Friday, April 26, 2013

A Hidden Victim of Somali Pirates


Paul Salopek in Djibouti city
Published April 25, 2013


During 32 years of fieldwork in the deserts of Ethiopia, Tim White, the eminent American paleoanthropologist, has brazened through every conceivable obstacle to his research into human origins. 

Flash floods have marooned his vehicles in hip-deep pools of mud. Grazing wars between groups of nomads have blocked access to promising fossil beds. And campfire visits by snakes and tarantulas are so routine they rank as minor nuisances.

Yet nothing has stymied White's pursuit of knowledgeor thwarted his scientific ambitions—like the hard-eyed men in flip-flop sandals who, valuing doubloons above Darwin, set sail hundreds of miles away in skiffs stocked with machine guns and rope ladders: Somali pirates.
"No question, it's been a serious setback," says White, who has waited years, in vain, for a research vessel to drill crucial seabed cores off Somalia that would revolutionize the dating of East Africa's spectacular hominid finds. "Piracy has stopped oceanographic work in the region. There's been no data coming out of this area for years. Zero."

White isn't alone in his frustration.Scientists from around the globe, specializing in subjects as diverse as plate tectonics, plankton evolution, oceanography, and climate change, are decrying a growing void of research that has spread across hundreds of thousands of square miles of the Indian Ocean near the Horn of Africa—an immense, watery "data hole" swept clean of scientific research by the threat of Somali buccaneering.

Major efforts to study the dynamics of monsoons, predict global warming, or dig into seafloors to reveal humankind's prehistory have been scuttled by the same gangs of freebooters who, over the course of the past decade, have killed dozens of mariners, held thousands more hostage, and, by one World Bank estimate, fleeced the world of $18 billion a year in economic losses.

The cost to science may be less visible to the public. But it won't be borne solely by scholars.
Years of missing weather data off the Horn of Africa, for example, will affect the lives of millions of people. A scarcity of surface wind readings has already created distortions in weather models that forecast the strength, direction, and timing of rains that sustain vast farming belts on surrounding continents.

Shelving a Rosetta Stone

"This problem has been going on a long time and with virtually no public awareness," says Sarah Feakins, a researcher at the University of Southern California whose work on paleoclimates has been hijacked by piracy fears. "All kinds of efforts are made to keep the commercial sea lanes around Somalia open. Nobody talks about the lost science."

Feakins's woes highlight the toll the pirates have exacted, albeit unwittingly, on one earth science practice in particular: seabed core sampling, which involves a miniscule global fleet of expensive research vessels that—because they stay in place to drill—are sitting ducks.

Oceanic sediment cores offer researchers a valuable archive of Earth's climate history. Ancient pollen, plankton, dust, and other clues collected from seafloors provide the bulk of what scientists know about global changes to the planet's ecosystems over time.

In 2011, Feakins devised a novel way of harnessing this technology to test one of the oldest questions of human evolution: Did our ancestors actually climb down from trees because of expanding savannas in Africa?
By poring over cores from the seas off East Africa, she would be able to peel back layers of ancient, windblown carbon isotopes associated with grasslands, settling the debate.
Her idea earned the coveted approval of the Integrated Ocean Drilling Program (IODP), an elite international scientific organization that controls the most advanced drilling platform afloat—the JOIDES Resolution, a gigantic, high-tech oceanographic ship topped with a 200-foot-tall drilling rig.

The JOIDES Resolution, a high-tech vessel equipped with a 200-foot-tall drilling rig.
Photograph courtesy Arito Sakaguchi, IODP/TAMU

But when the location of her sampling became known—near the Gulf of Aden, the bull's-eye of the Somali pirate's hunting grounds—Feakins's project sank without a bubble.
"I'm using old cores from the 1970s now," she says. "It's all we've got."
The JOIDES Resolution is deployed in the Indian Ocean until 2016. But during the past 18 months the IODP has quietly dry-docked three major projects near Somalia.
One casualty was paleoanthropologist White's dream proposal: drilling into the Indian Ocean seabed for ashes that have wafted down from African volcanoes over the course of millions of years.
The ash, which is precisely datable under the ocean because of continuous layering, would offer a game-changing yardstick for correlating the ages of hominid fossils discovered throughout the Great Rift Valley. In effect, the clearest picture yet of the  human family tree would be pulled, shimmering, from the sea.
"Rosetta," White says forlornly, referring to the Rosetta Stone, the crucial artifact that enabled 19th-century scholars to at last decipher Egyptian hieroglyphics.

Thousands of fossils, such as this monkey skull, can be dated once drill cores are pulled from the ocean floor.
Photograph by Tim D. White

Gunboat Science

The IODP, which is funded by scientific agencies in the United States, Europe, Japan, China, and India, says it has little maneuvering room when it comes to piracy.

"We have always placed the security and safety of our staff and scientists as a number one priority," says David Divins, an IODP spokesman. "The problem is that there is some potentially pioneering science that will have to wait or find another location."

The lawless waters off Somalia, however, are unique. They offer tantalizingly rich returns on anthropological and climatological research. And even Divins admits that the wait could be long.

Research slots on the JOIDES Resolution—the name is an acronym for Joint Oceanographic Institutions for Deep Earth Sampling—are ferociously competitive and booked years in advance. It could be "at least another five years or so" before the vessel returns to the region, Divins says.

Some beleaguered researchers, meanwhile, have sent out an SOS to the world's navies.
Among the armadas now hunting down Somali speedboats, the Australian Navy has shown a particular willingness to shoulder scientific work. It has agreed to lower oceanographic instruments from its warships.  (Some of that equipment has been retrieved pocked with bullet holes.)
Armed escorts, however, are another matter.

The only vessels afforded close naval protection are UN World Food Program cargo ships carrying relief supplies to the Horn of Africa.

Governments balk at guarding low-priority research vessels, especially when they resemble oil company drill boats—jackpot targets for pirates. The scientific agencies operating the research ships also pan the idea, saying it would sink their insurance policies.
"When I raised the military question, it caused a firestorm of anger from everybody from the U.S. State Department to the IODP," Feakins says. "I was intimidated into just dropping it."

A Treasure Lost
The irony now is that the pirate scourge appears to have peaked off Somalia.
Statistics compiled by the International Maritime Bureau show that brigands managed to force their way aboard only 14 ships in the region in 2012, down from 31 in 2011 and 49 in 2010.

In ports such as Djibouti city, just north of Somalia, it's easy to see why.

The militarization of the area's waterways, particularly the strategic Bab-el-Mandeb Strait between Africa and Arabia, is virtually complete.

The U.S. and Europe each lead heavily armed task forces that shadow endless convoys of oil tankers and container ships past the wild shores of Somalia. Japanese corvettes sit ready at dock, their engines rumbling. Spanish, German, Turkish, and French soldiers assigned to antipiracy campaigns jam the port's hotel lobbies.
Offshore, merchant ships bob at anchor with razor wire coiled about their rails. Big placards on their hulls warn that lethal force will be used to repel attackers.

How long this martial pressure can be sustained is an open question. But for now the Somalis are outgunned.

A suspected Somali pirate is apprehended near Mumbai, India.
Photograph by Punit Paranjpe, AFP/Getty Images

Still, even if the oceanographic research community steams back into the Gulf of Aden tomorrow, the havoc that pirates have wreaked on science is enduring.

Writing in EOS, the journal of the American Geophysical Union, the meteorologists Shawn R. Smith, Mark A. Bourassa, and Michael Long point out that routine wind readings collected by ships for decades are now interrupted by a colossal blank space that gapes across 960,000 square miles (2.5 million square kilometers) of open sea.
In this case, ship captains have not simply avoided Somalia, but have refused to broadcast anything that might tip off eavesdropping buccaneersincluding daily weather reports. That long radio silence has spawned a historic anomaly, or aberration, in oceanographic records.

"The data void exists in the formation region of the Somali low-level jet, a wind pattern that is one of the main drivers of the Indian summer monsoon," the EOS article's authors warn.

One consequence: It has become harder to predict long-term changes in a weather system that disperses rain across immense agricultural zones in Africa, the Middle East, and especially South Asia.

"For people trying to understand the science of climate change and the impact of El Niño on the Asian monsoon, I believe that this has been permanent damage," laments Peter Clift, an earth scientist at Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge.
Clift is being generous.

His own research, which explores how the Earth's geology and atmosphere interact, has been held hostage for more than a decade by the marauders off the African Horn.

He needs a drilling ship. None will come. And he says he may never complete his life's work: yet more booty stolen by the pirates of Somalia.

From 2013 to 2020, writer Paul Salopek is recreating the epic journey of our ancestors on foot, starting at humankind’s birthplace in Ethiopia and ending at the southern tip of South America, where our forebears ran out of horizon. Along the way he is engaging with the major stories of our time — from climate change to technological innovation, from mass migration to cultural survival. Moving at the slow beat of his footsteps, Paul is also seeking the quieter, hidden stories of people who rarely make the news. To read Paul Salopek's latest dispatch, go to: outofedenwalk.nationalgeographic.com

US State Department Press Release: Readout of Under Secretary Sherman's Meeting with Ahmed Silanyo, President of Somaliland

Media Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
April 26, 2013



Yesterday, Under Secretary for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman met with Somaliland administration President Ahmed Silanyo. Under Secretary Sherman and President Silanyo discussed issues of mutual concern, including stability, democracy and governance, and the need to combat al-Shabaab. The United States expressed support for continued dialogue between the Government of Somalia and Somaliland authorities, as took place in Turkey on April 13. The United States reiterated its strong support for a peaceful and united Somalia.

Exclusive: Congressman Keith Ellison on US Drones in Africa and Media's Portrayal of Muslims


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Rep. Keith Ellison

One might imagine the ties between Minnesota and the Horn of Africa are tenuous at best, but the Midwest state has one of the largest Somali diaspora populations in North America, and Rep. Keith Ellison (from District 5, representing metropolitan Minneapolis) is one of Congress' most prominent voices addressing issues that matter to both the United States and Africa.

Ellison, who in 2006 became the first Muslim elected to Congress, has spent much of his tenure forging closer relations with Middle Eastern and African countries, from Malawi and Mauritania to Liberia, Libya, and Sudan. He's traveled to the region more times than he can recall, most recently to Somalia in February, as the first member of Congress to visit the war-torn nation in four years.

On that trip, he met with newly elected Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in Mogadishu before traveling to Nairobi, Kenya, to visit the Minnesota-based Center for Victims of Torture to gain a better understanding of what refugees uprooted by war and ethnic conflict face at home and abroad.
As co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, Ellison serves as a progressive yin to neighboring Minnesota District 6's Rep. Michele Bachmann's conservative yang. Alongside super-rich members of Congress steeped in gun-lobby financing, Ellison stands apart.

The Twitter-savvy Detroit native is also one of the few members of Congress who doesn't shy away from debating the Obama administration's use of weaponized drones and actually encourages such debate by regularly participating in open public forums.

In a January Washington Post op-ed, Ellison wrote, "The heart of the problem is that our technological capability has far surpassed our policy." In the piece, he cites a Stanford Law School and New York University Law School report that documents some 700 civilians (including 200 children) who have reportedly been killed by US drones since 2004, calling the deaths "unacceptable."

In a March 2013 letter to President Obama, Ellison and five Congressional colleagues expressed concern about "vague legal boundaries" for drone activity and called for the White House to publicly present in an unclassified form its full legal basis for using drones.

This scrutiny comes as the United States is increasing its use of drones and special operations in a growing number of African countries. On February 22, in a 155-word memo simply titled Letter from the President - Concerning Niger, Obama informed Congress that he had deployed approximately 100 US military personnel to Niger to "provide support for intelligence collection [and] intelligence sharing."

Recently Ellison spoke to  Truthout by telephone from Minneapolis about drones, the growing US military presence in Africa, immigrant civil rights and the American media's portrayal of Muslims.

Jon Letman: In January, you wrote an op-ed for The Washington Post titled "Time for Congress to build a better drone policy." How was the piece received by your colleagues in Congress?

Rep. Keith Ellison: It had mixed reviews. Some people told me it was the administration's prerogative and to just butt out, and even insinuated that if I did anything to try to restrain the US military's use of weaponized drones, that might not be greeted as the most patriotic thing in the world. Other people said, "Spot on - you're right." It was a very mixed reception.

My point was to try to provoke a more in-depth conversation than we've been having. I was disappointed that we haven't even really discussed this. The op-ed, as much as I was happy to write it and get it published, didn't have the splash that Rand Paul's filibuster had. Even though he and I agree on almost nothing, I was pleased to see him get attention for this really critical issue.

JL: Who supported your op-ed?

KE: Rep. Barbara Lee (D-California). She thinks we have to move forward on drones and have transparency, due process, accountability and international protocols that are respected. And others - we had a good group around us, but not nearly enough. We need some committee hearings.

JL: In February, you again publicly called for Congressional hearings on the use of drones in warfare, but to date, there have been no hearings scheduled. Is that correct?

KE: I think there have been some hearings scheduled but I don’t have the dates off the top of my head. I [can] quickly get right back to you. (Ellison's staff responded the next day with information about Senate Judiciary Committee drone hearings.)

JL: What more can Congress do to bring drone warfare to the forefront?

KE: I think one thing members of Congress can do is to hold community forums in our local districts to get citizens to start speaking up on this issue. I think that makes a big difference. I've had a couple of community forums - I had one just last week - and I encourage citizens to demand or set one up themselves and invite their member of Congress to attend.

JL: On February 22, President Obama informed Congress he was sending 100 military personnel to build a drone base in Niger. The New York Times reported the base could eventually house 300 Americans and be used for more than just surveillance. Have you made a statement regarding the Niger drone base?

KE: I can't say I have. I was aware of it. I focus my attention more on weaponized drones in places where there has been loss of civilian life, so I have been thinking more in terms of Pakistan. But I think you're right. I probably should think about how this drone technology is proliferating. Where it's going is important, but the most important thing is, wherever it is, that we follow internationally accepted protocols, respect due process, human rights and the lives of civilians.

JL: I haven't seen comment on the Niger announcement from anybody anywhere.

KE: Well, we probably should be, and you're probably correct to point that out, and I think I better think seriously about what we are going to do about it.

JL: Do you think it's a good idea to be building a drone base in Niger?

KE: I've got to be honest to tell you that to start talking about it without knowing anything is not that good of an idea. It does concern me, and I am disturbed by it, but I just want to know a little bit more before I start offering public comment.

JL: By not debating increased military presence in Africa is Congress lowering the threshold for US involvement and making our participation in armed conflict more likely?

KE: Now that you've posed that question to me, that's the question I am going to be contemplating as I go through it with my staff, as I get the research and I start reading about the contours of this program and the implications, the question on my mind will be, What does this mean in terms of lowering the threshold for a greater conflict on the continent? I think that's an entirely appropriate question.

JL: In 2011, the Obama administration announced a military, diplomatic and strategic realignment referred to as the "Asia-Pacific Pivot." Are we also seeing an unannounced - kind of a shadow pivot, if you want to call it that - an "African pivot"?

KE: Obviously, this can be a double-edged sword. My most recent exposure to Obama policy in Africa was [in February 2013]. To see the US government, under Obama, recognize Somalia for the first time in 22 years, was good. To see that we're going to build some real relationships that can benefit the Somali people is also good. So, in a way, an "African pivot," depending on the shape that pivot takes, could be a very positive thing. But I think we've got to make sure that Africa is benefiting from the pivot.

On the other hand, I support the US supporting the international force in Somalia which drove out Al Shabab. I make no apologies; I supported that because the people of Somalia were living in hell under Al Shabab.

At the same time, there are other things to consider. We've seen cases in which Africans have been guinea pigs for drugs, markets for things like cigarettes. We've seen exploitation of minerals. But I don't think we should be completely bound by the historic colonial role of the West in Africa. I think we can write new chapters, and I believe in that, but it's also going to take the act of engagement of people on the continent themselves, and Americans who care about a just foreign policy.

JL: Even as President Obama pushes for gun control, we've seen the first American citizens killed by US drones in Yemen; most notably the 16-year-old Denver-born Abdulrahman al-Alawki killed in October 2011. The Bureau of Investigative Journalism reports that up to possibly 237 children may have been killed by drones and other covert operations in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. As Americans, how can we reconcile this killing of civilians, especially children, in other countries as we claim to protect our own kids at home?

KE: We've got to have accountability, transparency, due process, protection for civilians. That has to be the hallmark of any US engagement abroad. Now, obviously it's an irony, isn't it? No doubt about it, but I read your question more as a statement because you are pointing out an irony, as we are flush in the middle of talking about how to protect our own kids from violence, warfare and gunfire, this is going on abroad and it's clearly disturbing. The question is: What are we going to do about it? What I'd like to see us do is to put some sane, sensible rules around guns in this country, and at the same time, I'd like to see us put some sane, sensible rules around drones abroad.

JL: According to the Defense Department's 2012 Base Structure Report, the United States has 666 military bases and military installations around the world. How many foreign bases and foreign troops do you think the United States should or would be willing to accept on our soil?

KE: Well, obviously zero.

JL: Let's say some country, for whatever reason, wanted to protect its interests by having some kind of small base.

KE: Obviously, the United States would not tolerate any foreign occupation on its soil. And obviously we have military installations all over this world. The real question is not which country are we going to allow to occupy us; the real question is, how are we going to get our nation's military to the point where it's really looking out to defend and protect the American people rather than appear to be an expansionistic, hegemonic sort of entity.

Is having all those military bases good for the American taxpayer? Is it good for our diplomatic relations with the rest of the world? Is it fiscally sound? Does it make us safer, or not? Does it make us more of a target and more resented around the world? These are all excellent questions and I'm glad that you're asking them, but at the end of the day, what are we going to do about it? I personally believe that we need to cut our nation's military. I'm not talking about cutting soldier's salaries, but I think that all the military bases we have around the world - some of these weapons systems, particularly nuclear weapons systems - do we really need all this? Whose interests does it serve? Does it even serve the American people's interest? I have serious doubts about that.

JL: In January, when Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud visited Washington, you said, "It's now time to strengthen our relationship with Somalia based on mutual interests." Can you talk about those mutual interests?

KE: I think that the people of Somalia have an interest in peace and security. So do the people of the United States. I think that the people of Somalia have an interest in economic prosperity for their people. So do we. [They] have an interest in environmental protection and sustainability. So do we. And the people of Somalia have an interest in civil and human rights for all, and certainly, so do we.

For the short term, I think Somalia has awesome potential as a nation. The people are smart; they're creative; they want a better future for themselves and their children. [They] would like to move from being an emergency food aid recipient to at least being self-sufficient and, God willing, one day to be a donor to other nations. It wouldn't be the first time a country has gone from dependency to independence to surplus. And they'd like to be not a national or international security problem, but actually be a security partner.

JL: What do you think the average American does not know or understand about Africa, but should know and understand?

KE: The thing Americans need to know about Africa is that the people there are exactly like them. They love their kids; they want to grow old in dignity. They want to work hard. They're smart; they're creative. We are bound in this web of mutuality. I think Americans suspect the reason Africa has problems is because Africans don't have their act together or can't get their act together, but it's not really true. The whole world is deeply implicated in Africa's problems, and some people think the only thing America can do is just get out and stay out. I don't believe that the way things have been are the way things need to stay. What about a just foreign policy? I think we can do it. It might be naive, but I still believe we should try. I believe we have an obligation.

Another thing that I don't think Americans fully appreciate enough is that you can't give any country enough foreign aid to make it a middle-class country. We've got to help Africa find its way to be able to access commercial markets around the world. Not just extractive stuff; I'm talking about things they make or grow that we can use. Africa is full of a lot of really talented, creative people. That's why I think we need to have more exchange in terms of education, technology-sharing - things like that.

JL: In one word, how would you characterize America's relationship with Somalia today.

KE: Dependent.

JL: What would you like to see it become?

KE: I'd like to see the relationship be interdependent.

JL: And you believe that's possible?

KE: Yes. Not overnight. Maybe not even in five years. But I think it is possible.

JL: Your Congressional district is home to one of the largest Somali populations in North America.

KE: True.

JL: I read 70,000 in Minnesota and 32,000 in the Minneapolis-St. Paul area.

KE: I wouldn't doubt it.

JL: Whether migrants, immigrants or refugees, what challenges do Somalis face in Minnesota?

KE: I think if you were going to tell the story of Somali Americans, you would probably have to start not so much with challenges, but opportunities. There's Hussein Samatar, he's a good friend of mine. He was elected to the Minneapolis school board. Most of his voters were not Somali. They were white; they were black Americans; they were Latinos; they were all kinds - and some Somali.

The story of Somalis has been one of success, actually. Now there are challenges - linguistic challenges, cultural; there's the challenge of any immigrant community losing track of its children as they mainstream into American life. But I think most of the story is triumph, success, people overcoming difficulties. Somalis, like most African-Americans, face racism. They also face religious bigotry because they are Muslim, by and large, but because like most immigrants, they're willing to work really,reallyhard, many have been able to buy homes and start businesses. I think it's really been primarily a story of triumph and success.

There are a lot of Somali immigrants in Norway, and the chief of police from Oslo came to Minneapolis to study how Somalis here have been so successful in the United States, in a cold, Northern climate. The answer was that they're part of our society, our people. They're Minnesotans and we treat them like that, for the most part. In any given situation, there are flowers and weeds. I like watering the flowers rather than the weeds.

JL: How have you seen civil rights for Muslim Americans and Muslims in America changing over the last decade?

KE: There's a small, concerted effort to try to marginalize Muslims in the United States. It's a well-funded effort. It's a small effort, but they have yielded some results. They're just people who write, speak and promote the idea that Muslims are threatening to America and should be marginalized and are dangerous to our country. They are the moral equivalent to the Ku Klux Klan, but they couch everything they say and do in anti-terrorism.

JL: Do you see an improvement in the US media's portrayal of Islam today?

KE: I think the media is trying. I really do. When you talk about the mainstream media, I think there is an effort to reach out, and I think the media in some specific ways is trying to highlight the Muslim community in a way that is respectful and fair. Of course, you have to look at the foundation on which all this recent reportage has been done. We're talking decades and decades of stuff like Crimson Jihad in the movie True Lies. We're talking about decades of like, even the movie Back to the Future - you know, the Libyans are out to get Michael J. Fox. There's a movie calledReel Bad Arabs; this particular documentary details how badly Arab and Middle Eastern and Islamic people have been portrayed in Western media for a long time.
You've got some good reporters like Neil MacFarquar and Andrea Elliot, and there are others who have been trying to do a good job - Soledad O'Brien, Anderson Cooper. They've done a good job. Even Wolf [Blitzer] has done a good, decent, respectful job - you can't say that they haven't. But they've done it against the backdrop of many years of the other stuff.

JL: In February, you had a rather robust exchange on FOX News with Sean Hannity in which you called his work "yellow journalism." How do people like Hannity impact the public's perception of issues, and do they have a legitimate role in the US media?

KE: Well, if you define "legitimate" as legal or authorized, yes, he has a legitimate role. Does he have a positive, legitimate role? I don't think so. He's certainly operating within the First Amendment, but I think he and others like him are promoting misinformation and stirring up hate and suspicion among Americans - which he is entitled to do – sadly.

JL: Are there any media resources you recommend for good, comprehensive, accurate, fair coverage of Islam or things related to the Middle East or Africa?

KE: I think that if you are going to be a well-aware person, you have to consume a number of news sources. I believe that you can avoid watching FOX News and still be extremely well informed. In fact, there may be an inverse relationship between watching FOX and being well informed.

JL: There was a study released about a year ago that said just that.

KE: I think if you can cut FOX out - I wouldn't put that in my media diet - I think you've got to look at a number of diverse sources. Go ahead and look at MSNBC and the networks, go ahead and check out Democracy NOW! But also check out Bloomberg and read widely. It used to be hard to get any information. Now you can get it, but you just have to sort through the good and the bad. I think that the only way to be successful is to read widely.

Thursday, April 25, 2013

Somaliland: Remarks by President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo at Atlantic Council, Washington D.C, US

document

Remarks by President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo

Atlantic Council of the United States
Somaliland President H.E. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo
April 22, 2013

I.Introduction
I would like to extend my appreciation to Dr. Peter Pham and the Atlantic Council for inviting me to give this address today.

The Atlantic Council—thanks in part to Peter Pham's diligent leadership at the Michael S. Ansari Africa Center—has stood out among America's leading public policy institutions for promoting a truly interdisciplinary approach to understanding the politics and economics of East Africa. It is therefore a great pleasure and an honor for me to exchange views today on Somaliland and the future of our region with such distinguished participants.

II.Somaliland's Journey Toward Independence
Ladies and Gentlemen: I have traveled to Washington today from Somaliland, a nation that defends its borders, protects its citizens, and mints its own currency; a nation that your former Secretary of Defense called, simply, "an entity that works," but a nation that has not yet been recognized by the United States or the international community.

Somaliland became an independent, sovereign state on 26 June 1960. Five days after independence, Somaliland chose to unite with Somalia with the aim of creating a "Greater Somalia" comprised of several former European colonies with citizens of ethnic Somali origin. Almost immediately, the people of Somaliland were excluded from decision making and representative governance in the new Somali Republic. In turn, our people rejected the Somali Republic's constitution by referendum, and their disenchantment continued throughout the early years of the union as political and economic isolation grew.

After assuming power in a military coup in October 1969, Mohamed Siad Barre led a brutal military dictatorship that in the 1980s embarked on a violent campaign against the people of Somaliland, killing more than 50,000 civilians and displacing ten times as many people. Despite the atrocities committed, Somaliland rose from the ashes to rebuild and emerge stronger than ever before. We were determined not to allow such a massacre of men, women and children happen again. The people of Somaliland would no longer be victims in our own land.

Following the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, the people of Somaliland decided to withdraw from the union and re-assert Somaliland's sovereignty and independence – in full compliance with international law.

As Somalia's disintegration unfolded, Somaliland built a functioning, stable and democratic state. While the international community spent millions of dollars trying to save Somalia from itself, we focused on maintaining peace within our borders, building strong state institutions, and creating a sustainable economy.  And I am pleased to say that Somaliland will be celebrating 22 years of independence on May 18th this year.

Despite enormous challenges, Somaliland has held four peaceful elections and has preserved a culture of democracy.  Our security forces have ensured that terrorist groups like al Shabab have no safe haven in Somaliland.  And we have tackled piracy off our coast with determined and comprehensive actions.

Over 100 individuals involved in acts of piracy have been jailed by the Somaliland government.  We have forged agreements with other governments on the transfer of these criminals. Our legislature has institutionalized Somaliland's anti-piracy laws.  And we have partnered with friends in Europe and America to thwart these and other violent extremists, both on land and at sea.  But we also recognize that there is more work to be done.

We have also made great strides with regard to education, development and public health.  While others in our region have struggled with famine and relied on external food aid, we have invested in food security and avoided the afflictions of chronic hunger and disease.  In fact, during the last drought in the region, our government donated nearly $700,000 in humanitarian assistance to Somalia.

We accomplished all this independently, with limited assistance from the international community. This spirit of self-reliance continues to guide our nation to this day.

III.The Situation on the Ground in Somaliland

My presence in Washington today is a testament to our success. I recently stood in front of my parliament and described the state of our union to the people of Somaliland, one of the methods that we employ to ensure accountability and good governance. I spoke of my administration's challenges, especially in the diplomatic arena where recognition remains our overarching goal, and our accomplishments, which include:
strengthening the independence of the Election Commission, facilitating the de-centralization of the state and empowering local communities, increasing government revenue and streamlining the tax system,  presenting, for the first time in our history, a balanced national budget that currently stands at $180 million per annum,

Institutionalizing public finance reform – with our first report due for publication at the end of this month,   further expanding and professionalizing the armed forces and police, improving relationships with international aid agencies, and  investing in education, which has allowed us to build dozens of new schools, hire thousands of new teachers, and make primary schooling free for all students.

I am also proud of our most recent democratic achievement.  Just a few months ago, we held our first Municipal elections in over ten years.  In this process, over 4,000 candidates competed for 400 seats on local councils in cities and towns across Somaliland.  As the political debates that framed those elections subside and these municipalities settle into the task of governing, we look forward to holding parliamentary elections as soon as feasible following completion of our voter registration process.

Somaliland continues to secure its borders to advance peace and stability in the region. Earlier last year, clashes occurred in the Buhoodle area of the Sool region between government forces and certain militia groups – groups that were seeking to destabilise and sow discord amongst the Somaliland population living in that region.

It is important to stress that all conflict is regrettable and only a measure of last resort. During these operations, the government took every measure to safeguard the well-being of civilians, including full access to water and other basic services.  To advance wider peace, my Government also conducted civilian reconciliation initiatives in key towns throughout the area. Following successful dialogue with the militia groups, the government released more than 200 prisoners and welcomed a number of the militia's key leaders into Somaliland's cabinet.  To reinforce the peace, our government has also earmarked more than $1.2 million for development projects for the benefit of the communities in that region.

Somaliland will continue to promote reconciliation as part of our on-going efforts to strengthen unity within our borders.

If you have been to Somaliland, as a guest, a tourist, or an investor, you know that there is an oasis of calm in the troubled Horn of Africa. Dozens of international companies now recognize that Somaliland is a unique frontier market with real opportunities. Areas of Somaliland are anticipated to contain commercial quantities of oil, and energy companies are undertaking significant explorations. Coca Cola has opened a state-of-the-art bottling plant and other companies are beginning to recognize Somaliland's potential as a regional hub.  Somaliland is very much open for business.

We are proud of what we have accomplished with only limited outside help. On all fronts, Somaliland is poised to continue advancing security and prosperity for all its citizens.

IV. We Cannot Move Backwards, Only Forwards
As we do this, my people and I are watching developments to our south very closely. We hope that Somalia's President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud will succeed where past transitional governments have failed. We also hope that enhanced diplomatic support and foreign aid from the international community will impede the corruption, tribalism, and militancy that have afflicted the people of Somalia for too long.

A secure and peaceful Somalia that is able to build and preserve strong state institutions, fight terrorism and violent extremism, and stimulate a functioning economy is in Somaliland's national interest.  To this end, over the past year my government has undertaken good faith efforts to renew dialogue with Somalia, and held direct talks with the Transitional Federal Government in London, Istanbul and Dubai.

These talks laid the groundwork for my meeting just nine days ago in Turkey with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, where we affirmed our shared commitment to build trust and improved relations between our governments.  Future meetings – the first of which we agreed to convene within 90 days – will aim to strengthen cooperation in the fight against terrorism, extremism, piracy, illegal fishing, toxic dumping, and other serious crimes.

Somalia and Somaliland can and should be equal partners.  Yet as we proceed down this track, we hope and expect that those who are now reaching out to the new government in Mogadishu will do the same with our government in Hargeisa.

In this regard, we have already received assurances from the U.S. Government that its recognition of the government of Somalia will not negatively impact America's ongoing engagement in Somaliland.  Our people were indeed encouraged by this gesture.  However, as we move forward in dialogue and cooperation – and continue to serve as a model of security, stability and democratic governance in this fragile region – the people of Somaliland expect more.  And that is why I have come to Washington, on the heels of the landmark agreement between Somaliland and Somalia.

The United States and the international community have recognized that the status quo in the Horn of Africa is not sustainable.  Their engagement with Mogadishu seeks to stimulate and sustain the transition of Somalia to a viable sovereign entity.  The same type of engagement is required for Somaliland.  These two tracks are not mutually exclusive.

Our people believe that the time has now come for the international community to fully recognize the security and stability they have preserved in the midst of chaos, and to acknowledge the legitimate, sovereign and independent status of their nation.  A new international paradigm for Somaliland is overdue.

Building on the Somaliland/Somalia dialogue that we have established, and the bilateral relations that we are working to expand with other governments, a critical next step will be Somaliland's attainment of observer status in our region's Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and in the African Union.  The United States can do much to engage its friends in the Horn of Africa and beyond to help us secure this role, which will facilitate further dialogue with key stakeholders in the region, including Somalia.

We are not asking others to take a chance on what Somaliland may one day become, but rather to simply recognize the current state of affairs.  Somaliland is a fully functioning sovereign entity. From 1960 to 1991 we gave unity within a Greater Somalia a chance.  It did not work, and we cannot turn back.

Today, only the people of Somaliland can and will decide their future – not the government in Mogadishu, not the international community.

With proper diplomatic recognition, Somaliland will be able to contribute more effectively to a sustainable and prosperous future for the Horn of Africa, building on our own experience in forging an oasis of stability in a long-troubled region.

This is the pragmatic option, and it is also the only option.  Recognition of Somaliland's independence is long overdue and must be part of any sustainable peace in this region.

V. Conclusion
Ladies and gentlemen: What Somaliland has accomplished in a short period has taken other countries decades, if not centuries. The progress that we have made is irreversible. Our friends in the U.S. understand this, and we are grateful for their continued engagement and support.

However, in the long-term, engagement alone – on terms that do not adapt with other changes in policy – will be insufficient.

The U.S. has led the international community in supporting the self-determination and sovereignty of many peoples throughout modern times. The people of South Sudan, East Timor, Kosovo and many others remember that the U.S. spoke up for them when others were silent. The people of Somaliland ask for no more, and no less.

America emerged from the ashes of the Revolutionary War and became a nation by believing in its own people's capacity to build something greater than themselves. In Somaliland, we also believe in self-reliance and staying the course.  We have rebuilt our nation from the ashes of a brutal war.  We are willing to protect our freedom at any cost because we know its true value.   And it is this value—more than any other—that we share with the United States.

Thank you.

Somaliland May Soon Become a Recognized Country

By: Aman H.D. Obsiye

Somalilandsun - Introduction, The Republic of Somaliland re-declared its independence on May 18th, 1991, therefore removing itself from Somalia proper. I say re-declared its independence because on June 26th, 1960 it initially gained independence from Great Britain and then voluntarily joined into a union with Somalia Italiana (Italian Somaliland) on July 1st, 1960, to create the Somali Republic.

Since re-declaring its independence, Somaliland has been able to govern itself peacefully as a functioning country with an independent judiciary, free press, distinctive currency (Somaliland shilling), and other attributes of national governance. Since 1991, Somaliland has had four presidents with the latter two being elected in open elections that was deemed free and fair by international observers. I had the pleasure of observing their 2010 Presidential election.

Somaliland justifies its independence mainly on two points: (1) it was previously an independent recognized country, State of Somaliland, from 06/26/1960-07/01/1960, and (2) its people where brutally victimized by Somalia's dictatorial ruler, Siad Barre (1969-91). It is no secret that gross human rights violations were inflicted upon the Isaaq tribe by Barre's regime.

From left President Hasan PM Erdogan President Silanyo Turkish FM Davutoglu and Dr Omar after the meeting

Over fifty thousand innocent people died from the onslaught simply because of their tribal affiliation, what I call Africa's Other Genocide.

The Montevideo Convention stipulates four elements for statehood: (1) a permanent population; (2) a defined territory; (3) government; and (4) capacity to enter into relations with the other states. The two main legal theories concerning statehood are the declarative theory and the constitutive theory. The former theory stipulates that sovereignty must be declared by the respective state and the respective state must meet the four elements in the Montevideo Convention. The latter theory simply states that another recognized sovereignty must publicly recognize the existence of the respective state. Under the Montevideo Convention and the declarative theory, Somaliland currently exists as an official country. No country has recognized Somaliland as of yet, therefore it does not qualify as a country under the constitutive theory.

Why Recognition May Be Imminent


Recently, Somaliland's President Mohamoud Silanyo has visited Ankara (April 13th) and London (April 17th) per official invitations. He is currently in Washington D.C. per official invitation from Obama's Administration to meet senior officials and members of the US Congress. One must wonder why President Silanyo is being courted by the world powers, while the other regional presidents within Somalia proper are not.

Also, when asked about the meeting between himself and Somalia's President, and the Ankara Communique their respective governments signed, President Silanyo has stated that "our dialogue with Somalia is on a two countries basis . . . ." In addition, while speaking at the Atlantic Council in D.C. (April 22nd), President Silanyo stated that "Somalia and Somaliland can and should be equal partners."
Somaliland Map
It seems that the Somaliland's aspiration for recognition may soon come. Mogadishu now has an official government recognized by the community of Somaliland map nations (e.g. US, UK, etc.) and various international organizations (e.g the World Bank, IMF, etc.), its government is no longer transitional. This allows the current Mogadishu government to legally grant Hargeisa (Somaliland's capital) official recognition; this would not have been binding in the past with the transitional governments. The parent country, Somalia, may be the first country to recognize Somaliland. The international community seems to be facilitating this process.

The Communique's third point hints at this: "the Dialogue is between the Federal Government of Somalia and the Government of Somaliland. The international community that is supporting this process will only provide facilitation when is needed."

The Two Likely Scenarios for Recognition

The first scenario will be similar to the Addis Abba-Asmara model or the Khartoum-Juba model. In the former model, Addis Abba, the parent country, recognized Asmara as its own sovereign entity after Eritrea held a referendum. In this model Hargeisa would host a national referendum, in which the majority vote would obviously be for Somaliland statehood. In the latter model, Khartoum, the parent country, entered into a unity government with Juba for a said period of time. After the said period of time, Juba held a referendum which allowed its citizens to choose between statehood or continued unity with Khartoum. After Juba chose statehood, Khartoum recognized it as a sovereign state. In this model Hargeisa would enter into a national unity government with Mogadishu for a said period of time, and afterwards host a referendum.

Somalia's Interior minister A Gulleid and Somalialnd's foreign minister Dr M A Omar sign the Ankara Accords
The second scenario will be similar to the London-model. The United Kingdom consists of four independent countries (i.e. England, Scotland, N. Ireland, and Wales), which collectively make up the sovereign state, the UK. In this model Somaliland would be recognized as an independent country with its borders being the former British Somaliland. Somalia would continue to be recognized as an independent country with its borders now being the former Italiana Somalia. Together, Somaliland and Somalia would collectively make up the sovereign state (e.g. the Somali Union). The second scenario has previously taken place between Somaliland and Somalia. The legislature of the State of Somaliland passed the "Law of Union Between Somaliland and Somalia" on June 27th, 1960 [see article 1 (a)].

To conclude, the Somalis are part of both the African and Arab civilizations, and both civilizations have witnessed the disintegration of unions. From 1982-89, Senegal and Gambia collectively made up the Senegambia Confederation, and from 1958-61, Egypt and Syria collectively made up the United Arab Republic. If Somaliland and Somalia decide to disintegrate their union, they will not be the first of their respective civilizations.

Regardless of which scenario ensues, Somaliland may soon become a recognized country.

Aman H.D. Obsiye is a law student at the University of Minnesota, specializing in International Law. He served as an official international election observer in Somaliland's 2010 Presidential election.

Why UK Is Opening New Embassy In Somalia

Britain believes that the work a new embassy in Somalia could do justifies the risk of returning to the country.
William Hague: 'No illusions'
 By Tim Marshall - Foreign Affairs Editor

The opening of a new British embassy in Mogadishu signals two things; that the UK Government feels the Somalia capital is now stable enough for its diplomats to work, and that the work they will do is worth the on-going risk a presence in the city brings.

The previous embassy, which was closed in 1991 and is now ruined by fighting, was in the port area.

The new offices, opened today, are at Mogadishu International Airport, one of the more secure areas in a country still wracked with violence. A small contingent of security staff will protect the embassy.

The flag raising ceremony at the embassy follows an exchange of ambassadors between the two countries, and comes in the run up to the Somalia Conference in London on May 7.

Somalia is strategically important, both for its position on the Horn of Africa, and for its recently confirmed energy reserves. Because the country does not have a fully functioning infrastructure, profiting from its hydro carbons remains a plan for the future, but the UK and other countries are positioning themselves to co-operate with the new federal government.

Somalia is struggling to emerge from decades of civil war, foreign intervention, and most recently, Islamist groups fighting for control of the country. The ensuing violence, poverty and unemployment helped propel the huge outbreak of piracy which has so troubled the Gulf of Aden, and beyond, over the past 10 years.

UK Foreign Secretary William Hague, speaking at the site of the new embassy, said: "Somalia has been through a dramatic shift over the last year but continues to face huge challenges.

"We should be under no illusions as to the sustained efforts that will be required, in Somalia and from its international partners, to ensure that Somalia continues to make progress."

The al Qaeda-linked al Shabaab group has now been mostly pushed out of the capital, and the port city of Kismayo, toward the northern jungles and mountains. However, it is still capable of major terrorist attacks such as the one on Mogadishu’s main court complex this month which killed 34 civilians.

A nine-man squad stormed their way into the complex, some blowing up their suicide vests, others spraying the area with gunfire. It was by far the worst terrorist incident in the country for months.

Al Shabaab used to control large parts of the capital until 2011 when it abandoned territory in favour of a terrorist campaign. African Union and Somali National Army forces have gradually expanded control of various regions, and helped by Western unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, have been successfully pushing the group’s fighters northwards.

However, they remain a threat to the government and are determined to destabilise the country.

Ethiopia plans Somalia pullout 'as soon as possible'


Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn
Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn has said Ethiopia is "anxious" to pull its forces out of Somalia "as soon as possible" and called on the African Union force in the country to speed up its deployment.

Answering questions by members of parliament, Hailemariam said the main issue for Ethiopia was "to accelerate our complete withdrawal towards our border" with Somalia, a statement on the Ethiopian foreign affairs ministry website said.

He expressed concern at the slow pace at which the African Union force AMISOM, which first deployed in 2007, is replacing the Ethiopians.

Unlike other regional governments, whose forces are part of AMISOM -- Uganda, Kenya, Burundi, Djibouti, and more recently Sierra Leone -- Ethiopia's are not and their deployment costs are not covered by the AU.

The Ethiopian troops crossed into southwestern Somalia in November 2011 and have been decisive in routing the Shebab extremists and maintaining control over areas clawed back from their control.
But in mid-March, Ethiopia pulled its troops from the southern town of Hudur without warning, leading to the Shebab immediately taking back the town, their first real military success since they were chased out of Mogadishu in August 2011.

The surprise and unexplained withdrawal from Hudur caused speculation that Ethiopia was starting a wider pullout from Somalia and sparked fears that it would lead to a security void and a possible return of the Shebab.

Hailemariam recently promised the Somali authorities that his troops would pull out only once they had been replaced by AMISOM forces.
Several observers questioned by AFP said that AMISOM likely does not have sufficient troops to replace the Ethiopians, whose numbers are estimated to be between 3,000 and 8,000 men.

Hailemariam on Wednesday in Nairobi met with Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, whose country is one of the main contributing nations to AMISOM.

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Foreign Secretary opens new British Embassy in Mogadishu

Foreign Secretary William Hague has traveled to Somalia to open the new British Embassy in Mogadishu.
Foreign Secretary William Hague first visited Mogadishu in February 2012
This will be the first time the UK has an Embassy in Somalia since 1991 when the Embassy was closed and the Ambassador and his staff evacuated. This makes the UK the first EU country to re-open an Embassy in Somalia.

The Foreign Secretary was joined at the opening by the Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. The Foreign Secretary and the President also discussed the Somalia Conference taking place in London on 7 May.

Ahead of a meeting taking place at the Somalia Conference on preventing sexual violence, the Foreign Secretary also attended a discussion between senior members of the Somali government and prominent civil society leaders. The meeting was an opportunity for attendees to raise issues and concerns and to discuss plans for working together to tackle sexual violence.
Foreign Secretary William Hague first visited Mogadishu in February 2012
Speaking from the new Embassy site, the Foreign Secretary said:

“I am delighted to announce that today, 22 years after we evacuated our diplomats from Mogadishu, we are raising the Union Jack to mark the formal opening of a new British Embassy. Somalia has been through a dramatic shift over the last year but continues to face huge challenges. We should be under no illusions as to the sustained efforts that will be required, in Somalia and from its international partners, to ensure that Somalia continues to make progress.

“Today’s opening is testament both to the strength of the UK/Somalia bilateral relationship and to UK government’s commitment to work with the Federal Government of Somalia as they rebuild their country after two decades of conflict. I am grateful to the Somali President for joining me today to mark this special occasion.

“We will continue to work closely with the Somalia Government on shared priorities, which include tackling conflict, countering terrorism and piracy, providing humanitarian assistance, and promoting UK interests in Somalia and the region.”

The Embassy has been built on a site leased to HM Government by the Federal Government of Somalia.

The Foreign Secretary continued:

“Next month, the Prime Minister and President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud will co-host a Conference in London which aims to provide international support for the President’s priorities of creating security, rebuilding the justice system, and reforming government finances. I met President Hassan earlier today to discuss the Conference, and also attended a discussion with representatives of civil society on preventing sexual violence. I am pleased that the Somali government has demonstrated its commitment to tackling this serious issue and that there will be a further discussion of practical steps of how to do this at the Somalia Conference in London.”