US halts drone flights from Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti

The US military has stopped flying unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) from its main African base in Djibouti after a string of crashes, moving operations to a remote desert airstrip.

Camp Lemonnier, next to Djibouti’s international airport, is the only official American military base on the African continent and is an important hub for stationing special forces and manned and unmanned military aircraft operating in the region. In late 2010, the US dispatched eight MQ-1B Predators to Djibouti and turned Camp Lemonnier into a full-time UAV base. These UAVs have been used to strike targets in Yemen and Somalia.

However, the operation of UAVs from Camp Lemonnier has been challenged by a number of accidents, with five incidents involving General Atomics MQ-1 Predators since the beginning of 2011, according to Agence France Presse (AFP).

As a result, Djiboutian officials asked the American military to halt UAV flights from Camp Lemonnier. “There was a concern over what would happen if a MQ-1 obstructed a runway, and that it would have a significant impact on commercial air operations,” an anonymous official told Agence France Presse last week, confirming a Washington Post story.

Now, the US military has moved its UAV fleet in Djibouti to Chabelley Airfield, around 10 kilometres from the capital Djibouti. It flew its last UAV flight from Camp Lemonnier earlier this month.

According to a document from the US Congress seen by the Washington Post, some $13 million will be spent on upgrading the Chabelley airfield in support of UAV flights.

All other US military aircraft, such as manned surveillance aircraft, transport aircraft, helicopters and fighter jets, (RQ/MQ-1s, MQ-9s, U-28As, F-1Es and C-130s) will continue to fly out of Camp Lemonnier.

US officials said operations would not be affected by the UAV move. Up to 16 takeoffs and landings used to take place at Camp Lemonnier every day.

The US earlier suspended UAV operations in the Seychelles after two Reapers crashed at the international airport.

Camp Lemonnier is home to some 3 000 US personnel and, due to its importance to the US military, is undergoing a series of upgrades, with $808 million planned to be spent on improving infrastructure at the site.

On September 24, the US Department of Defence awarded BL Harbert International a $150 million contract for the construction of a forward operating site at Camp Lemonnier over an area of 20 acres. Eleven new buildings will include a hangar, air operations centre, armoury, operations centre, warehouse, training facility, vehicle maintenance shop etc. An aircraft parking apron will also be built. Work is expected to conclude by August 2016.

The US DoD also announced other contracts, including a $36 million contract to Caddell Construction Co for the design and construction of a combined headquarters building and joint operations centre at the base.

ITSI Gilbane Co was awarded a $16.6 million contract for power plant upgrades at the base, with work concluding by October next year.

In addition, earlier this month Kellogg, Brown & Root Services was awarded a $14.2 million contract for “base operation support services” at both Camp Lemonnier and Manda Bay, Kenya. This involves general running and support of the base. The contract runs to June 2017.

The US military also flies UAVs from Arba Minch in Ethiopia and Niamey in Niger.

Militarized Djibouti

y Andre Vltchek

Imagine a small country, the size of Massachusetts, with no arable land, irrigation, or permanent crops, nor any forests. The rocky desert is everywhere, falling all the way to the sea.

To ‘cheer one up’, there is the lowest point on land, in Africa (and the third lowest on earth); an eerie crater lake called ‘Lac Assal’ (−155 m). And there are countless rock formations, bare, hostile, and frightening.

This tiny country has one of the most strategic locations on earth, at least from the West’s geopolitical interest’s point of view. It lies between Somalia, Ethiopia and what is often called the ‘African Cuba’ – defiant Eritrea. Just 12 miles across the narrowest point of the Red Sea, spreads the Arabian Peninsula, and the country of Yemen.

The capital city of Djibouti is also called Djibouti. That is where two thirds of the population lives. But in reality, this entire area, around the capital, is one huge sprawl of Western military bases, as well as countless facilities servicing them.

There are barracks built for French legionnaires, there is a French naval base, a US military base, and an enormous military airport for Western and allied air-forces, used by the countries that are as distant from Africa, as Japan and Singapore.

In the meantime, garbage dots the desert, from the border with Somaliland, to the center of the city. The omnipresent Western military presence seems to have almost no positive impact on the country; Djibouti has one of the lowest HDI (UNDP Human Development Index) in the world, 151th out of the 178 countries surveyed. More than half of the population is unemployed and about half is illiterate. The average life expectancy in Djibouti is 43 years of age.

It is a brutal, militarized world, it is aggressive and definitely not at peace with itself. A small Muslim country, with approximately one million inhabitants, has for years basically made a living from being some sort of a service station for foreign legions and regular combat troops. Its only claim to fame is that it allows foreigners to control the Red Sea; that it is at the doorsteps of Somalia and Yemen, helping to keep pressure on Eritrea, and keeping an eye on Ethiopia.

Technically, Djibouti gained independence from France in 1977, but practically it is still fully under the French and Western sphere of influence.

According to the U.S. Department of State report of 21 August 2013:

Djibouti is located at a strategic point in the Horn of Africa, and is a key U.S. partner on security, regional stability, and humanitarian efforts in the greater Horn. The Djiboutian Government has been supportive of U.S. interests and takes a proactive position against terrorism. Djibouti hosts a U.S. military presence at Camp Lemonnier, a former French Foreign Legion base in the capital. Djibouti has also allowed the U.S. military, as well as other militaries with presences in Djibouti, access to its port facilities and airport.

Djibouti is the place where miserable human-pulled carts can be seen right next to decaying vehicles and military equipment, right in the middle of the desert. It is the place where at the Sheraton Hotel, I observed the breakfast room being full of uniformed German troops, and military cooks serving them food.

It is a country with one of the highest infant mortality rates in the world, where many women still go through the horror of genital mutilation. Our kind of place! A good ally; a good client state!

As I was leaving the country, with the Kenyan Airways aircraft waiting on the tarmac, my passport and boarding card were checked on several occasions. Before the gate it all became ridiculous: as two staffers, one in uniform, one in civilian clothing, were performing surveillance only one meter apart from each other.

“Any more of this down the road?” I asked sarcastically.

A soldier, almost 2 meters tall, immediately jumped on me. He threw me and my camera against a concrete wall, and smashed the lens, all in full view of the other passengers, and the Kenyan crew. I tried to fight back.

“Stop and just walk to the plane… Let it be… Or he is going to kill you”, whispered a plain-clothed man. I had no idea who he was, but he most probably saved my life.

There is no place on Earth like Djibouti. Thanks god there really isn’t!

----

André Vltchek is a novelist, filmmaker, and investigative journalist. He has covered wars and conflicts in dozens of countries. His critically acclaimed political revolutionary novel Point of No Return is now re-edited and available. Oceania is his book on Western imperialism in South Pacific. His provocative book about post-Suharto Indonesia and market-fundamentalism is called Indonesia: The Archipelago of Fear. He just completed a feature documentary Rwanda Gambit about Rwandan history and the plunder of DR Congo. After living for many years in Latin America and Oceania, Vltchek presently resides and works in East Asia and Africa. He can be reached through his website. Read other articles by Andre.

Universal TV Warka 09 10 2013

Somalia warns of disaster if Barclays stops money transfers By Elaine Moore, William Wallis and Sharlene Goff

 

Somalia has warned that it will face disaster if Barclays withdraws banking services from the country’s largest money transfer company next week.

Around half of the 10m population of Somalia and the republic of Somaliland are reliant on money sent by friends and relatives living overseas, most of which is used to pay for food and basic healthcare.

Following years of civil war, Somalia has been left without a functioning banking industry and remittances sent to the country via transfer shops and kiosks are worth about $1bn-$2bn a year, exceeding official international aid.

Barclays is the last major bank providing services to companies that operate in Somalia, and the flow of funds is expected to fall dramatically if it stops providing accounts to a number of companies that send money from the UK to Somalia.

This summer Barclays announced that it would close accounts for 250 money transmitters after coming under pressure from the regulator to ensure appropriate checks and controls were in place to avoid potential money laundering.

Of the four businesses that focus on transferring money to Somalia, three have now been terminated. The fourth, Dahabshiil, is challenging the move in court, with a hearing scheduled next Tuesday.

Barclays has been the sole account provider for Dahabshiil for 15 years and was the only major UK bank offering accounts to smaller money transmitters working in Somalia. It still provides an account for Western Union. HSBC stopped providing services to all money transmitters in 2012, none of which operated in Somalia.

“If the banks do not reverse their decision it will be a disaster for our country, which is in a fragile state, just recovering from long-term conflict,” said Mohamud Hassan Suleiman, Somali finance minister.

“We need time and we need clarity – what do the banks want? If they are afraid of something we need to know what it is . . . you cannot solve the problem until you know what the problem is.”
UK banks say they need more information from regulators about the checks they are required to perform on money transmitters.

They are particularly sensitive to anti money-laundering responsibilities after HSBC was forced by US authorities to pay $1.9bn, to settle charges that it breached money laundering rules in Mexico and Colombia and broke sanctions rules in Iran.

However, Dahabshiil said that it has not been given the chance to understand Barclays’ new criteria, and that the bank has refused its request to meet.

In a letter sent to the company and seen by the Financial Times, Barclays said its decision “is not a negative reflection of your Anti-Money Laundering standards, nor a belief that your business has unwittingly been a conduit for financial crime”.

It costs £5 to send £100 from the UK to Somalia via Dahabshiil, which has more than 286 payment locations in the country. The company is authorised by the Financial Conduct Authority but must deposit funds with a UK bank in order to send unlimited amounts.

Other companies that can be used to send money are more expensive and have fewer locations. Western Union said it had no plans to expand its branch network beyond a single location in Somaliland. “We ensure compliance at both ends and we don’t believe we can ensure that in Somalia,” said Massimiliano Alvisini, UK regional director for Western Union.

In Dahabshiil’s UK headquarters in Whitechapel, east London, Kaltun Ali became emotional when talking about Barclays’ decision.

“If they stop us sending money it will be like Ethiopia – people will starve,” she said. “There is no social security – that’s why a cleaner working in the UK who earns £30 will send home £10. I don’t know if they realise this.”

At a nearby Somali restaurant a group of men drinking tea swapped theories about why Barclays\was shutting the accounts.

“Well, it could be the American government,” said Jama Abokor, a serious man in his early fifties. “That’s what some people say.

Everything has become difficult after 9/11.”
 
His friend Dalmar Abdul pulled a money transfer slip from his jacket to show how frequently he sends money to his family. “These payments are a lifeline for so many people I actually don’t think Barclays will do this – they can’t. When they realise what will happen they will stop.”

Meet the Ferragamo-loving American socialite - known as 'Princess' to Somalia's pirates- who claims to be the country's key to prosperity

• Michele Ballarin says she has had a 'behind the scenes' hand in negotiating the release of Somali pirate hostages
•  
• She says she was once 'known as the Coco Chanel in the children’s industry'

By DAILY MAIL REPORTER

At the surface Michele Ballarin may look like a thoroughbred socialite, but according to a new interview, she holds so much influence in Somalia that many of the country’s notorious pirates refer to her as ‘amira’, or ‘princess’ in Arabic.

In the latest Washington Post magazine, Ballarin, a 58-year-old hailing from Virginia, says that her humanitarian efforts to eradicate piracy in Somalia have earned her a large fan base in the country.

 

A senior U.S. government official once even went on-the-record to say that Ballarin ‘has more sway in Somalia than the whole U.S. Government.’

 

Somali princess: Michelle Ballarin (pictured above) is said to have 'more sway in Somalia than the whole U.S. government'

She has now embarked on a new humanitarian venture with Somalia’s former president Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed to help provide housing for the country’s large population of refugees.

Ballarin says that she is known to negotiate with Somalia’s notorious pirates, and that she has had a ‘behind the scenes’ hand in organizing the release of pirate hostages.

She also says that she has carried out peaceful conversations with all walks of Somali life as part of her work, including pirates and members of the Al-Shabab group, the terrorist organization responsible for last month’s brutal attacks on a Nairobi mall.

She says she is not afraid of these more feared sects of Somali society. ‘They would have a tsunami on their hands,’ 

Ballarin said of what would happen if she were injured by a Somali fringe group. ‘When I was in the north at one point, there was close to 80,000 people trying to get to me. They call me the “Mother of Somalia”…there would be terrible repercussions.’

'When I was in the north...there was close to 80,000 people trying to get to me. They call me the “Mother of Somalia"'

But despite her pull within Somali society, Ballarin has apparently never worked for the U.S. Government.

In 2007, she sent an ‘unsolicited letter’ to the CIA offering her services in tracking down Al Qaeda networks in Africa. The bureau sent her a letter back saying that they were ‘not interested’ in her services and did not authorize her to carry out her terrorist-finding mission on its behalf.

Friends in high places: Michelle Ballarin sits with business partner and former Somali president Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed

But Ballarin was undeterred. According to the paper, she sought solace at the Pentagon the following year—an effort that was rewarded with a classified contract for an undisclosed amount of money. Within a year, the contract was reportedly terminated for ‘nonperformance.’

Esther Hebert, who has worked with Ballarin, told The Washington Post: ‘She has an amazing ability to attract very powerful people. Then it all falls apart.’

‘I was known as the Coco Chanel in the children’s industry’

Ballarin had many careers before focusing her attentions on Somalia, the paper says. In 1986 she ran for Congress and lost, a defeat that prompted her to design children’s clothes, which she says were sold in Macy’s. ‘I was known as the Coco Chanel in the children’s industry,’ she said of her design career. (Ballarin is also a fashion plate who is cited as wearing Armani and Ferragamo clothing in the piece)

Ballarin’s childrenswear business closed following her first marriage (to a man 35 years her senior). She then took up work as an executive assistant to an orthodontist to try and keep her and her son financially afloat.

Her luck changed with her second marriage to Gino Ballarin, a longtime maître d’ at New York’s famous 21 Club. The couple relocated to the Washington D.C. metro area after their wedding, where Gino worked in a similar capacity at the Georgetown Club, while Michele dabbled in investment banking.

Coastal storm: Ballarin says that she has had a hand in negotiating the release of Somali pirate hostages

Her foray into finance gave Michele access to a vast array of wealthy people. By enlisting what seems to be an acute knack for sociability, she quickly cemented her status as a gala circuit-ing businesswoman on the D.C. scene.

That positioning gave her access to an encounter with an ‘elder Sufi sheik’ from Somalia’s prevailing religion. Ballarin became fascinated with the Sufi religion, as well as Somali culture as a whole. She soon began making goodwill trips to the country and amassed a following of Somali constituents who nicknamed her their princess.

Her sage Somali influence spread, and in 2009 then-President Ahmed named her his ‘presidential advisor for Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance.’ The appointment came at the heat of Somalia’s pirating crisis.

In fact, Ballarin has already been involved in several Somalia development programs that did not work out. Her nation-building program, dubbed the ‘organic solution’, included plans for everything from banks to commercial airlines. The project dissolved after nine months, with many of its investors failing to recoup tens of thousands of dollars, The Washington Post reports.

Another Ballarin company titled Archangel similarly never got off the ground.

Brick and mortar: Ballarin has now embarked on a new project with President Ahmed, building tiny modular homes (in the foreground, above) for Somali refugees

But Ballarin--who provided multiple photo albums to The Washington Post writer as proof of her popularity in Somalia in which she was seen ‘posing with Somali politicians, warlords, clan leaders, and Sufis,’--has now teamed up with former President Ahmed again.

'The problem with Michele is separating fact from fiction. What is real, and what is made up?'

They have begun work on a housing project for Somali refugees called the ‘Oasis Foundation for Hope’. Ballarin and Ahmed have already created a modular demo with the help of pro-bono contractors, as was the case with many of her former business ventures.

She unveiled the modular home to investors and government compatriots in August, admitting to The Washington Post that Ahmed had already ‘identified’ $300 million in project funding.

Geoff Whiting, a former naval intelligence officer who worked with both Ballarin and Hebert, admitted: ‘The problem with Michele is separating fact from fiction. What is real, and what is made up?

Somalia: U.S. State Department Thomas-Greenfield On Security, Governance in Somalia - DOCUMENT

DOCUMENT

Testimony by Linda Thomas-Greenfield, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of African Affairs, Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Subcommittee on African Affairs

Security and Governance in Somalia: Consolidating Gains, Confronting Challenges, and Charting the Path Forward

Good afternoon, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Flake, and distinguished Members of the Committee. It is my pleasure to appear before you today to talk about Somalia, which, during my tenure as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, will remain a top foreign policy priority for the Department of State, as it is for the Obama Administration. The past year marked significant changes in Somalia and in our bilateral relationship with Somalia. The election of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was a welcome signal that room for political progress in Somalia was opening. This was made possible, in part, by the international community's support of the Djibouti Peace Process and the leadership role of our regional partners, notably the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). On January 17, we formally recognized the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), after two decades of transitional governments. Nonetheless, the U.S. Government also understood very clearly that Somalia would face considerable challenges as it worked to rebuild its statehood.

The successes of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), AMISOM troop-contributing countries, and strategic partners to combat and eviscerate al-Shabaab are demonstrating the strength of an Africa-led model. Nonetheless, this Somalia-based al-Qa'ida affiliate remains a dangerous presence. The all-too-recent terrorist attack on the Westgate Shopping Mall in Nairobi, for which al-Shabaab has taken credit, is a chilling example of the challenges for Somalia and the region. This attack suggests that violent extremism in the Horn of Africa may be evolving. It also makes clear that al-Shabaab presents a threat to U.S. partner nations in East Africa, to American citizens, and to U.S. interests. Al-Shabaab must be stopped. The Federal Government of Somalia must increase its capacity to counter al-Shabaab, unify a fractured political system, and provide basic services to the Somali people. For all this, the government of Somalia needs our support - and much more of it. Our primary interest in Somalia is to help the people of Somalia build a peaceful nation with a stable government, able to ensure civil security and services for its citizens. This in turn will prevent terrorists from using Somali territory as a safe haven.

U.S. Policy and Engagement in Somalia

Prior to our recognition of the Federal Government of Somalia, our Somalia policy had three primary elements:

1. provide support for the African Union Mission in Somalia, or AMISOM as it is commonly known, and AMISOM's strategic partner Ethiopia, to combat al Shabaab and provide political space for the government to operate;

2. respond to humanitarian crises and initiate stabilization where possible; and

3. promote our "dual-track" policy.

Post transition, these three elements of our Somali policy have evolved as follows:

- First, we continue to support AMISOM as the primary stabilizing force in Somalia, as we expand our assistance to the Somali National Army to build its institutional and operational capacity. From FY2007 through FY 2013, the United States obligated approximately $512 million in support of AMISOM, in addition to our assessed contributions for the UN logistics support package for AMISOM. During that same period, we obligated more than $170 million to support the Somali National Army to counter al-Shabaab more effectively.

- Second, we have shifted focus from humanitarian crisis response, now concentrating on security and stability, laying the foundation for economic recovery through our development-focused programming. In FY 2012 and FY 2013, we provided nearly $140 million in funding to support Somalia's stabilization, democracy, and economic growth activities.

- Third, our dual-track approach concluded with the successful completion of the Djibouti Peace Process and the recognition of the Federal Government of Somalia. The United States has underscored the importance of outreach and engagement with the regional administrations to form the federal framework. We will continue to fund humanitarian assistance and civil society programs in Somaliland and Puntland, with an objective of improving regional collaboration towards federalism.

Our assistance to Somalia includes an emphasis on human rights and accountability, child soldier prevention, countering human trafficking, and budget transparency and fiscal management.

Westgate Attack

The tragic and cowardly attack on innocents at Kenya's Westgate Mall has underscored vulnerabilities in the Horn of Africa and demonstrates that al Shabaab has a capable network in East Africa and is willing to carry out attacks outside Somalia. Concerted pressure from AMISOM and the Somali National Army has weakened al Shabaab's ability to wage conventional military offensives and to hold territory inside Somalia. We attribute this to the success of the African-led model for achieving greater stability in Somalia. However, al-Shabaab can still conduct destabilizing operations in the East Africa region. The Department is working closely with our regional partners on counterterrorism efforts, and we are reviewing internally what further resources we can shore up to further support AMISOM, secure the borders of Somalia and its neighbors, and contribute to the international effort to shape the Somali National Army into a cohesive, professional, and effective force.

U.S. Presence

For the United States to effectively engage on these complex issues, understand local dynamics, build relationships, and manage our expanding programs in Somalia, we eventually need to establish a permanent U.S. diplomatic presence in Somalia. Ultimately, it is the security conditions in Somalia that will dictate when we can establish a more permanent presence and we recognize that the time is not right to do this. However, we are moving in that direction. Our current posture allows for our Nairobi-based diplomatic team to travel into the Somali capital and other key regions with increased frequency and duration, as security conditions permit.

Federalism/Political Cooperation

Building political cooperation among Somali regions and clans in support of the Federal framework is essential, if democracy, economic growth, and security are truly to take hold in Somalia. This is a message that President Hassan Sheikh emphasized during his Washington meetings with Secretary Kerry, Secretary Hagel, and National Security Advisor Rice. We see budding signs that Hassan Sheikh is meaningfully engaging regional administrations: The Somali Federal Government signed the Jubbaland Accords on August 22, recognizing the regional entity and mapping a way forward to become a federal state; the Federal government introduced a roadmap to the 2016 elections with a focus on political inclusion and security; and Mogadishu and Somaliland came to an agreement on regulating air-space, a step towards wider reconciliation.

Conclusion

Ultimately, the development of participatory, accountable, and representative governmental institutions that respond to the needs of the Somali people will secure the country's future. We are committed to work with the Government and people of Somalia to help them realize this vision.

Press Statement by the Government of Eritrea

Press reports disclosed that on 3 October 2013 individuals, the majority of whom Eritrean citizens, lost their lives while on migration when a boat from the Libyan coastline heading to Lampedusa, Italy, capsized. It is to be noted that such lose of life is not the first of its kind as well as saddle, but one of the chain of loss of the lives of Eritreans, perpetrated by criminal human traffickers in violation of all international laws and human values.

It is common knowledge that the Government of Eritrea has been calling on international and regional organizations and governments that the crime should be investigated by independent bodies and be put to an end, and that the criminals be brought to justice.

Such heinous crimes against the Eritrean people and government over the past 20 years were perpetrated through fanning unprecedented baseless “border conflicts”,  blessing aggression against sovereign Eritrean territory, coupled with unwarranted and illegal “sanctions”, as well as organizing various forms of political, military and economic conspiracies leading to open aggression. And when all such conspiracies ended up in utter failure, the enemy quarters resorted to the human trafficking ploy with a view to disintegrating and paralyzing the indomitable people and Government of Eritrea.

The prime responsibility for the gross loss of human life, as verified by concrete evidences, squarely rests on the US Administration that assigns agents of international and regional bodies, in addition to deploying various officials and spy agencies of different governments.

The Government of Eritrea again calls for due inquiry of the current and previous such repprehensive incidents by independent bodies, and thus ensure the supremacy of justice. Moreover, it reiterates its readiness to defend the rights of its citizens in appropriate forums.

The Government of Eritrea extends its condolences to the bereaved families, and calls on the Eritrean people to reinforce their spirit of steadfastness.

Asmara

9 October 2013

Somaliland: Life in chains: the plight of Somalia's mentally ill

Living in a tin shack by the roadside, Abdullahi is isolated, barely washed and poorly fed. For the last 17 years he has been chained up by his own family in Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Jamal Osman Reporter

 

Living in a tin shack by the roadside, Abdullahi is isolated, barely washed and poorly fed. For the last 17 years he has been chained up by his own family in Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Please wait while this video loads. If it doesn't load after a few seconds you may need to have Adobe Flash installed.

Somalia film credits: Director/producer - Teresa Smith: Picture editor - Agnieszka Ligget: Camerman - Ahmed Farah: Field producer - Yassin Jama

He spends most of his days watching the world moving before him - placing his chest on a cemented floor, his elbows supporting his hands under his chin.

In all those years he's been there, Abdullahi watched children who were born during his chained-life become adults. The whole neighbourhood is built up. The sun rises and sets over him. His best companions are family-owned goats, who are free to move around.

'Evil spirits'

In Somalia, thousands of people who are mentally ill like Abdullahi face a similar fate. According to the UN, one in three Somalis suffers from some form of mental illness.

We can't trust him. For me the biggest worry is that he could go missing or be killed by the children. Yusuf Jama

Decades of war, poverty and unemployment are some of the reasons. There aren't enough doctors and nurses to treat such patients. Aid organisations are all over the country but there is very little interest in this sector.

Abdullahi's childhood was just like any other Somali boy growing up. He attended school and started working as a builder in his teens. He was dreaming of becoming a businessman until his life was put on hold at the age of 26.

"He used to love school," Abdullahi's mother, Nimo Yusuf, told me. "He loved and respected his parents. He'd call us 'Mummy and Daddy'. He still does, even now. He never swore or cursed."
Nimo remembers vividly the day he fell ill. She said: "One morning he left for work and came home in the evening saying he felt unwell. Then I recalled that people used to say that evil spirits could do this. And I thought they have done it to him. Since that day he's never been the same."

Traditional healers

Nimo is the family's breadwinner. She leaves in the morning to sell fruit and vegetables at the local market and comes back in the evening with some food for the family.

This very poor family tried to treat him – not through medical doctors but through traditional healers, known as Cilaaj. It is the most popular treatment for the mentally ill in Somalia.

Abdullahi was once taken to Sheikh Boon's Cilaaj in Hargeisa. This centre is moderate compared to others that use electrocution, beatings and other forms of practices as part of the treatment. Some patients die. It's a thriving industry, yet unregulated.

Abdullahi, if we unchain you, what do you think about that? Are you going to come with us? Maryan Hassan

The sheikh claims that many of his clients are from the diaspora community. Some travel to see him but also he regularly holds sessions through Skype.

A former maths teacher, he prescribes verses from the Quran for patients. They go into a room nearby where a group of men read the Quran loudly through cardboard tubes. Patients sniff foul smelling herbs to force the evil spirit or Jinn out of the patient's body.

"When we realise Jinn is inside the body of the patient we read the Quran until it runs away from the body of the patient," said, Sheikh Boon.

'Mad man'

But it didn't work on Abdullahi. He is still in his tin hut in all weathers. There is no protection whether it's hot, rainy or windy. His father Yusuf Jama, who is 83 years old, looks after him for most of the time.

"He's chained up all the time," Mr Jama told me. "We alternate the leg that will be chained: first, this leg and then the other. Also we have to tighten the screw because he can break the lock.
"We can't trust him. For me the biggest worry is that he could go missing or be killed by the children."

Children from the neighbourhood shout "the mad man" as they pass by Abdullahi. Sometimes they throw rocks at him. His father is, at least, protecting him from these children. Abdullahi's brothers are around occasionally.

He asked his younger brother Abdulkarim if he could borrow his mobile phone so he could listen to music and the song Bulshayahay ma nabadbaa came on.

It is about a man who is returning to his country after being in exile. It brought tears to Abdullahi's eyes especially these lines (translated into English):

We have been apart for a while
I have longed for you like dry scalp craves for oil
Greetings O, people, greetings!

It was as if he was craving to be given the chance to come back into society.

We told Maryan Hassan, who is one of 20 psychiatric nurses in the whole country, about Abdullahi's desperate situation. She works at Macruuf Relief Organisation, a private mental health clinic.

'Free man'

Maryan agreed to assess Abdullahi and if possible offer him a free place for three months. We took her to Abdullahi's little hut. After greeting the family and asking about Abdullahi, she told him the good news.

"Abdullahi, if we unchain you, what do you think about that? Are you going to come with us?" she asked.

"Yes, I'm going to come with you," replied, Abdullahi.

Cutting the rusty chain took a long time but his brothers eventually managed to release him.
On arrival, he was quickly washed, given clean clothes, his nails cut and his head shaved. With kindness and a proper medical examination, Abdullahi looked different. He was given medication to treat psychosis.

As we were leaving, Maryan told Abdullahi: "Now you are a free man. When you wake up in the morning you have to brush your teeth, go to the toilet, you'll watch TV and take your medicine. Things have changed for you."

Abdullahi was lucky, but there are hundreds of thousands of mentally ill Somalis who are in desperate need of help. Abdullahi will be in the clinic for at least three months. We hope to see him well.

Credits:
Director/Producer: Teresa Smith
Picture Editor: Agnieszka Ligget
Cameraman: Ahmed Farah
Field producer: Yassin Jama
Commissioning editors: Nevine Mabro and Job Rabkin

Ra'iisalwasaarihii Liibiya oo la afduubay

Ra'iisalwasaarihii Liibiya ee la afduubay

Ra'iisalwasaarihii Liibiya Cali Seydaan ayaa saaka laga afduubay hudheel ku yaalla magaalada madaxda Daraabulus amma Tripoli ee dalka Liibiya, waxana la sheegay inay halkaasi ka kaxaysteen ra'iisalwasaaraha koox dabley ah oo hubaysani saaka saacadihii hore. 

Afduubkaasi waxa sheegtay koox ka mid ah kooxaha hubaysan ee dalkaasi oo la baxday 'Cutubka la-dagaallanka denbiyada', waxayna sheegeen inay fulinayeen amar ka soo baxay xeer ilaaliyaha guud ee dalkaas oo ahaa in la soo qabto ra'iisalwasaaraha. Hasse ahatee wasiirka caddaaladda ee dalka Liibiya, Saalax al-Marqaani, iyo xeer ilaaliyaha laftisa, labaduba waxay beeniyeen arrintani, waxayna sheegeen in aanu jirin wax amar ah amma waaran ah oo ku saabsan xidhitaanka ra'iisalwasaaraha.

Afduubkani waxa uu ku soo beegmay iyada oo ay jirto cadho kooxaha Liibiya qaarkood ay ka qaadeen xidhitaankii Maraykanku ay kula kaceen Sabtidii nin la yidhaa Abu Anas al-Liibi oo la rumaysan yahay in uu ka mid yahay hoggaamiyayaasha sarsare ee al-Qaacida, horena loogu haystey in uu ka danbeeyey falal argagixisnnimo.

Dawladda dalkan Ingiriisku waxay si weyn u cambaaraysay afduubkaasi ra'iisalwasaarihii Liibiya, waxayna ku baaqday in si dhakhso ah loo sii daayo.

Cali Seydaan waxa uu dalkaasi ra'iisalwasaare ka ahaa muddo ilaa hal sano ah.

Dawladda Liibiya waxay sheegtay in ilaa hadda aan la ogeyn meesha lala aadey ee lagu hayo, waxayna shir degdeg ah iskugu yeedhay golaha wasiirada, si arrintani looga hadlo, loogana talo bixiyo.

Madaxda sharikadaha mobile-lada Kenya oo la baadhayo

Madaxda sharikadaha moobillada ee Kenya

Madaxda iyo maamulayaasha sharikadaha telifoonnada moobillada ee dalka Kenya ayaa wax laga weydiinayaa sababaha Keenay inay jiraan in ka badan 1.5 malyuun oo ah kaadhadhka loo yaqaan SIM cards oo aan la diiwaangelin, hasse ahaatee lagu isticmaalo dalka Kenya gudihiisa. 

Arrintani waxay walaac gelisay hey'adaha nabadsugidda oo sheegay inay dhici karto in moobillada noocaas ah loo adeegsado wada xidhiidhka falalka argagixisnnimada, sidaasi awgeedna ay khatar ku yihiin nabadgelyada. Booliska Kenya waxay shirar iyo wax weydiin la yeesheen madaxda sharikadaha isgaadhsiinta afar ka tirsan oo ah kuwa telifoonnada moobillada.

Arrintani waxay ka danbaysay warbixinno lagu xusay in moobillo aan diiwaabgashanayn loo adeegsaday weerarradii xarunta Wesgate oo ay adeegsadeen islaamiyiintii weerarkaas geystey.

Waxana boolisku ugu hanjabay maareeyayaashaasi afarta sharikadood inay dhici karto in loo soo jaro waaran xidhitaan ah, hase ahaatee iyagu waxa ay ku gacansaydheen eedaymahaasi.

Qoraal wadajir ah oo ay soo saareen madaxda afartaasi sharikadood, oo kala ah Safaricom, Bharti Airtel, Orange Kenya iyo Yu Essar, waxay sheegeen inay caddeemo u gudbiyeen booliska markii ay saldhigga tegeen. Waxayna ku doodeen in sharikadahoodu ay u hoggaansamaan qawaaniinta iyo xeerarka caalamiga ah ee u yaalla cadeegyada noocan ah iyo dhawrista waxyaabaha saamaynaya nabadgelyada iyo deganaansha.

Dalka Kenya waxa ka jira ilaa 29 malyuun oo ah kaadhadhka loo yaqaan SIM cards ee moobillada oo si sharci ah u diiwaangashan, iyo in ka badan 1.5 malyuun oo aan diiwaangashanayn. Sharikadda loo yaqaanno Safaricom ayaa ah tan ugu weyn ee adeegyada moobillada dalka Kenya.