxaan la noolahay haweeney caddaan ah oo joog iyo jamaal leh, laakiin inay ubadh dhasho laga rejeynmaayo. Odaygii wuxuu wiilkiisa u soo diray murti xambaarsan waano dhalxalgal ah, wuxuuna kula dardaarmay:

Mar haddaaney awlaad ku dhalayn loo abtirinaayo

Amaaney adduun ku dhaqayn ari iyo geel toona

Layskama abaahiyo islaan abasaxoo weyne

Maandhow ka ag fogow eey la nool ubadka diidaysa

Ajnebi ka dooro INDHAYAR waa inkaar waalid iyo ilduuf geyaan. Wiil ciyaar ka booday ayaa ku heesay “waxa Mijir-ka-hoos magaalada yaal Maryaney maxaa mara-meydka ku xiiray”. Prof Axmed Samatar oo sida guuxa dadweynaha lagu sheegay ka mid ah qurba-joogta gabayga sare khuseeyo, himiladiisa hoggaan jacaylka ma riyaa mise waa hidde-raac?  Soomaaliya waxaa ka jira boqortooyo silloon oo si dadban u shaqeysa. 

Halkudhegga iyo halbeegga boqortooyadu waa: aabahay, awoowgey, adeerkey, abtigey, eedadey iyo ina-adeerkey baa madax ahaan jirey ee anna waa inaan madax noqdaa oo hoggaamintu waa hibo dhaxaltooyo. Raggii kartida yaraa ee hanan waayey kaalintii kaga toosnayd hawlihii miyiga (xoolo dhaqasho iyo beero falasho) ayaa hoos cararay Maamulladii Gumeysiga, waxayna ka heleen fursadihii shaqo ee waagaas jirey. Oday baa arkay nin gacanyare u ah Gaalkii geyiga xukumay balse markuu miyiga joogay aan soo hoyn jirin waxar jaban, dabadeed wuxuu tiriyey afarreydaan:

Allahayow Faranjigii muxuu doqon fariideeyey

Muxuu feydo laawiyo nin raggah faylka wada joojay

Muxuu nimaan aabbihi fuuli jirin faras u heenseeyey

Turjubaannadii, ilaaladii, adeegeyaashii, kookeyaashii iyo wixii soo raaca ee Gaalada u shaqeyn jirtay carruurtii ay dhaleen waxay u dallaceen Gaal-yare ama “house niger” xukunkii dalka iyaga ayaa kala wareegay Gumeysteyaashii tegay. Carruurtii ka farcantay kooxdii guryaha Gaalada ka shaqeyn jirtey waxay noqdeen kooxda ina-K (ina-kooke, ina-kaabul, ina-kormeere, ina-karaani, ina-warkeene, ina-kidbeeye, ina-kirishboy, ina-kalkaaliye, ina-kadindhowre, ina-kaabaqabiil, ina-kayd-haye, ina-kaabe-waardiye, ina-kabraale)

Guud ahaan Soomaaliya waxaa maamula kooxda ina-K, gaar ahaan Koofurtu waa budo gaar u tuman iyo boqortooyo silloon, halkudhegu waa “ballan aabbe iyo hoggaan beeleed”. Sannadihii fowdada hoggaamiye kooxeed kastoo dhintay waxaa beddelay wiilkiisa ama hadduusan wiil dhalin xaaskiisa iyo inantiisa, Jeneraal Caydiid waxaa hoggaankii ka dhaxlay wiilkiisa ilaa Qareen Raajis oo ay xilkii ka dhaxashay xaakiisa. 14/11/2001 goortii Jaamac Cali Jaamac loo doortay madaxweynaha Puntland waxaa diiday Cabdullaahi Yusuf oo 3dii sano ee xilka loo igmaday ay ka dhammaatay. Dagaalkii qarxay kadib waxaa lagu heshiiyey in doorasho cusub la qabto, sida dastuurka Puntland ku qoran waxay ahayd xilliga kala guurka inuu madaxweyne ku meel gaar ah sii ahaado Maxamed Cabdi Xaashi, mase dhacin oo xilkii waxaa qabtay Yuusuf Xaaji Nuur oo ahaa Guddoomiyaha Maxkamadda Sare. Xuruuf yaryar oo qof aragti gorgor leh kaliya  akhrin karo dastuurka Puntland waxaa ku qoran jagada madaxweynaha Puntland waxaa qaban kara qof  Maxamuud Suleymaan ah kaliya. Koofurta beddelkeeda, boqortooyadaas silloon Isaaq waa ka badbaaday oo Cigaal wiilkiisu jagada kama dhaxlin, C/maan Tuurna xaaskiisu xilka kama dhaxlin, nasiibwanaag Isaaq wuxuu fahmay laba eray siyaasadeed oo Soomaalida kale aysan weli fahmin, dulqaad iyo is-afgarasho “tolerance and compromise”. Si looga fogaado dagaal mindhicireed dhexmara beelaha Isaaq waxay madaxweyne u doorteen Daahir Riyaale Kaahin oo sarkaal sare ka ahaan jirey NSS-tii Siyaad Barre “Notorious Gestapo Officer” waxay ahayd tallaabo ku dayasho mudan oo Isaaq ka dhaxlay aayatiin wacan iyo haybad siyaasadeed, balse dhanka kale waxay jahawareer iyo waalli ku riday beesha Gudabiirsay oo qof walba wuxuu u xusulduubay inuu madaxweyne noqdo, xataa haweenka miyiga Boorame jooga waxay ku werdinayaan oo la riimayaan haddii Riyaale Madaxweyne noqday anna waa inaan noqdaa. Damacaas safmarka ugu dhacay guud ahaan beesha Samaroon ayaa dhiigga iyo dhuuxa kaga milmay Prof Samatar, wuxuuse u eg-yahay damacaan sinnaba ku hirgeli karin, waana riyo maalmeed iyo rejo meehanow, maxaa yeelay nin suldaan u suuban ayaa madaxiisa taaj la saaraa. Prof Samatar hadalladiisa faanka iyo tookha u badan kuma jiraan: oorideyda heblaayo, inankeyga hebel iyo inanteyda heblaayo, waxaa la fahmi karaa inuu yahay faras leedo ah oon koore lahayn. Dhaqan guud oo aadamigu isla ogol yahay ka sokow, waddanka Prof Samatar ku nool yahay, nimaan xaas iyo carruur lahayn hoggaamiye looma doorto.

Aan qoraalka ku gunaanado su’aal muhiim ah oo mudan in si taxadar leh oo cilmi ku saleysan looga jawaabo. Prof Samatar safarkiisa “From Soomaali to Samaroon”  Ma siyaasad cusub baa? Ma saldano jacayl baa? Ma suluqsaaluq socodkii sebenkaa?  Prof Samatar maanta safarkiisu waa Muqdisho to Hargeysa, berrito waa Jabuuti to Adis Ababa, saad-dambe waa Tel Aviv to Washington ee saakuun safarka Prof Samatar xagee ku wajahan yahay?  

Akhriste fadlan maskaxdaada ka shaqaysii oo jawaab hufan soo gudbi. Wa Billaahi Towfiiq

Abdulkadir Osman  “Aroma” 

Shirwac55@hotmail.com

Somalia: No stability in sight for Somalia

Terrorism

The recent attack on a UN compound has dampened the euphoria in Somalia

Author Ludger Schadomsky / ael
Editor Susan Houlton

The international community had hoped that Somalia would soon stabilize. But the recent attack on a UN compound shows that the security situation is still precarious and the terrorist militia al-Shabab is still active.

In early May this year, the United Nations passed a resolution to support Somalia by sending in up to 200 experts to advise the government and local authorities. The aim was to stabilize the security situation in the country. At the time, security expert Ahmed Abdi Hassan, a former senior official with the national security forces, expressed the hope that "the resolution would help the Somali government to improve its security situation."

But the United Nations' additional forces could not prevent Wednesday's (19.06.2013) suicide bombing at the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) building in the Somali capital, Mogadishu that killed 15 people, including four foreign nationals.

South African arms manufacturer Denel confirmed that two of its employees were killed in the attack.

Via Twitter, al-Shabab claimed responsibility for the attack. In an interview with the German Press Agency (dpa), the newly appointed UN Special Envoy to Somalia, Nicholas Kay, condemned the attack as a "desperate attempt to derail Somalia from its course towards reconstruction and peace."

Earlier, 34 people were killed on 14 April 2013, in a series of coordinated suicide attacks. The UN Special Envoy for Somalia at the time, Augustine Mahiga, warned then of further "terror attacks" by al-Shabab. The security situation was also the main topic at the Somalia conference in London in early May, a conference which was also overshadowed by an attack aimed at a high level delegation from Qatar.

Spirit of optimism dampened
The attacks are part of the asymmetric form of warfare, with which the Somali al-Qaeda splinter group al-Shabab (Arabic for "the boys") is trying to discredit the new government of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.

After his victory over transitional President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed (widely regarded as corrupt) in September 2012, the new president has addressed a number of burning issues in the country. His priority list includes building institutions based on the rule of law, establishing a powerful army and police, fighting corruption and increasing public security. This has been well received by his local partners.

A clear sympathy bonus for the engineer and later university dean is the fact that he has no political background, unlike the usual representatives of the Somali political class.

However, as a member of the influential Hawiye ethnic group, he knows how clan leaders can be an indispensable instrument of power in a country dominated by ethnic loyalties.

Mohamud's new prime minister Abdi Farah Shirdon Saaid is also a close ally, which raises hope that in this new government there will be no wrangling between the president and prime minister.

Security was one of the major issues discussed at the London conference on Somalia in May

The new government is regarded positively by Somalis in the diaspora. Many Somalis who lived in the US, UK and neighboring Kenya are now returning home. Some have given up well-paid jobs and a secure existence in order to come back and help in the reconstruction of their home country or establish business connections.

The few airlines that fly to Mogadishu are fully booked for weeks in advance. The legendary beaches of Mogadishu, once dubbed the "Pearl of the Indian Ocean" by Italians, are once again open for bathing. The shrill tones of mobile phones, strictly prohibited by al-Shabab militias, can be heard again.

But attacks like the one on the UN office are dampening the euphoria in the country. Moreover, "the progress that one would wish to see, has failed to materialize," says Markus Hoehne from the Max Planck Institute in Halle.

According to Hoehne, this is not surprising, especially when you look at the difficult situation that Somalia has been going through. He sees merely "baby steps towards a possible stabilization of Somalia." Annette Weber, from the Institute for International and Security Affairs in Berlin and a long-time observer of Somalia, agrees.

"The main dilemma of the Mogadishu government is the fact that it exists only in Mogadishu and it has no influence in other areas of the country," Weber told DW. It is crucial, she says, that the central government should extend its authority, mainly to southern Kismayu, the former stronghold of al-Shabab.

Source:  DW.DE

Challenges don't end at NZ's border

BRUCE MERCER/Fairfax NZ

SETTLING IN: Former refugees Momina Ali, left, and Sabira Nouri say it was tough fitting in at first.

BY NICOLA BRENNAN-TUPARA

Momina Ali was only young when she was forced to flee her homeland of Djibouti to the safety of Ethiopia to escape civil unrest.

For years she lived in Ethiopia as a refugee, unable to return to her homeland in the horn of Africa.

But when she turned 13 she got word her family had been accepted into New Zealand as refugees.

New Zealand's yearly quota of refugees under the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) resettlement programme is 750, but there is a push by some to increase that to 1500.

While New Zealand was half a world away from any danger, many more barriers still stood in Miss Ali's way.

Speaking on World Refugee Day yesterday, a now 25-year-old Miss Ali shared her journey in the hope that Kiwis might better understand the struggles that came with resettling in a foreign land you had no choice to move to.

She was enrolled straight into school - at the same level as other children her age - despite having no English skills.

"I remember when I got to class I was given a test paper but I couldn't read it.

"All I could do was write my name at the top."

It was a similar scenario for 23-year-old Sabira Nouri, who arrived as a refugee from Iran at the age of 15.

Originally from Afghanistan, her family of eight were forced to flee first to Pakistan, then to Iran where they spent five years before coming to New Zealand in 2005.

"In Iran, because we were Afghan, we weren't allowed to got to school.

"So I spent five years with no school. We technically did nothing while my [older] brother did some labour work to get money for us," she said.

"But Afghans also weren't allowed to get jobs in Iran, so it had to be jobs under the table."

When she arrived in Hamilton she was excited to start school, but spending a whole day not understanding a word the teacher said was tough.

"The language was a problem, but then I still had the academic problem as well.

"I had only studied to year 5, but when I got here was a place in year 10. So there was that huge gap. It meant I just had to work extra hard."

And that she did - she is now a second year nursing student at Wintec.

Both say it took many years to finally feel at home in New Zealand.

If Miss Nouri could ask one thing of people it would be for them to be "less judgmental and more understanding".

She had a particularly hard time at school, but said people were getting better now.
Ad Feedback

Now she never gets asked if she knows Osama Bin Laden.

Tomorrow the Waikato Refugee Forum is holding a day to bring all of Hamilton's refugee communities together.

It will kick off with football matches at Flynn Park, Hillcrest, from 10.30 to 2pm, followed by a celebration at the Migrant Resource Centre in Boundary Rd.

While it is a chance for the different refugee communities to mingle, other Hamiltonians are welcome to head along and learn more about the refugee journey.

A bonus will be a smorgasbord of ethnic food from Afghanistan, Burma, Somalia and Colombia.

Meanwhile, a "Doing Our Bit" campaign was launched yesterday to increase New Zealand's refugee quota to 1500. 

At least 22 dead following Islamist attack on UN in Somalia

Four foreign security staff have died in the first major assault on the United Nations in Somalia in years.

According to the Somali government, local guards and insurgent fighters were also among those killed in Wednesday’s attack. “So far we have confirmed four UNDP foreign staff who were responsible for security, four Somali guards and seven militants,” Interior Minister Abdikarim Hussein Guled told reporters. Vuyelwa Qinga, spokeswoman for the South African state weapons firm Denel, says two of their staff members were also killed during the attack, and an ambulance service official confirmed his crew had carried away seven dead civilians, bringing the death toll to 22.

The assault started when a car bomb exploded outside the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) base in the Somali capital Mogadishu. Rebel gunmen then fought off security guards, forcing their way into the compound.
Al-Shabaab claim responsibility

The al Qaeda group al-Shabaab has claimed responsibility for the attack. Militants have launched several guerilla-style attacks from rural bases since being driven out of Mogadishu by AU and Somali government forces in 2011. However, this was their first major assault on a UN compound.

One UN official who closely follows Somalia accused some Western nations of playing down the dangers posed by al Shabaab. “This is part of the consequence of over-optimism in some Western nations that has overshadowed the need to look at deeper problems before rolling out any kind of UN mission.”

Al Shabaab appeared to share a similar opinion. “Inside the compound are several clueless foreigners who were lulled into a false sense of security by a strong disinformation campaign,” they tweeted (@HSMPRESS1) before apparently losing the battle.

They went on to accuse the UN of pandering to US interests. “The U.N., a merchant of death and a satanic force of evil, has a long, inglorious record of spreading nothing but poverty, dependency and disbelief,” al Shabaab tweeted.
‘Copycat’ strike

The UNDP is now said to be secure again after security forces, backed by the African Union force AMISOM, sent soldiers and armoured vehicles to a gun battle that witnesses claimed lasted more than 90 minutes. Staff in a neighbouring building were apparently in lockdown during the attack and bystanders reported several smaller explosions during the gun battle.

The offensive seemed to be a copycat of the strike on the law courts in Mogadishu in April during which militant gunmen fought a battle with security forced before detonating suicide vests. Guled confirmed that some of the attackers blew themselves up during Wednesday’s assault.

During a telephone call to Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon told he was “outraged by the despicable attack”. The Somali government also condemned the attack, offering their “deepest sympathy to all victims.” Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon Saaid tweeted,“Today all Somalia stands shoulder to shoulder with UNSOM.”

The attack will cause possible setbacks for the recent security gains, which have enabled the gradual return of foreign aid workers and diplomats to the region. Nicholas Kay, the top UN official in Somalia, said that the United Nations would continue with its mission in Mogadishu. “The UN is here to help and we are here to stay,” he affirmed.


Copyright © 2013 euronews

The Grand Renaissance Dam crisis: The available choices

Mostafa Shafeq Allam

Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed Kamel Amr has held intensive talks in Ethiopia's capital Adis Ababa over the ongoing Grand Renaissance Dam crisis, days after the Ethiopian parliament approved the Entebbe Agreement on the redistribution of River Nile water. The development had only added fuel to the fire in a crisis that has seen Cairo recently waive military action while an Ethiopian government spokesperson has said the project is non-negotiable.

In a report,  entitled "Egypt's Limited Military Options to Stop an Ethiopian Dam Project," Stratfor Global Intelligence assesses the difficulties Egypt's air forces could encounter in the event of a direct military strike on the dam. It argues that the Egyptin army lacks the sufficient aerial refuelling capabilities that would allow its fighters to fly the long distances to Ethiopia. This suggests Egypt would have to rely on Sudan as a staging point for a blitzkrieg strike. The Grand Renaissance Dam is only 12 kilometres from Sudan's borders.

However, the report explains, an indirect military solution is contingent on Sudan's approval because it would expose Ethiopia's next-door neighbour to potentially dire consequences that could amount to all-out war. This makes a Sudanese agreement for Egypt to launch military sorties from its territory much less likely.

Ruling out military action leaves Egypt with less violent and less expensive options. These could include backing Ethiopian opposition groups or investing in religious or ideological conflicts between radical Islamist groups - most active in Somalia and Eritrea - and Adis Ababa's Orthodox Christian regime. These groups could be co-opted to pressure the Ethiopian government by launching targeted operations into the heart of the country.

Egypt might also consider supporting separatist ethnicities such as the Oromia tribes who for a long time now have attacked perceived marginalisation and been represented by armed groups seeking to claim their rights by force.

As well as the Oromia, Ethiopia's Ogaden region is home to a Somali-origin majority where several radical groups are looking to break free from Ethiopia and join Somalia instead.

The diplomatic route, although it would not bring about an immediate solution, will remain an important "soft" option for Egypt's leadership. Its slow impact and dependance on timing might make it the best possible scenario. Egypt might, for example, resort to the United Nations Security Council or the International Court of Justice. It could also opt for political means such as mediation by parties with influence over Ethiopia - namely the African Union, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). Egypt could also approach countries funding the Ethiopian dam, including China and Italy.

International precedent for this route should be cause for encouragement. The International Court of Justice, in its most recent adjudications on water disputes between Hungary and Slovakia in 1997; and Uruguay and Argentina in 2010, concluded that regional treaties, including those on international rivers, should be irrevocable because they are inherited by consecutive governments.

This "soft" approach is the most subtle but the most difficult at the same time, due to considerations of time and lack of trust between parties involved in the conflict. Despite those challenges, this option remains necessary for handling any future disputes over water issues between the two countries.

In this context, Egypt could engage in the Ethiopian project at the levels of funding, implementation and consultancy, turning it into a principal partner. That would allow Egypt to ensure that the project is executed according to technical specifications that take into account environmental considerations, sustainable development and continued water flow, thereby serving the interests of all parties.

The piece is a summary of an analysis by Al-Masry Studies and Information Centre

Source: Egypt Independent

Human Trafficking Somali Gang Members Indicted

Some of the indicated

By Jim Hoft

In the largest human trafficking case in US history Over two dozen Somalis , including women, were indicted for kidnapping, raping and selling underage girls..

A federal trial involving more than a dozen defendants accused in a sex trafficking ring run by Somali gangs is being complicated by cultural issues within the Somali refugee communities in Tennessee and Minnesota.

U.S. District Judge William J. Haynes again this week ordered jurors to return on Monday as defense attorneys argued that the defendants, many of whom are refugees from Somalia, were juveniles at the time the alleged crimes occurred.

The indictment said three gangs called the Somali Outlaws, the Somali Mafia and the Lady Outlaws were forcing teenage girls into prostitution and operated in St. Paul, Minn.; Minneapolis; Columbus, Ohio; and Nashville.

After selecting a jury last month, the trial was delayed last week when prosecutors turned over thousands of documents and audio recordings from the investigation to defense attorneys on the eve of trial. Both defense attorneys and federal prosecutors have repeatedly declined to comment about the case.

"It can be frustrating to have delays, but it is understandable because the case is so complex," said Derri Smith, executive director of End Slavery Tennessee, who will be an expert witness in the case. "I have the utmost confidence that the judge and jury will bring justice about in the case, but it's challenging for all of them."

The indictment, which was originally unsealed in 2010 and amended by a superseding indictment in 2011, says the defendants, many of them from the Somali immigrant communities in Minneapolis and Nashville, were members or associates of the three gangs. Four unidentified victims, some of who were under the age of 14, are listed in the indictment.

The indictment accuses the gangs of finding and recruiting young girls for the purpose of prostitution in exchange for money and drugs between 2000 and 2010.

Out of the 30 individuals listed in the indictment, only 14 are going to trial this month in Nashville on charges of conspiracy to commit sexual trafficking of children by force, fraud or coercion and charges related to the sexual trafficking. Many of the individuals have remained in federal custody since their arrests in 2010.

The Gateway

Watch Indicted

Somaliland: The brotherly relations between Somaliland and Ethiopia are unshakable

The affiliation that exists between Somaliland and Ethiopia is historical and unbreakable, politically, socially and economically. A brave man always knows the way, no matter how intricate the roads. Somaliland will not succumb to any pressure aimed at fracturing the mutual relations of fraternity and neighbourliness. Our destiny is knotted together, and no external force can break this bond of friendship and solidarity. It is at difficult times that you learn your foe from your friend. Ethiopia has offered bases to the Somali National Movement (SNM) during the long and bitter struggle against the brutal regime of Siad Bare; hosted and welcomed our refugees with distinct hospitality at the most difficult times of our history and remained steadfast and reliable partner with shoulder to shoulder support when we were weak and trying to make ends meet. This is necessitated by true collaboration and cooperation and as a result of convergence of interest.

On the other hand, Egypt only solicits support from us when it needs to safeguard its self-centred national interest and raises the flag of the Arab League solidarity. History is our witness as Somalis are confronted with disgrace and humiliation in Egyptian airports and as second grade citizens coupled with a deliberate marginalization. Our refugees in Cairo are imperilled into an inhumane and degrading treatment. The Somali character is considered as a pariah by the Egyptian establishment and its security forces.

Then one may question why that relationship is a one-way direction. It is hard to be always abused and for sure reciprocity is not part of the Egyptian culture. What Egypt did for us when we were at the cross-roads and our population returned from years of destitution and displacement? The answer is naught.   After returning to destroyed towns with total lack of institutions, land awash with armaments and landmines; we faced the reality of building our lives from scratch and nowhere to been seen our “Egyptian friends”. Experience has taught us a lot and we will never fall again into any trap that does not take into consideration our national interest and ambitions. The days are gone where our land has been used as staging platforms for proxy hostilities against our neighbours.

We are grateful for what we have and who we are. And Somaliland is prepared to earnestly and vehemently defend its rights against all odds and innuendos perpetuated by self-interested countries. It is deplorable that Egypt is now seeking coalition and alliance against our closest friend. We have been fooled for years but not anymore.

Concurrently, our President have been invited by the Saudi Kingdom; the first time in our twenty two (22) years of separation and re-gaining our independence. Is it to pressure us to side with the Egyptians and thus alienate our true neighbour? The kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a major economic partner for Somaliland and we must navigate through this carefully and play the neutrality card. I am confident that our President will handle this political manoeuvring with conscientiousness and diligence guided by our national interest. We are all aware where that rests. It is certainly with our neighbour; not with Egypt.



Siraad – United Kingdom