Musharaxiinta Puntland oo kor u dhaafay 20 (Akhriso Magacyadooda iyo Gobolada ay kasoo kala jeedaan)

Waxaa sii badanaya musharaxinta u taagan hagaanka Puntland iyada oo ay hada ay gaarayaan in ka badan 20 musharax.

Musharaxiinta ayaa u kala qeybsan kuwa xilal kasoo qabtay maamuladii Puntland soo maray, Gancsato si weyn looga yaqaano Gobolada Puntaland, iyo ku cusub masraxa siyaasada.
Inkasta oo ay mudo aad u gaaban ka dhiman tahay doorashada hadana waxaa Olalaha u socdaa si aad u baxad weyn.

Olalaha ugu weyn ee xilka Madaxweynenimada Puntland ayaa u muuqdaa in uu u dhaxeeyo Madaxweyne Faroole iyo Cali Xaji Warsame.

Musharax Cali Xaaji ayaa ah musharax kaliya taageero weyn ka heysta Ganacsatada Puntland.
Waxaa dhamaan siyaasiyinta xildoonka ah ay dadaal ugu jiraan sidii ay xildhibaanada Beesha Dhulbahante ay codkooda u heli lahaayeen.

Madaxweyne Faroole waxa uu ku kalsoon yahay in loo dooran doono 5ta soo sacota hogaanka Puntland wararka waxa ay sheegayaan in madaxweyne Faroole uu ilaa hada uu kalsooni ka heysto xildhibaada gaaraya 33 xildhibaan.

Mudug            4  Musharax
Nugaal            7  Musharax
Dhulbahante   9  Musharax
Bari/Karkaar  4  Musharax
Warsangeli      9  Musharax

Musharaxiinta Gobolka Mudug ayaa aaminsan in Xildhibaanada beesha Dhuldahante ay xaq ugu leeyihiin in ay iyaga codsiiyaan waxa ayna ku sababeenayaan iyaga shacabka Mudug ay garab istaageen dagaaladii ka dhacay deegaanada KHaatumo.

Dorashadaan ayaa Saameynta ugu weyn ku yeelan doonta loolanka ka dhaxeeya Madaxda Fedraalka, Madaxweyne Xassan SH ayaa dan weyn wadaa waxa uu dadaal ugu jiraa sidii xilka looga qaadi lahaa Raiisul wasaare Saacid waxaana warar lagu kalsoon yahay sheegayaan in Xilka uu magacaabi doono siyaasi kasoo jeedo Puntland gaar ahaan beelaha Mudug, taasna Madaxweyne Faroole aad buu usoo dhaweeyey.
Dhanka kale Madaxweyne Faroole, Cade Muuse iyo Gaagaab ayaa u muuqda kuwo isku soo dhawaanaya waxaana la filayaa in dhawaan ay Isfahan weyn dhexmari doono.

Beelaha looga tirada badan yahay Puntland ayaan wax jaanis ah ku laheyn in ay waqtigaan ka qabtaan xilka Madaxweynenimo Puntland.

Halkaan Hoose ka Akhriso Musharaxiinta.

Gobolka Bari

Musharaxiinta ka Soo Jeeda Beesha Cali Saleebaan
1- Shire Xaaji Faarax (Ganacsade laga qadariyo Puntland)
2-  Yaasiin Faarax Cartan  (kamid yahay Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Bari)

Gobolka Nugaal

Musharaxiinta ka Soo Jeeda Beesha Ciise Maxamuud iyo Leelkase Nugaal

1-  C/raxmaan Faroole (Madaxweynaha Talada Haya)
2- Maxamed Cabdi Nuur Xirsi  (kamid yahay Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Nugaal)
3-Cabdinaasir  (kamid yahay Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Nugaal)
4-Cali Xaaji Cabdulle dhegoole
5-CabdiQaasim Maxamed Xassan (U Taagan Madaxweyne Ku Xigeen)

6- Daahir Xirsi Cali Ciiro  (kamid yahay Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Nugaal)

Gobolka Mudug

Musharaxiinta ka Soo Jeeda Beesha Cumar Maxamuud

1- Cali xaaji Warsame (Madaxii Hore ee Shirkada Golis, Uguna Cadcad Tartamayaasha Madaxweyne Faroole Laloomaya)
2- Prof. C/wali Maxamed Cali Gaas (Raiisul Wsaarihii Hore ee Soomaaliya)
3- C/wali Maxamud Gurey  (Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Mudug)
4- C/daahir Maxamed Yuusuf (AUN Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Baa Adeer u Ahaa)
5- Gen. C/laahi Cali Mire Carays (Wax badan u Qabtay Puntland)
6- C/raxmaan Cuuke (Aad looga Qadariyo Soomaaliya)
7- C/raxmaan Maxamed Gablax Qurba Joogta Minnesota)
8- Maxamed Cali Yuusuf Gaagaab (Madaxweyne Xigeenkii Hore ee Puntland, aadna looga qadariyo Gobolka Dhamaantiis)
9- Cali C/qaadir Yuusuf (Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Mudug)

10- C/laahi Cali Barre (Cidi-libaax) (Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Mudug)

Gobolka Karkaar

Musharaxiinta Kasoo Jeedo Beesha Cismaan Maxamuud

1- Xaji Maxamed Yasin (kamid yahay Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Karkaar)
2- Axmed Cabaas Axmed (Gacmogaab)  (kamid yahay Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Karkaar)
3- Dr. Saadiq Eenow (Qoraa, Hogaanka Xisbiga Midnimo)
4- Cali Cabdi Awaare -Cismaan Maxamuud (Wasiirkii hore Dawladaah Hoose iyo horumarinta reer miyiga Puntland)
5- Gen. C/laahi Saciid Samatar (Wasiirkii Hore ee Amniga Puntland)

6- C/lahi Shekh Axmed  (kamid yahay Muxtaramiinta Gobolka Karkaar)

SOMALIA: Bashir Isse appointed as the new Central Bank Governor

Mogadishu - Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has appointed Bashir Isse as the new Governor of the Central Bank of Somalia [CBS] following the resignation of the former Governor Yusur Abrar who has acted as the Governor only in three weeks, RBC Radio reports.

The nomination of Bashir Isse came a day after ambassadors from the donor governments visited Mogadishu and discusses with the president.  The visit focused on the need for leadership for the Central Bank of Somalia ahead of releasing more than two billion dollars to the new government of Somalia.

According to presidential sources, Bashir Isse will act as the new interim governor for the bank in order to accelerate the work of the bank as the biggest national institution responsible for the financial and banking services as well as monetary policy.

Mr Isse who is a veteran Somali banker has been the former governor of the Central Bank during the Transitional Government of Somalia.

Somalia and EU Fight over 'Lack of Aid' Claims

EXCLUSIVE: Somalia deputy PM Fawzia Yusuf Adam 'we get nothing' claim angers EU commissioner.

EU Commissioner for Development Andris Piebalgs (Reuters)

By Gianluca Mezzofiore

A diplomatic spat has erupted in Brussels between a high Somali official and the EU commissioner for development over the level of foreign aid given to the wartorn African country.

Fawzia Yusuf Adam, Somalia's minister of foreign affairs and deputy PM, said that her country had received "nothing from the European Union - only promises".

EU commissioner for development Andris Piebalgs reacted immediately and told IBTimes UK exclusively: "I'm very upset she said that - it's absolutely false.

"The political process starting in Somalia is not only because of political abilities but investment in different parts of Somalia which brings people to support the federal government," he said during a private meeting at the European Development Days in Brussels.

"We have a substantial development project in parts of Somalia. We disburse nearly €50m and the biggest parts goes to areas such as Somaliland, Puntland, in education, rural development, healthcare, access to water. Lots of money being invested.

"She's right we don't channel any money to federal government but that's because in order to use that you need public finance management and an accountability system and today that's not the case," he went on.

"I pledged to work with the government as close as a I can and I will honour it. We bring very substantial support to Somalia, although we don't channel any money through the government."

The European Commission provides development aid in Somalia under the 10th European Development Fund (EDF). The total allocation for Somalia for the 2008-13 period is €521m.

The EU support supports Amisom (the African Union Mission in Somalia), which aims to create the conditions for peace and stability, and has channelled €594m into it.

Adam said that Somalia had been pledged €1.8bn in a conference in September but claimed "so far, we have received nothing".

"We ask European countries to honour their pledge," she said. "We are looking forward to see that [for it to be] realised for development reconstruction and security.

"During the previous transitional government, €200m was pledged in 2010 but we never received it. We want friends to honour their pledge so that we can build our country."

Source: ibtimes.co.uk

Earning a tidy sum from photography

To market their firm, Ben Kiruthi and Gathoni Mwathi paid a high price; taking photographs for

By Verah Okeyo

Ben Kiruthi has earned the right to take home Sh450,000 or more every month from photography.

Mr Kiruthi is a wedding photographer. Under his company, Faithful Frames, he owns cameras worth over Sh1 million because, above all else, the quality of his work and customer satisfaction are his key selling points.

The soft-spoken photographer describes his entrepreneurial journey as “extremely laughable”.

He narrates: “In 2010, I had a Nokia 5230 phone that I would use to take photos of my girlfriend and our church members and post them on Facebook. Then one day a woman sent me a message on Facebook asking how much I charged for a photo-shoot”.

This enquiry made him realise that his art was bigger than the job he had at Telkom, earning Sh50,000 a month.

“I resigned from my work and focused my all on photography,” he says.

Enthusiastic and without a clue how a photography business is run, he registered his firm, Faithful Frames, which he co-owns with Ms Gathoni Mwathi, his girlfriend.

Then he bought his first photography equipment. But like any other venture, the early stages were characterised by financial problems.

“We were not known, there was no business coming in,” he says.

To get more visible, the duo took a bold step: “We decided to take photos at weddings, engagement parties, and studio portraits pro bono for six months”.

BOOKED IN ADVANCE

After six months of free labour, business picked up. And today, they are booked for weddings even a year in advance.

He charges Sh150,000 for a full wedding shoot. On the material day, he and Ms Mwathi split work. “Ms Mwathi normally goes to the groom’s crib and I follow the bride to capture the preparation.”

In the wedding, he says, he captures the activities that are in the programme while his colleague picks the involuntary emotional reactions of the guests as the function goes on.

Mr Kiruthi is aware that photographers are still not regarded as professionals in Kenya and cushions himself against being short-changed.

The fee is paid in three instalments; half during booking, the other half divided in two, one paid during the wedding and the final one when the customer picks up the album.

He has learnt the hard way about his work being disrespected: “One day, we travelled to Rwanda at our own expense after the customer promised to pay when we got there… we have never got a cent to date,” says Mr Kiruthi, who holds a Master’s degree in entrepreneurship.

Other hiccups include losing his equipment on the day of shoot and getting an accident just a few days to the wedding.

His work, he has come to learn, is also emotionally draining. “I shot the wedding of a lovely couple who went on honeymoon and when they came back, they had broken up and did not want the photos anymore because it was over between them,” he recalls.

His blog was ranked top 100 by Google as one of the most visited sites in East Africa last year, while his Facebook page has over 20,000 followers.

Ms Mwathi, who is yet to sit her final exams for her undergraduate degree, was nominated under the category of young photographer in the Kenya photography awards 2013.

FREE MENTORING

The two go round the country offering free photography workshops.

“We have conducted these workshops for a year now and we are glad, there are youngsters who are now a competition to us because they learnt something from us,” he says.

Source: nation.co.ke

Kenya: Uhuru rejects controversial media law

President Uhuru Kenyatta has rejected the controversial media law and sent it back to the

By PSCU

President Uhuru Kenyatta has rejected the controversial media law and sent it back to the National Assembly for reconsideration.

This is the first time the President has used his veto power to reject a Bill sent to him by the National Assembly.

He said many provisions of the Kenya Information and Communications Amendment (KICA) Bill go against the constitutional requirement that the tribunal proposed should be independent of commercial, political and government interests.

Clause 37 proposes the introduction of a new section 102 (3) which provides for the establishment of the Communication and Multimedia Appeals Tribunal. Subsection (3) sets out the membership of the selection panel responsible for appointing members of the tribunal.

The President said the membership of the selection panel as set out under the proposed provision is drawn exclusively from media players and the government. This, he said, is against the Constitution that says the tribunal should be free of media, commercial and Government interests.

On the removal of members of the tribunal, the President said subjecting them to a process that is steered by a panel comprising media and government would “render the process partial and lacking in independence”.

He also took issue with the provision for the complaints the Tribunal may receive. President Kenyatta said the jurisdiction of the tribunal is confined to complaints relating to the media enterprises and journalists.

“It does not deal with any matters relating to telecommunications, courier or postal services, information, communication and technology and other matters which fall within the ambit of the Act,” he said.

He also said the clause further introduces a new section (102E) that provides for the decisions that the tribunal may make. He said it contains penal consequences, including a fine of not more than Sh20 million that can be meted against a media institution for breach of code of conduct.

The President recommended that some of the sections be deleted and changes be made to the Bill to reflect the constitutional threshold.

PROCEDURE OF THE APPOINTMENT

Another reason cited by the President is the proposal for the procedure of the appointment of the members of the Board of the Communication Authority of Kenya.

The section provides that the Cabinet Secretary will shortlist applicants, vetting of the shortlisted applicants by the National Assembly and the subsequent appointment of the chairperson and members of the Board by the President.

The President said the proposed section, as currently provided, maybe construed to be contrary to Article 34 (3) (b) of the Constitution that provides for media freedom. Article 34 provides for a media that is independent of control by the government, and political and commercial interests.

The President says the requirement for vetting by the National Assembly interferes with the discretionary powers of the appointing authority in renewing the term of appointment of the chairperson or members of the Board of the Authority.

He said the fact that the National Assembly is no longer involved in the appointment process means that the section is irrelevant.

President Kenyatta pointed out that subjecting the renewal of the appointment of the board members to parliamentary approval would interfere with the independence of the Authority in the performance of its functions.

The clause further proposes the introduction of a new section that provides for the grounds on which the office of the chairperson or board member may become vacant and the procedure for removal by the National Assembly.

President Kenyatta said these subsections may be viewed as curtailing the independence of the media as guaranteed by the constitution for vesting the removal of the board members on the National Assembly.

Other clauses cited by the President to have contravened Article 34 include clauses 17, 37, 38 and clause 41. Clause 17 proposes to amend section 461 of the Act that sets the minimum local content in programming, which a broadcaster should air on radio or television.

He said as the entity envisaged under Article 34, the Authority is the institution best placed to regulate content as opposed to statutory prescription by the National Assembly.

But the President assented to the Micro-Finance (Amendment) Bill 2013, Tax Appeal Tribunal Bill 2013 and the Kenya Deposit Insurance (Amendment) Bill 2013.

Source: nation.co.ke

AFRICA OIL ANNOUNCES FIFTH CONSECUTIVE MAJOR OIL DISCOVERY IN KENYA

(AOI–TSXV, AOI–NASDAQ OMX First North) … Africa Oil Corp. (“Africa Oil” or the “Company”) is pleased to announce that the Agete-1 exploration well in Block 13T, onshore Northern Kenya, has discovered and sampled moveable oil with an estimated 100 metres of net oil pay in good quality sandstone reservoirs.

The Agete-1 wildcat well is part of a major exploration campaign and has made the fifth consecutive oil discovery in the first of a chain of multiple rift basins across Africa Oil’s acreage in the region. This discovery de-risks several follow-on prospects located to the north and on trend with the Twiga South, Ekales, and Ngamia oil discoveries and adds to the significant resource base already discovered.

The Sakson PR5 rig drilled Agete-1 to a total depth of 1,930 metres. Following completion of logging operations the well will be suspended for future flow testing which will confirm the net pay count. The rig will then move to drill the Ewoi-1 wildcat in the east of this basin, targeting a rift flank prospect similar to the recent Etuko oil discovery. Africa Oil has a 50% interest in the discovery with operator Tullow Oil plc holding the remaining 50% interest.

Elsewhere in Kenya, exploration drilling activities continue to accelerate with the Amosing-1 well in Block 10BB, expected to commence drilling before the end of November with the Weatherford 804 rig. The Etuko-1 well test in Block 10BB is also scheduled to commence this month with the PR Marriott 46 rig which recently arrived in country and the Ekales-1 well test is scheduled to commence in early December with the recently mobilized SMP-5 completion unit.  The Africa Oil operated Bahasi-1 well in the Block 9 is currently drilling as planned with results expected by the end of December.

An additional two wells are currently drilling in Ethiopia, the Tutule-1 well in the South Omo block, and the El Kuran-3 well in Block 8, with results also expected before the end of the year.

Keith Hill, President and CEO of Africa Oil commented, “The highly prolific nature of this basin is once again proven by this significant discovery.  We would expect to see a high rate of success on all exploration wells in this basin based on results to date.  We will have at least 6 rigs full time across Kenya and Ethiopia for the foreseeable future and with our recent fund raising are well placed to not only drill and appraise this basin but to drill basin opening wells in the most prospective new areas in the coming 18 months.”

About Africa Oil

Africa Oil Corp. is a Canadian oil and gas company with assets in Kenya and Ethiopia as well as Puntland (Somalia) through its 45% equity interest in Horn Petroleum Corporation. Africa Oil's East African holdings are within a world-class exploration play fairway with a total gross land package in this prolific region in excess of 250,000 square kilometers. The East African Rift Basin system is one of the last of the great rift basins to be explored. Five new significant discoveries have been announced in the Northern Kenyan basin in which the Company holds a 50% interest along with operator Tullow Oil plc. The Company is listed on the TSX Venture Exchange and on First North at NASDAQ OMX-Stockholm under the symbol "AOI".

Forward Looking Statements

Certain statements made and information contained herein constitute "forward-looking information" (within the meaning of applicable Canadian securities legislation). Such statements and information (together, "forward looking statements") relate to future events or the Company's future performance, business prospects or opportunities. Forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, statements with respect to estimates of reserves and or resources, future production levels, future capital expenditures and their allocation to exploration and development activities, future drilling and other exploration and development activities, ultimate recovery of reserves or resources and dates by which certain areas will be explored, developed or reach expected operating capacity, that are based on forecasts of future results, estimates of amounts not yet determinable and assumptions of management.

All statements other than statements of historical fact may be forward-looking statements. Statements concerning proven and probable reserves and resource estimates may also be deemed to constitute forward-looking statements and reflect conclusions that are based on certain assumptions that the reserves and resources can be economically exploited. Any statements that express or involve discussions with respect to predictions, expectations, beliefs, plans, projections, objectives, assumptions or future events or performance (often, but not always, using words or phrases such as "seek", "anticipate", "plan", "continue", "estimate", "expect, "may", "will", "project", "predict", "potential", "targeting", "intend", "could", "might", "should", "believe" and similar expressions) are not statements of historical fact and may be "forward-looking statements". Forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors that may cause actual results or events to differ materially from those anticipated in such forward-looking statements. The Company believes that the expectations reflected in those forward-looking statements are reasonable, but no assurance can be given that these expectations will prove to be correct and such forward-looking statements should not be unduly relied upon. The Company does not intend, and does not assume any obligation, to update these forward-looking statements, except as required by applicable laws. These forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties relating to, among other things, changes in oil prices, results of exploration and development activities, uninsured risks, regulatory changes, defects in title, availability of materials and equipment, timeliness of government or other regulatory approvals, actual performance of facilities, availability of financing on reasonable terms, availability of third party service providers, equipment and processes relative to specifications and expectations and unanticipated environmental impacts on operations. Actual results may differ materially from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements.

ON BEHALF OF THE BOARD

“Keith C. Hill”

President and CEO

For further information, please contact:  Sophia Shane, Corporate Development (604) 689-7842.

Africa Oil’s Certified Advisor on NASDAQ OMX First North Stockholm is Pareto Securities AB.

In repressive Ethiopia, new 'Blue Party' struggles to offer a choice

With 1,000 Ethiopian laborers being sent home daily from Saudi Arabia, the opposition party is channeling popular outrage.

Ethiopian workers walk with their luggage as they wait with their countrymen to be repatriated in Manfouha, southern Riyadh, November 11, 2013. Last week the new 'Blue Party' tried to organize a protest outside the Saudi Arabian embassy in Addis Ababa, feeding off widespread public outcry over the treatment of Ethiopian migrants and laborers in the Saudi kingdom....Faisal Al Nasser/Reuters - In Pictures Africa's Hot Spots

By William Davison, Correspondent

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Ethiopia is a definite success story in expert opinion about post-cold war Africa. The civil strife that wreaked havoc and made headlines in the 1980s has disappeared. Investments in roads, health, education, and water have improved the daily life of millions.

Yet Ethiopia’s ruling coalition seems intent on maintaining a tight grip on power until its project to transform Africa's second-most populous nation into a middle-income country is complete.

That authoritarian control makes any opposition difficult – though of late a group called the Blue Party, made up of young Ethiopians who describe themselves as progressive, have attempted to move, if not shake, the nation’s politics in ways not seen here for a decade or more.

Last week the Blue Party tried to organize a protest outside the Saudi Arabian embassy in Addis Ababa, feeding off widespread public outcry over the treatment of Ethiopian migrants and laborers in the Saudi kingdom. Some 1,000 Ethiopians a day are being deported back home and migrant clashes with police in Riyadh are hitting social media here.

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Still, instead of allowing Ethiopians to demonstrate their anger, the government forcefully broke up the protest, upsetting even those normally supportive of the government.

What remains unclear is how much repression the rising educated middle class in cities is willing to ignore in the Horn of Africa regime.

Ethiopia enacted a liberal constitution in 1994 that promised a free press, autonomy for some 80 ethnic groups, and multi-party politics. Yet dissenting journalists have still been jailed, minority groups complain of oppression, and elections are uncompetitive.

In the last vote in 2010, out of 547 seats in parliament, the opposition won one.

Ethiopia has been governed by the multi-ethnic Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front since 1991, when rebel groups overthrew a military regime.

In 2005, the opposition, led by a group called the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, won 173 seats in the first competitive election. But months later some 200 people were killed by police when the opposition protested the outcome was rigged. Opposition leaders were jailed en masse.

But now there is some resurgence of opposition against the ruling (EPRDF) coalition.

The Blue Party held the first large demonstration by a political party since 2005 in July, when several thousand supporters marched in downtown Addis Ababa. They demanded the release of jailed politicians and journalists, as well as action against corruption, unemployment and inflation.

Another more established opposition group peeking its head out of the bunker is the Unity for Democracy and Justice. UDJ held a moderately successful demonstration in the capital as part of a “Million Voices for Freedom” campaign. They demanded the release of "political prisoners" and the repeal of the anti-terrorism law used to convict them.

With new voices now emerging the government is taking a two-track approach: Last month Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said that multi-party democracy is constitutionally protected and that his administration wants a "constructive, progressive, opposition."

Yet he issued a warning: If opposition parties mix with banned groups, they will be prosecuted. "Anyone who plays with the fire, then that fire will burn them," Mr. Hailemariam said.

And there is evidence little has actually changed: Both the Blue Party and UDJ complain of harassment, with offices raided, members arrested and police arbitrarily preventing activities such as distributing leaflets.

Still, Blue Party leader Yilkal Getnet, in his thirties, believes his party will win a majority of the vote in 2015. He is counting on young people that want more freedom and want to move past the divisive ethnic politics of the past and embrace national unity. Mr. Yilkal also thinks another bleary and non-competitive election will lead to increased frustration and instability.

Merera Gudina is a leading member of the Oromo Federalist Congress. The Oromo are Ethiopia's most populous ethnic group and frequently allege that they have remained excluded from power under EPRDF rule.

Mr. Merera has raised funds in the US but thinks the Blue Party optimism is misplaced. He digs out a cardboard box from beneath his desk at Addis Ababa University, where he is a political scientist, and shows an uncounted ballot from 2010 elections. He says that thousands of votes for the opposition were discarded by the ruling party cadres.

But Merera allows that if the ruling coalition does a fair election they may suffer a shock greater than 2005.

 "If they open up they are going to lose easily in less than one month of campaigning," he says.

There are latent frustrations brewing in the current dynamic in Ethiopia, analysts feel, where construction profits are accruing to a corrupt elite tied to the ruling party -- while the cost of living for the masses rises.

"Even if they open a small window they know there's going to be a repeat of 2005," one senior analyst who could not be named, argues.

Merera says Ethiopia's political stagnation is also due to divided challengers that can't agree on a "common agenda," a analysis detailed in book “Ethiopia: From Autocracy to Revolutionary Democracy, 1960s to 2011.”

In Ethiopia, parties only emerged after the downfall of absolute monarch Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974 and they have primarily been vehicles either for rivalry between traditional ethnic elites, or among different Marxist revolutionaries. "Sectarianism, conspiracy and political intrigues have become the hallmark of the Ethiopian political parties and their leaders," leading to public disillusion, Merera writes.

Ethnicity is a key fault-line among the nascent opposition. Oromo activists argue that in practice, the focus on national unity or universal values by the likes of the Blue Party will bring more of the exploitation that Ethiopia's minorities historically experienced at the hands of traditional rulers.

Nile talks between Egypt, Ethiopia fail to reach deal

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

November 21, 2013 (ADDIS ABABA) – The Ethiopian and Egyptian leaders on Tuesday held talks in Kuwait over Cairo’s concern regarding the construction of what will upon completion be Africa’s biggest hydro power plant.

According to Al Jazeera, Ethiopia’s prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, and Egypt’s interim president, Adly Mansour, discussed the row over the Nile on the sidelines of an Afro-Arab Summit in Kuwait.

However, the talks between the two leaders ended with failure to reach an agreement, particularly after the Egyptian president demanded to negotiate over the dam project, a request rejected by the Ethiopian premier.

Egypt has proposed for reduction in the size of Nile dam’s structure and on the water holding capacity of its reservoir which is projected to hold 63 billion cubic meters.

Sudan Tribune’s attempts to contact officials in the prime minister’s office were futile as they were reported to be out of the country.

Egypt says the Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam, being built at Nile tributary near the Sudanese border will diminish the water supply to its soil.

Water security is a prime concern to the North African nation as the Blue Nile -which has its soruce in Ethiopia- is the source to 85 % of Egypt’s resource of water.

Egypt argues that it does not have other alternative water sources unlike other Nile Basin Countries and insists the colonial-era agreement which gives Egypt around 70 percent of Nile River water sources shouldn’t be violated.

Addis Ababa however says its controversial dam project will not affect the water interest of the two downstream countries - Egypt and Sudan.

Ethiopia’s Minister of Water and Energy, Alemayehu Tegenu, told Sudan Tribune that his country won’t back off from its plans to build the power plant because of Egypt’s concern.

He said one country’s hegemony over a regional resource that belongs to all Nile Basin Countries is unacceptable.

Tegenu further said the hydropower plant is a regional project that would benefit all Nile Basin Countries and it shouldn’t be a source confrontation but cooperation.

A panel of international experts who were tasked to assess the dam project’s regional impact said in their final findings that the power plant project doesn’t have any adverse impacts on Egypt or Sudan.

The meeting in Kuwait was the first for the two leaders since former Egyptian president; Mohamed Morsi was ousted in July by the military following mass protests.

Egypt has in the past warned against any upstream projects and there has never been such bigger project along the river since Ethiopia launched the mega dam project two years ago.

Tensions between Ethiopia and Egypt escalated after Addis Ababa started diverting the course of the Nile River in May as part of an engineering work.

Following the diversion work Egypt’s president, Mohamed Morsi, warned that all options were being considered to stop the dam.

The $4.2 billion massive Hydro power plant is currently 30 % complete and will produce 6,000 Megawatts of energy upon completion.

Source: sudantribune

Egypt and Ethiopia leaders meet over Nile row

Under colonial-era treaties, Egypt is entitled to the lion's share of the Nile's total flow [AP]

First talks on Ethiopia's plan to dam the Nile since Egypt's Mansour took power end without agreement in Kuwait.

The Egyptian and Ethiopian leaders have met for the first time to discuss tensions over Ethiopia's construction of a huge hydropower dam on the river Nile but the meeting ended without any agreement, sources said.

The Egyptian interim president, Adly Mansour, and Ethiopia's prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, met on Tuesday on the sidelines of an Afro-Arab Summit in Kuwait, sources familiar with the meeting told Al Jazeera.

It was the first meeting between leaders of the two countries over the Grand Renaissance Dam since the deposed Egyptian president, Mohamed Morsi, met Hailemariam in May.

Ethiopia began diverting the Blue Nile in May to build what will be Africa's largest dam when it is finished in 2017. Thirty percent of its construction has already been completed, according to Ethiopia. The hydropower station will have a 6,000-megawatt capacity when finished.

Egypt, almost totally dependent on the river, fears the dam could diminish its water supply. Ethiopia, which hopes the hydropower dam will boost its economy through power exports, has said there will be no major impact.

The sources said the Egyptian side had requested the meeting to "negotiate" over the project but that nothing was agreed.

Hailemariam, a source said, rejected a request from Mansour that he be involved in discussons about the project.

Colonial-era treaties negotiated by the British gave Egypt and Sudan a majority share of Nile waters. Seven other countries through which the river flows argue the agreements were unjust and need to be torn up.

Egypt’s only current recourse lies with a panel of 10 experts from Egypt, Ethiopia, Sudan and other countries who have been reviewing the social and environmental impact of the dam.

The panel has issued a report about the project's potential impact on water levels, which has not yet been made public.

At a one-day meeting in the Sudanese capital Khartoum this month the water ministers of Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia agreed to form a panel to implement the expert recommendations.

But Egyptian objections about the composition of the committee have been delaying its formation, Ethiopia's water minister has said.

A second round of negotiations is scheduled for Khartoum on December 8.

Perceived insult

Egypt has previously sought to delay the construction of the dam and its requests to inspect it have been rejected by the Ethiopians, who say Egypt needs to relinquish its power to veto projects on the Nile, which it was also given as part of the 1929 and 1959 treaties.

Under those agreements, Egypt is entitled to 55.5 billion cubic meters a year, most of the Nile's total flow of about 84 billion cubic meters. However, about 85 percent of the river's water originates in the Ethiopian highlands.

A new deal signed in 2010 by other Nile Basin countries, including Ethiopia, allows them to work on river projects without Cairo's prior agreement. Egypt has not signed that deal.

The meeting on Tuesday, the sources told Al Jazeera, was almost called off because Hailemariam, who is also the current chairman of the African Union, was insulted by a request that he should go to Mansour.

The issue was resolved when the leaders ageed to meet halfway - in a corridor.

Source: aljazeera.com

Djibouti: Uncollected Steel Imports Create Congestion Risk At Port of Djibouti

Djibouti Port

Addis Ababa - Up to 200,000tn of steel that Ethiopia imported within the last three months through the Port of Djibouti is yet to be retrieved by importers, which could lead to congestion, Fortune learnt.

Most of the steel, 180,000tn of which belongs to private importers, failed to be picked up because of financial problems encountered by importers, according to the Ethiopian Shipping & Logistics Services Enterprise (ESLSE).

The goods were imported through a uni-modal arrangement, where once the goods arrive at the port, importers are responsible for handling the paperwork and transportation into the country.

Though officials from the two countries are discussing the issue, they have disagreements on its seriousness.

While officials from the Enterprise are pushing importers to collect their steel 'soon', officials at the Port are insisting that not only is it not in danger of congestion, but that it has the capacity to handle even more steel.

"Congestion happened for the last time in October 2012 and we sorted it out," said Aboubaker Omar, chairperson of the Djibouti Ports & Free Zones Authority. "The issue of congestion does not worry us."

The Port, which has the capacity to serve about 150,000tn at a time, charges fees for each day that goods stay on its premises.

"They tell us that they can serve up to 500,000tn, but we know a large amount of steel is left on the soil near the water because they do not have enough space," Mesfin Teferra, freight-forwarding deputy CEO at the Enterprise, told Fortune.

These kinds of snags in importing goods are not new to Ethiopia, with reports by international organisations, such as the World Bank (WB), indicating that poor logistics is severely hampering trade and foreign direct investment. The country ranks 141 in the world in the logistics sector, according to the WB's latest assessment released in June 2013, which is a drop from the 104th ranking the country had just five years ago.

The Enterprise, which launched a multimodal system in mid-2010 to streamline shipments from Djibouti Port through a door-to-door service, aims to handle 80pc of cargo through this method by the end of the current fiscal year - up from the 56pc at the end of the 2012/13 year.

That system, which was supposed to help avoid warehouse fees in foreign currency and the confiscation of imported goods, has, however, also been subject to numerous reports of congestions and delays since the beginning.

These recurrent logistical problems are currently being studied by Nathan Associates Inc, consultants hired by the government for one million dollars in June 2012, to develop an in-depth logistics and trade strategy for Ethiopia.

The diagnostics analysis that the consultants submitted to the government in late September, which is the first of four reports due by March 2014, assessed institutions and stakeholders involved in the transport sector. These included the Modjo Dry Port and truck drivers that transport goods by land on the Ethio-Djibouti corridor. They found that much greater collaboration by different institutions in the logistics sector is needed to overcome the problem.

In the meantime, however, the problems remain unresolved.

On the Tuesday, November 13, 2013 edition of Addis Zemen - a state-owned Amharic newspaper where government announcements are published - the Maritime Affairs Authority (MAA), which is under the Ministry of Transport, warned importers that they have to pick up their goods within the next three weeks.

Though that is the extent of the measures the Enterprise has taken so far to solve the backlog of imports at the Port, depending on the reaction of the importers, serious measures may soon follow.

"The Djiboutians are not the losers when this happens," said Mesfin. "It is rather Ethiopian customers that will face the price hike that is likely to come when the importers attempt to compensate what they lost."

Previously, imported goods would be picked up within 15 to 20 days of their arrival, but 50pc of the steel imported and available at the Port currently has stayed for more than 90 days, according to available data at the MAA.

The part that belongs to the government is expected to be picked up from the Port and transported into Ethiopia within a month, according to officials at the Enterprise.

The government's steel was mostly stuck due to a shortage in transporters. The fact that the steel is needed to help the ongoing construction projects is the major drive for the government to insist it be transported soon, according to them.

Following truck congestion that happened at the Port previously, the Enterprise signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) a month ago with seven private transporters to transport goods from the Djibouti Port and Modjo Dry Port to Addis Abeba.

Source: Addis Fortune (Addis Ababa)