Sudan crisis: Ex-President Omar al-Bashir moved to priso

Ousted Sudan President Omar al-Bashir 

Sudan's former President Omar al-Bashir has been moved to Kobar maximum security prison, days after he was deposed in a military coup.

Reports say the ex-leader has until now been detained at the presidential residence under heavy guard. 

He is reportedly being held in solitary confinement and is surrounded by tight security.

Months of protests in Sudan led to the ousting and arrest of the long-time ruler on Thursday.

Uganda's Minister for Foreign Affairs Henry Oryem Okello told Reuters news agency the country would consider offering the deposed leader asylum if he applied, despite an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC).

As an ICC member, Uganda would have to hand over Mr Bashir if he arrived in the country. The ICC has not yet commented.

Until now, Mr Bashir's whereabouts since his removal were unknown. The coup leader at the time, Awad Ibn Auf, said Mr Bashir was being detained in a "safe place". He himself stood down soon afterwards.

Lt Gen Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan was then named as head of the transitional military council, to become Sudan's third leader in as many days.

Demonstrators have vowed to stay on the streets until there is an immediate move to civilian rule.

Protesters show calm conviction

By Joe Inwood, BBC News, Khartoum

A sea of doctors, shouting with such anger and passion that their voices crack. Thousands are still protesting outside the military institutions that for 30 years sustained the brutal regime of President Bashir.

Now, the military council that deposed him is struggling to maintain an increasingly fragile grip on power, while the man who once led the country sits in prison. 

Today it has emerged he is in solitary confinement, locked in the very place where so many of his victims were held, tortured and killed. 

Ordinary people have managed to bring an entrenched and violent regime to its knees. They have done it not through force of arms, but through calm conviction, passion and a dedication to their cause that you can see in their eyes. 

Who is Omar al-Bashir?

Mr Bashir led Sudan for close to 30 years.

He is accused of organising war crimes and crimes against humanity in Sudan's western Darfur region, for which the ICC issued an arrest warrant.

After months of protests - starting in response to a rise in living costs and morphing into calls for the government to resign - Sudan's military toppled Mr Bashir in a coup on Thursday.

The transitional military council was set up in the wake of his removal, and has said it will stay in place for a maximum of two years until a civilian government can be put in place.

What are conditions like in the prison?

Kober prison, situated on the east bank of the Blue Nile, was built during Britain's near 60-year colonial rule of Sudan. 

The building, built with bricks and surrounded by towering concrete walls, has the capacity to hold hundreds of prisoners. Space in its tiny cells, however, is said to be scarce. 

Many of the protesters and opposition leaders who took to the streets demanding Mr Bashir's resignation have been detained on its special wing for political prisoners. 

Sudan's feared National Intelligence and Security Service runs this wing, not the police.

• Omar al-Bashir: Sudan's ousted president

Sudan analyst Alex de Waal, who has visited the prison, told the BBC its infrastructure has not been updated since it was built. 

"The cells are very rudimentary, it is a very basic form of accommodation, there is no air conditioning or running water," he said. 

Nevertheless, the prison has a reputation for treating the inmates well and not subjecting them to random violence, he added.

A former detainee at the prison told AFP news agency that up to seven prisoners, most of whom are petty criminals, are typically housed in each cell. 

"There is a bathroom in each cell but no beds - only mattresses and mosquitoes," the former inmate, who was jailed there during protests against Mr Bashir's rule in January last year, said.

What's the latest with the protesters?

Demonstrators remain camped out the military headquarters in the Sudanese capital, Khartoum.

Reports on Monday said there had been efforts to disperse a sit-in, but protesters joined hands and troops stepped back from a confrontation

The Sudanese Professionals' Association (SPA), which has spearheaded the protests, urged supporters to stop efforts to disperse them, calling on demonstrators to "protect your revolution and your accomplishments".

An SPA spokesman told the BBC that the group "completely rejected" the transitional military council leading the country, and said protesters seek the dismantling of state intelligence agencies and the "full dissolution of the deep state".

What has the military said?

Military council spokesman Maj Gen Shams Ad-din Shanto announced a raft of new measures on Sunday, including the end of censorship and new heads of the security forces.

The council has arrested former government members, he said, and will put in place whatever civilian government and whichever prime minister opposition groups agre

But while the council promised not to remove protesters from their sit-in, the major also called on them to stop unauthorised roadblocks and "let normal life resume".

"Taking up arms will not be tolerated," he added.

Kober prison, situated on the east bank of the Blue Nile, was built during Britain's near 60-year colonial rule of Sudan. 

The building, built with bricks and surrounded by towering concrete walls, has the capacity to hold hundreds of prisoners. Space in its tiny cells, however, is said to be scarce. 

Many of the protesters and opposition leaders who took to the streets demanding Mr Bashir's resignation have been detained on its special wing for political prisoners. 

Sudan's feared National Intelligence and Security Service runs this wing, not the police

Sudan analyst Alex de Waal, who has visited the prison, told the BBC its infrastructure has not been updated since it was built. 

"The cells are very rudimentary, it is a very basic form of accommodation, there is no air conditioning or running water," he said. 

Nevertheless, the prison has a reputation for treating the inmates well and not subjecting them to random violence, he added.

A former detainee at the prison told AFP news agency that up to seven prisoners, most of whom are petty criminals, are typically housed in each cell. 

"There is a bathroom in each cell but no beds - only mattresses and mosquitoes," the former inmate, who was jailed there during protests against Mr Bashir's rule in January last year, said.

What's the latest with the protesters?

Demonstrators remain camped out the military headquarters in the Sudanese capital, Khartoum.

Reports on Monday said there had been efforts to disperse a sit-in, but protesters joined hands and troops stepped back from a confrontation.

The Sudanese Professionals' Association (SPA), which has spearheaded the protests, urged supporters to stop efforts to disperse them, calling on demonstrators to "protect your revolution and your accomplishments".

An SPA spokesman told the BBC that the group "completely rejected" the transitional military council leading the country, and said protesters seek the dismantling of state intelligence agencies and the "full dissolution of the deep state".

What has the military said?

Military council spokesman Maj Gen Shams Ad-din Shanto announced a raft of new measures on Sunday, including the end of censorship and new heads of the security forces.

The council has arrested former government members, he said, and will put in place whatever civilian government and whichever prime minister opposition groups agree.

But while the council promised not to remove protesters from their sit-in, the major also called on them to stop unauthorised roadblocks and "let normal life resume".

"Taking up arms will not be tolerated," he added.

Why it's time for an amicable divorce between Somalia and Somaliland

The President of Somaliland (credit: Nasir Yusuf Dahir, Somaliland president media office)

Should other countries recognise Somaliland’s bid to become fully independent? It has a good case, argues Bill Snaddon, but many obstacles remain.

Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991. But the small east-African breakaway nation is still waiting for others to recognise their bold decision. Despite its dogged efforts for international recognition and admission into the club of nations, no other state considers this land of 3.5 million people to be a proper country. Likewise, the African Union and United Nations still view Somaliland as part of Somalia. Officially, at least. Somaliland’s government enters into diplomatic relations with these two bodies, as well as with the Arab League and EU. It also has bilateral relations with several countries.

Since 1991, Somaliland, for the most part, has grown into a functioning democracy. Somalia, on the other hand, remains in a cycle of violence. The Somali civil war, which began in 1991 – bringing an end to Siad Barre’s regime – has never really ended. Barre had ruled Somalia since 1969 when he came to power after a coup. Over the past 30 years, as aid and outside support poured into Somalia, fighting and corruption became entrenched.

Meanwhile, Somaliland — with little help from outsiders and minimal aid — holds regular elections and leaders change without too much fuss. A few scuffles here and there, some serious, and the occasional social media shutdown, but nothing on the scale of what is seen elsewhere. It is a flawed yet promising democracy rather than a fake democracy or dictatorship in waiting. A parliament sits under a Somaliland flag and people buy their goods and services with Somaliland shillings, or by transferring phone credit. One US dollar currently buys around 9,500 shillings. And an army and police force are loyal to Somaliland’s constitution. Hargeisa, the small and lively capital, hosts a yearly international book fair that’s growing in popularity among Africans and others.

Exporting livestock to the Middle East is Somaliland’s main industry, accounting for almost three quarters of jobs. But the economy is not healthy. The ongoing construction of a new port by DP World, a Dubai-based company, in the Somaliland town of Berbera will help. But much more investment is needed if the wanna-be country is to lift its people out of poverty. Youth unemployment is close to 50 percent. Recent figures are hard to find but according to 2012 World Bank numbers, average yearly income is $348 (£267), making it one of the poorest places in the world.

The importance of being stable

Crucially, however, the self-declared and autonomous Somaliland has stability – and confidence in its own destiny to one day become a recognised nation. News articles on Somaliland invariably mention how it is a beacon of peace in a troubled region.

Why then, has it not been recognised as an independent country? And should it be?

Sa’ad Ali Shire, Somaliland’s former foreign minister and current finance minister, tells me that fear is the biggest impediment to outside recognition.

“The fear that the African Union might be upset. The fear that secessionist movements in Africa and elsewhere might be encouraged. The fear that it might be more difficult to fix the Somalia problem if Somaliland was recognized.”

Another stumbling block, indirectly, is Eritrea and South Sudan. These are the two newest countries in Africa. Eritrea, since its modern birth in 1993, has become a repressive backwater; but a recent thawing of tensions with old foe Ethiopia could set it on a more optimistic path. South Sudan, since becoming a country in 2011, has mostly been stuck in civil war; though a peace agreement signed in September 2018 is showing tentative signs of sticking. The failure, so far, of these “new” countries to find lasting peace is often cited as a reason to prevent more new African countries to form.

This hurts Somaliland because without official recognition as a country, it is unable to access assistance from global financial institutions. Some argue, however, that being cut off from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund has helped Somaliland to chart its own course while not becoming dependent on easy lines of credit.

Bordering on recognition

Mr Shire says Somaliland actually wants to restore the colonial border that separated Somalia and Somaliland – the border that was dissolved in 1960 when Somaliland shrugged off British rule and Somalia became free from Italian colonialism.

Leaders in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, believe if Somaliland were to officially become a nation it would further divisions within an already turbulent country. Somalia also wouldn’t want to let go of its northern neighbour owing to the strategic patch of land Somaliland inhabits, nearing the entry to the Red Sea leading up to Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Israel.

Map showing Somaliland (credit: Council for Foreign Relations)

Somaliland’s northern border is 740km of coastline along the Gulf of Aden. Across the water is war-torn Yemen. Ethiopia, which is opening up at a rapid pace, sits on its western border. Puntland, another self-declared autonomous nation inside Somalia, is to Somaliland’s east.

Mogadishu’s argument against Somaliland independence often comes back to unity. Somalia and Somaliland share many things, language and Islam being two big ones. It might persuade some, but won’t budge the minds of many Somalilanders.

In 2001 Somaliland held a referendum that asked its people if they wanted to adopt an independent constitution. The referendum was monitored by the Initiative and Referendum Institute (IRI), a research and educational group attached to the University of Southern California.

“An astonishing 97% voted in favour of the constitution and reaffirmed Somaliland’s restoration of independence in 1991,” says Robleh Mohamud Raghe, an analyst and former consultant in the office of Somaliland’s presidency.

“The result of this poll clearly proved to the international community that the people of Somaliland are content with independence and have no interest in reuniting with Somalia.”

The concluding report, written by referendum monitors IRI, said there was “widespread common sentiment that a ‘Yes’ vote would send a message to the world that Somaliland deserved to be recognized”.

About two thirds the voting age population casted a ballot in the non-compulsory poll.

Fighting against indifference

Joshua Keating, a writer who studied Somaliland for his book Invisible Countries: Journeys to the Edge Nationhood, says Somaliland’s ambition to be recognised as a proper country is held hostage not by fear or ill-will or calls for unity, but by a lack of interest.

“Statehood may be a legal concept, but achieving it is an entirely political process,” says Mr Keating.

“To the degree that foreign officials acknowledge Somaliland at all, they are generally sympathetic to its history and admiring of its recent accomplishments. Somaliland’s main obstacle is not the world’s animosity, but its indifference.”

It’s difficult to disagree with this analysis. When leaders consider the most pressing challenges around the globe, it’s hard to imagine Somaliland’s desire for recognition entering the discussion. Not worsening the situation down south in Somalia is much higher up the list of global importance. To this end, world leaders would be reluctant to grant Somaliland independence for fear of inflaming an already tense region.

That, however, doesn’t make Somaliland’s recognition an unjust cause. Nor will it stop Somaliland from pursuing its goal. They have a good case.

For one, it has reality on its side. The country already exists. Its main institutions are in place and it has the will of the people on its side. All that’s needed is for a country or two to recognise it. A press release followed by a photo op at a fancy Brussels hotel would do the job. Other countries may follow. Or, one day, the African Union or United Nations, providing the votes come in, may declare Somaliland a country.

Finance minister Shire, who spoke to me when was he still foreign minister, is “very optimistic” about Somaliland getting recognition because “justice eventually prevails”.

He doesn’t however think it will be a big power like America or China that recognises Somaliland first.

“The first will come from Africa, probably with a nod or with no objection from a powerhouse, or talks with Somalia will end up in a referendum in which people will vote for independence.”

For now, we wait to see if officialdom will one day catch up with reality in the Horn of Africa.

Bill Snaddon is a freelance journalist and filmmaker who’s been covering Africa since 2009. More on his website billsnaddon.com and on Twitter @billsnaddon

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Turmoil blocks aid as communal conflict rages in gold-seamed Benishangul-Gumuz

Due to insecurity, aid cannot reach more than 50,000 people displaced by conflict that may be related to a long-existing struggle over resources in Benishangul-Gumuz.

Ongoing violence that first flared in late September around the state’s disputed border with Oromia has also led to more than 150,000 Oromo fleeing their homes, who are receiving only limited assistance. Some members of the Gumuz community say they will be killed if they cross the regional boundary.

The critical humanitarian situation is the third on Oromia’s peripheries after similar outbreaks of violence with communities in Somali state and the Gedeo people in the multi-ethnic southern region. That has led to 2.2 million Ethiopians internally displaced by conflict, which included the highest number in the world in the first half of this year.

There are 57,000 mostly indigenous Benishangul-Gumuz people sheltering at camps in Kamashi and Oda zones, which aid groups can’t reach because of instability. “Due to continuing security concerns in Benishangul-Gumuz region, only government, with an armed escort, was able to provide a one-time humanitarian assistance to IDPs in the two zones,” the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said on Nov. 11. “The unprecedented violence that started in Kamashi zone on 26 September and continued through October and November forced the most vulnerable groups (women, children and the elderly) to flee with no personal belongings, including clothing.”

Only government, with an armed escort, was able to provide aid

Although the regional governments reached an agreement to restore peace, clashes are ongoing and the inter-regional road is closed. In recent weeks, witnesses reported that a Gumuz individual and two Oromo were killed in Yaso Woreda and two Gumuz, two Amhara and an unconfirmed number of Oromo died in Belo Jegonfoy Woreda.

The turmoil is centered on Kamashi, which is the southernmost chunk of Benishangul-Gumuz and is surrounded by Oromia on three sides. The regional state is the homeland of the Berta, Gumuz, Shinasha, Komo and Mao, as well as significant populations of native Amharic and Oromo speakers. In a 2007 census in Kamashi, out of a population of 101,000, Gumuz comprised 61,000, Oromo 25,000 and Amhara 11,000.

The territory that is now Kamashi was in Wollega province before Ethiopia was restructured in 1991. It is primarily home to Gumuz who used to live in the Didessa area of Oromia and belong to a fragmented community that has been victims of slave raids for centuries, according to a research paper. The regional border is not properly demarcated and there have been sporadic outbreaks of violence over the last two decades over administrative power and resources such as sand and bamboo, said another academic study.

Golden prospects

The area comprising Benishangul-Gumuz formally became part of Ethiopia under the terms of a Nile-focused 1902 treaty signed by Emperor Menelik II with Great Britain, which ruled Sudan. Under Ethiopia’s 1995 federal constitution, the region is autonomous and administered by locals, which was not the case under the Derg military regime or Emperor Haile Selassie.

Deposits of gold drove expansion into the area in the mid-19th century by the Egyptian rulers of Sudan and by Menelik’s armies in the late 1890s, wrote Ethiopian historian Bahru Zewde in his 1976 doctorate. “Gold was the overriding pre-occupation of the conquerors, and their entire administrative and military machinery was geared towards the speedy acquisition of as much of the precious commodity as possible,” he wrote about the Egyptians.

Australia-based Berta activist Khalid Nasser claims that indigenous people have historically been denied access to ancestral land, which has been settled and farmed by outsiders, and that Ethiopia’s most powerful groups have always had designs on the region. “Historically Benishangul is a Sudanese land that was abandoned due to lack of responsibility and patriotism. Now there is a big rivalry between Amhara, Oromo and Tigray, which is making the people of Benishangul suffer tremendously,” he said.

Berta girl mining alluvial gold; Nov. 2013; Owen Morgan

A researcher who has worked in the area thinks the root cause of the latest unrest might be competition for the rich resources of the area, which includes deposits of marble, coal, emerald, platinum, as well as fertile farmland and large gold reserves. “We need your land not you,” a witness claimed they had heard from Oromo. However, the researcher said much of the agricultural investment in Kamashi is by Gumuz elites.

The promising Tulu Kapi mine operated by Kefi Minerals is in West Wollega, while surveying has shown there are high quality gold deposits in Benishangul-Gumuz. They may amount to more than 400 tons of the precious metal in what is a cost-efficient mining location, said Owen Morgan, the former Chief Operating Officer of GP Resource Mining, which explored a concession in the area from 2011 until 2015. Ethiopia’s annual gold exports are currently around 15 tons. “The Benishangul-Gumuz deposits are not going to put it in the world’s top 10 locations, but they would put it in the top 40. The gold potential in the region is fantastic, and the deposits are shallow, it’s not deep mining,” Morgan said.

The license for Ethiopia’s only commercial gold mine at Lega Dembi in East Guji Zone of Oromia was suspended in May after protests over pollution. The mine is operated by Midroc Gold, which is owned by Ethiopian-born Saudi billionaire Mohamed al-Amoudi, who is thought to be still under house arrest in Riyadh. Midroc Gold has been preparing to mine gold from a concession in the Sudan-bordering Metekel Zone of Benishangul-Gumuz, the location of the troubled Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.

Evolving conflict

The first major incident in Benishangul-Gumuz that evolved into the serious violence occurred in Assosa, the regional capital, on June 28. Berta youths demonstrated demanding the release of militia that had been kidnapped weeks before, allegedly by rebels affiliated with the Oromo Liberation Front, a former designated terrorist group that was legalized in June by Ethiopia’s parliament.

After days of Berta protests, which included looting and robbery, others organized against them. Clashes intensified, pitting lighter skinned ‘highlanders’ against darker indigenous people, and several were killed and injured, according to witnesses.

Two weeks later, a senior commander of Benishangul-Gumuz special police from Mao-Komo Special Woreda was shot dead by armed men as he returned back from a public discussion on security issues, and an Ethiopian military colonel was killed, according to Kamashi officials.

Part of the GP Resource Mining concession; 2012; Owen Morgan

Further problems occurred with Oromo youth from Kiltu Kara Woreda of West Wollega Zone. According to witnesses, they raided Benishangul-Gumuz’s Sirba-Abbay Wereda Shawa Kebele and killed the administrator. Residents retaliated and a number of people were injured and killed from both sides.

To try and resolve the problems, Benishangul-Gumuz’s police commissioner and Oromia’s anti-corruption head reportedly met in Asossa from Sep. 24 to Sep. 25. After the meeting, both Kamashi and West Wollega administrators went to Mandi town the next day to discuss with Oromo displaced from Shawa Kebele about returning home, an official said.

Kamashi officials said they agreed on the process for resettling farmers from both sides. As the leaders were returning, they were stopped at a checkpoint on the Kamashi-Ghimbi road near Maqqi Billa. Although they were asked to get out, they initially refused, as there were two armed men by the side of the road. However, zonal police commander Geremew Golja left the car and begged the militia to release them. They refused and fired at them instead. Four died and four escaped by running into the bush, witnesses said.

Villages attacked

Geremew, Matiyos Banda, the Kamashi Woreda chief administrator, and two police officers were killed, a witness said. Geshile Dinbesha, Kamashi Zone deputy chief administrator and Banti Abashu, zone security head, Jermosa Daro and Gashu Sima escaped and were collected by soldiers.

After the incident, Kamashi was said to be calm until Oromo militia reportedly attacked eight villages in Belo Jegonfoy, Yaso, Kamashi and Agalo woredas. Gumuz then retaliated, according to locals.

The number of Oromo deaths is uncertain, but Ethiopia Insight received multiple testimonieslast month from displaced Oromo of systemic attacks by groups of Gumuz youth backed by local officials that forced them from their homes. They said the violence occurred in reaction to the road ambush, not after the alleged Oromo raids. The UN reported last month that at least 20 people reportedly died, without specifying where.

In the week after the Billaa ambush, two Berta soldiers returning home for their break were reportedly executed in Nedjo in West Wollega. More than 40 Gumuz and Berta may have been killed, including 28 from a kebele administered by Sasiga Woreda in East Wollega, according to local sources. Eight Gumuz died in Agalometi, Yaso, and Sedal woredas, they said.

Two Berta soldiers returning home were executed

A researcher who has worked in the area said the road to Kamashi has now been closed for more than a month. OCHA reported that in the second half of October emergency food and medicine had to be helicoptered into the zone. As well as inter-regional fighting, there has also been violence between Oromia’s government and an OLF faction, partly over the fate of its armed wing. There are hopes this will now ease after a Nov. 14 agreement.

Some locals say there has generally been friendly relations between highlanders and lowlanders in Benishangul-Gumuz, strengthened by inter-ethnic marriages and economic and social ties. However, tensions have been heightened in recent years and Gumuz people were afraid to stay in Oromia in 2013 to 2015, according to the researcher. “When I was there in August this year, old ladies and kids threw rocks at our car as we drove through the Oromo communities along the border on the way from Kamashi to Nekemte,” they said.

Ibro Mohammed Abdi, 65, a representative for displaced Oromo at a camp in Kersa Mojo, said he fled a border area after 100 houses were burned by Gumuz around Balo Asir in the latest episode of regular violence.  “They slaughtered many people and now they started burning our houses, killing our people, and displacing us. They always start a fight at harvest time to rob our farms when we run away,” he said.

Query or correction? Email us

‘Mistir Sew’ is based in Assosa

Additional reporting by Ermias Tasfaye

Main photo: People in Uke, Guto Gida Woreda, West Wollega Zone displaced by Kamashi conflict; Nov. 13; Ermias Tasfaye

Eritrea Comes in from the Cold!

World Politics Review posted on 16 November 2018 a commentary titled "With U.N. Sanctions on Eritrea Lifted, a Pariah State Comes in from the Cold" by Elliot Waldman.

The author suggests that the lifting of UN sanctions on Eritrea will help restore its image but have little additional impact. The sanctions were narrowly tailored and laxly enforced. Hence, their disappearance will not make much difference.  

In a sign of rapidly changing geopolitical dynamics in the Horn of Africa, the United Nations Security Council on Wednesday voted unanimously to lift sanctions against Eritrea. The move comes amid a rapid thaw in Eritrea’s relations with neighboring Ethiopia and Somalia. The leaders of all three countries met for a rare summit in September, raising hopes for broader regional cooperation.

In a further sign of detente, Somalia and Ethiopia advocated at the U.N. for the sanctions to be lifted, strengthening Eritrea’s case. The sanctions, which included an arms embargo, asset freeze and travel ban on Eritrean officials, were first imposed nine years ago for the Eritrean government’s alleged support for terrorist groups like al-Shabab. According to Awet Weldemichael, a professor of African history and politics at Queen’s University in Canada, the underlying evidence for this support was never convincing, but that did not stop the sanctions from being weaponized by Eritrea’s erstwhile enemies. ...

Source: https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/trend-lines/26781/with-u-n-sanctions-on-eritrea-lifted-a-pariah-state-comes-in-from-the-cold?utm_source=Active+Subscribers&utm_campaign=9b62a345d8-Africa_11162018&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_35c49cbd51-9b62a345d8-64039129&mc_cid=9b62a345d8&mc_eid=a3bf07776a

MUSUQMASUQA AY MUWAADINIINTA SOMALILAND KALA KULMAAN ADEEGYADA AY BIXISO WAAXDA SOCDAALKA SOMALILAND CILAD AY SHEEGEEN IN AY KU TIMID QALABKII CUSBAA EE LAGU SAMAYNAYAY BAASAABOORKA CUSUB SOMALILAND E-PASSPORT

 

 

MUSUQMASUQA AY MUWAADINIINTA SOMALILAND KALA

KULMAAN ADEEGYADA AY BIXISO WAAXDA SOCDAALKA SOMALILAND

CILAD AY SHEEGEEN IN AY KU TIMID QALABKII CUSBAA EE LAGU

SAMAYNAYAY BAASAABOORKA CUSUB SOMALILAND E-PASSPORT

Qalinkii Suleiman Ismail Bolaleh

Sida uu ii xaqiijiyay Madaxa IT-ga Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland Seddex Xidigle Mr. Kimiko "Waxa maanta (shalay) ciladi gashay mashiinkii macluumaadka galinayay jaldiga Baasaaboorka cusub ee E-Passport, sidaasi darteed inkasta oo aan kula balamay maanta in aad qaadato Baasaaboorkiigaa cusbaa hadana dhibaatadaasi ayaa dhacday waana nasiibkaa" ayuu igu yidhi Seddex Xidigle Kimiko. Waxan su'aalay cilada xiliga la saarayo waxanu madaxa IT-ga Waaxda Socdaalku iigu jawaabay in gacanta lagu hayo balse aanu garan karin xiliga ay qaadan doonto.

Dhawrkii maalmood ee ugu dambeeyay oo aan ku noqnoqonayay xarunta Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland, waxa kale oo aan indhahayga ku arkayay ceebo badan oo ku lamaan adeega ay muwaadiniintu u doontaan Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland.

Dadkan Baasaabooka Cusub ee Somaliland E-Passport u doonta Xafiiska Waaxda Socdalka Somaliland ayaa u badan qaar qaba xanuuno adadag oo dalka gudihiisa lagu dabiibi kari waayay iyo xubnaha qoyasaskooda ee sii kaxaynaya, kuwaasi oo 99% u safraya dalka Itoobiya gaar ahaan caasimadiisa Adis Abbaba.

Nasiibdarada aan ku arkay Waaxda Socdaalka ayaa ah in dadkaasi lagu kala fadilo wajigarasho, iyo qaraabo kiil. Dadka qaar qadar miridho ah oo aan saacad gaarin ayay ku qaadataa in ay helaan Baasaaboorka cusub ee Somaliland E-Passport, halka qaarkoodana 2 maalin oo kali ah ayay ku qaadataan, tusaale sida 2 muwaadin oo aanu shalay codsiyadayada baasaaboorka cusub wada xaraynay ayaa si ay u qaataan isla shalayba waxay ii sheegeen in ay u soo kaxaysteen gabadh ka mid ah shaqaalaha Madaxtooyada oo aanan jeclayn in aan magaceeda halkan ka xuso balse maxkamad horteed aan ka cadayn doono, waxana u suurto gashay in isla markiiba iyaga la siiyo labadoodii baasaaboor.

Sida qaalibka ah kuyuuga dadka bukaanka ah ee doonaya Baasaaboorka cusub ma galaan dadka garanaya mid ka mid ah madaxda Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland iyaga si toos ah ayaa loo galiyaa gudaha loo sawiraa kadibna sida ugu dhaqsaha badan ayay u qaataan baasaaboorka. Halka inta ugu badan Muwaadiniinta Somaliland ee adeega u doonta Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland ay ku qaadato ugu yaraan 7 maalmood in ay ka helaan Baasaaboorka cusub ee Somaliland.

Dhinaca kale waxa layaab igu noqday ciladaha ku yimid Mashiinkan cusub ee lagu sameeyo Somaliland new E-Passport iyadoo dhawaan ay ahayd markii dalka la keenay qalabka cusub ee Baasaaboorka cusub lagu sameeyo iyadoo uu xadhiga ka jaray Madaxwaynaha Somaliland Mudane Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud 'Siilaanyo'.

Dadka dhaliila xukuumada Madaxwayne Siilaanyo ayaa farta ku fiiqeen in dad gaar ah lagu naasnuujiyay soo iibinta qalabka cusub ee Mashiinada iyo Qalabka lagu samaynayo Baasaaboorka cusub ee Somaliland E-Passort, kuwaasi oo ay yiraahdeen xataa shirkad ganacsi oo hore ma ay lahayn balse markii ay qandaraaskaasi xukuumadu siiyay ayay samayteen shirkad cusub.

Inkasta shaqsiyan aanan hubinin jiritaanka dhaliishaasi, balse ciladaha degdega u fadhiisiyay Mashiinadii cusub ee malaayiinka dollar la soo siiyay ayaa daaha ka faydaya in tayadoodu aad u liidatay markeedii horeba.

Dadwaynaha Somaliland ee Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland u soo doonta Baasaabooradan Cusub ayaa lagu qiyaasaa in ay yihiin in ka yar 3% muwaadiniinta dalka, markaa Mashiinada xumaaday iyagoo tiradaaasi yar ee baasaaboorada ah lagu sameeyay waxa taasi daliil u tahay in aan cidi ka hubinin soo iibintii iyo keenistii dalka qalabka E-Passports-ka lagu sameeyo.

Anigu waxa igaga baxday Lacag adag oo gaaraysa $200 in aan samaysto new Somaliland E-Passort, inkastoo aan hore u haystay Baasaaboor Soomaali aan ka soo qaatay dhawr sano ka hor Garoowe oo ay igaga baxday $100. Damiirkayga ayaa igu khasbay in aan xogtan la wadaago shacabka iyo masuuliyiinta Qaranka Somaliland, xataa haddii ay madaxda Socdaalka Somaliland cadho ka kaci doonta qoraalkaygan iigu diidaan Baasaaboorka aan xaqa dastuuriga ah u leeyahay ama dib u dhac intaa hadda ka badan igu sameeyaan.

Ciil maan qabeen haddii ay saraakiisha iyo hawlwadeenada Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland ay u wada jajaban yihiin haweenka, balse taasi bedelkeeda maalmo yar oo kooban ayaan ku ogaaday cida hawl si fudud uga dhamayn karta xafiiskaasi in ay yihiin haweenka da'da yar ee marka ay xafiiskaasi tagayaan aad isku sii qurxiya siina gashada labisyo qurxoon. Bal ogow waalidka hooyooyinka iyo ayeeyoonka ah ee xanuunsanaya oo ah kuwa ugu badan ee adeega xafiiska Socdaalka u soo doonta iyaga indhaha Saraakiisha iyo Hawlwadeenada Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland ma arkaan sida ay ugu raxleeyaan kuwaa aan soo xusay uguma raxleeyaan balse hadalo qalafsan ayay u gaystaan.

Haddii aad tagto Xarunta Guud ee Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland oo aad hawl kaaga xidhan awgeed labo seddex maalmood aad ku noqnoqoto muwaadin adba waad ila arki arimahan aan sheegay dhamaantood ama qaarkood haddii aan Qaadiru RAXMAANKU quluubta wiilasheenaa inoo soo xoolo barkhadayn.

Saaka ayay ahayd mar uu telefoonka igala soo hadlay nin suxufiya oo ay dugisga Shaqaalaha Dawlada wada dhigtaan Sarkaalka IT-ga u qaabilsan Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland Mr. Kimiko shalay galinkii danbe u sheegay in aan saaka ahaan ku kalaho xafiiska Socdaalka si aan u soo qaato Baasaaboorkii aan maalmahanba ka sugayay waxanan abaaro 8:30 subaxnimo ugu tagay xarunta Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland markiiba waxan la kulmay wiilka dheemanta u ah dadka baasaaboorada doonaya ee lagu magacaabo KIMIKO kaasi oo ii sheegay baasaabooradii xalay la daabacay in ay la yaalaan Taliyaha Waaxda Socdaalka Somaliland ina Cambaro si uu u saxeexo.

Mudo ku dhow 2 saacadood ayaan xafiiska uu fadhiyo aan dul taagnaa waxa xafiiska ku wehelinayay Taliyaha Hawlgalinta Ciidanka Booliska mudadaasi taliyaha Ina Cambaro dadkii u galay isagoo dagaalansan ayuu dib u soo celinayay balse waxa uu si fiican u qaabilay 2 hablood oo aanan jeclayn halkan in aan ku sheego magacyadooda kuwaasi oo adeega ay u doonteen uu ahaa in ay helaan foormka macluumaadka uu ku qoro ruuxa Baasaaboor cusub doonayaa maalinta koowaad ee uu yimaado Xarunta Waaaxda Socdaalka Somaliland.

Qalinkii Suleiman Ismail Bolaleh

International Community is misleading Somaliland

Republic of Somaliland is not breaking away region of Somalia, as the international community see, instead Somaliland declared independence on 26/6/1960 from Britain and more than 30 countries recognizes as new an independent government.

Independent Republic of Somaliland united with Somalia (UN Trusteeship of Somalia) to form Somali Republic on 01/07/1960. A delusional ideology of uniting all Somali-speaking ethnic groups, in horn of Africa, led to such unity due to a political enthusiasm. Somaliland is withdrawing from the above union with Somalia.

On 18th May 1991, the people of Somaliland announce rebirth of Republic of Somaliland, as an independent nation, which is not new as similar separation of nations took place between Pakistan and Bangladesh or Syria and Egypt. Somaliland is withdrawing from failed state of Somalia, while Bangladesh retrieved from an active state Pakistan.

This is a political, not a legal problem. The original charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) contains no explicit reference to borders although it does underscore respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of member states. The second OAU summit in Cairo in 1964 passed a resolution that contained the following language in the preamble: “the borders of African States, on the date of their independence, constitute a tangible reality.” Even more significant for Somaliland, Article 4 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union signed on June 12, 2000, in Lome, Togo, states that the African Union shall function in accordance with the following principle: “respect of borders existing on achievement of independence.” On the basis of its brief independence from June 26 until July 1, 1960, Somaliland meets the definition contained in the resolution passed in Cairo in 1964 and the Constitutive Act of the African Union signed in 2000.

The Mogadishu administration, and its henchmen, claim possibility of people who believe unity with Somalia in Somaliland. In 2001, Somaliland authorities organized, under independent observers from EU and AU, referendum where 97% of the population voted for ‘YES’ for withdrawing from 1960 unity with Somalia. For example, Montenegro gained its independence with only 55.5% in favor of self-determination.

The people of Somaliland reconstructed their country, after Somalia military and air-force destroyed Somaliland’s major cities during 1988 public upraising against Siyad Barre government in Mogadishu, in which more than 50,000 people killed. Somaliland developed a unique and one of the best democracies at horn of Africa, in addition to creation of peaceful Somaliland.

Unfortunately, international community is not willing to listen the freedom voice of the people of Somaliland, although, regional countries and international community are directly dealing Somaliland government but still unwilling to grant diplomatic recognition. In many occasions the world is pressuring Somaliland into another union with the failed state of Somalia, and asked Somaliland to participate in the Reconciliation Conference of Somalia, which the government and people of Somaliland rejected.

In 2013, United Kingdom hosted a conference for Somalians to settle their difference, as a desperate attempt to stabilize Somalia and confront the growing terrorist groups. One of the agreed points was Somalia to open direct dialogue with Somaliland. The current Kulmiye-led government in Somaliland acquired the majority support of Somaliland Parliament, as direct talk with Somalia was forbidden by the constitution of Somaliland except high majority of parliament support.

Somaliland government engaged into direct talks with Somalia, despite public anger, to show to the international community the unreliability of the Somalia government in Mogadishu. The officials in Somalia do not represent the public view, as it is not elected by the people. Always Somalia government makes statements which violate the agreed articles with Somaliland, in order to misinform the public in Mogadishu and avoid the anger of the people.

After Somalia London Conference, the EU led an international campaign to stabilize and install government in Somalia, which finally brought the current regime in Mogadishu to the power.

The international community is sponsoring the entire budget of such shaky government including the salaries of the president and cabinet ministers. The African Union Forces (AMISOM) is protecting the government premises and embassies.

Mogadishu is ghost city and people live in green-zone areas and sound of bullet and explosions are common during night.

International community is forcing Somaliland to discuss its future political stance with Mogadishu administration, which don’t even control the capital and surviving on the payroll of the aid donors and EU. The political fate of Somaliland must not be allied to a government that does not exist practically. The international community has no right to holding diplomatic future of the people of Somaliland back until a failed states stabilizes.

The Somalia government does not meet the criteria of an independent government, as it doesn’t control its territories and cannot decide on its own future without conferring with the foreign stakeholders in Mogadishu.

The international community tried to help Somalia in 1993 through ‘Operations Restore Hope’ which intended to deliver food aid to the drought hit areas in Baay and Bakool regions. Regrettably the warlords in Mogadishu confronted the operation and forced the international forces to retrieve out of Somalia, leaving thousands of people die for starvation.

Somalia is an example of ‘failed state’ due to civil war and lack of central government. The Somalians don’t get the basic services like clean drinking water, public schooling and health services.

Terrorists and pirates are using Somalia as safe-haven to organize their attacks and destabilize the regional countries like Ethiopia, Kenya, Somaliland and Djibouti. It is also transit hub for drug smugglers across Africa and to Asia.

Somalia’s geographical location is strategic to international maritime; however, the pirates off the Puntland coast formed threat to the commercial vessels in the international water.

Today Mogadishu is ‘Robin Hood’ City, where the killing and organized crime is very common. Al-Shabab and armed militia control the city during the night, as the capital of Somalia is ‘Ghost City’ and not fit for decent human life.

After 23 years of lawlessness, the international community led by the African Union forces (AMISOM) is trying to restore the law & order in Mogadishu. AMISOM is training former militia and battling Al-Shabab.

Thousands of Somalians are facing devastation in refugee camps in Kenya and Ethiopia. There three generations without proper schooling in Mogadishu, who know how to shoot than using pen.

Instead of challenging all the above difficulties, the Federal Government of Somalia in Mogadishu is giving all its energy on blocking Somaliland from gaining an international diplomatic recognition.

Mogadishu administration is arming and financing terrorist groups inside Somaliland like KHAATUMO to destabilize Somaliland’s far-east regions. KHAATUMO militia leaders plan their attacks against Somaliland in Mogadishu.
Both International community and Mogadishu Administration must know that Somaliland independence is public demand, and neither Somali politicians nor international community can change such decision.

In contrary, Somaliland self-determination will help the international community in destabilizing Mogadishu, using the unique disarmament experience of Somaliland. Somaliland Scouts, British Somaliland military of 1960, was used to restore order in Mogadishu by first Somali President Adan Adde.

The current illegal diplomatic and military activities of Mogadishu administration against Somaliland is like an old Russian joke which says the story of a peasant who requests a genie a wish, the genie offers a wish but says that whatever the peasant gets his neighbor will get doubled. The peasant thinks for a bit and then says “Make me blind in one eye”.

By Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi

Email: az.almutairi@yahoo.com