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Monday, September 9, 2013

Mudaharaad Balaadhan oo Looga Soo Horjeedo Madaxwaynaha Somalia oo ka Dhici Doono Brusseles, Belgium - Save Somalia From Clannish Somali Federal President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud

Save Somalia From Clannish Somali Federal President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud. Demonstate Against The Hate
Mudaaharaad Culus oo looga soo horjeedo Madaxwaynaha Federaalka Soomaaliya oo lagu qabanayo caasimada dalka Biljam (Fadlan ka soo qeyb-gala Soomaalida Yurub iyo Biljam degan Mudaaharaadka) 

Mudaharaadka Ujeedada ku qoran waxaa ka soo qaybgelayaan Ummada Somaliyeed ee ka soo hor jeeda xadgudbyada Madaxda Dawlada Fedaraalku ku hayaan habsami u socodka dib u heshiisiinta Ummada Somaliyeed oo ay ugu weyntahay Dastuurkii Umadda Somaliyeed oo is bedel aan sharci ahayn lagu sameeyey, waxaa iyaguna mudaharaadka ka qayb qaadanaya Ummada walaalaha ah ee reer Jabuti oo iyaguna ka cabanaya Xadgudubka Madaxda Jabuuti ku hayaan arimaha Somaliya iyo dhibka ay isla wadankooda ku hayaanba oo gaaray heer aan la qiyaasikarin.

WUXUUNA U DHACAYAA SIDAN HOOSE

  • Wuxuu dhacayaa ................................... 16/09/2013
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  • Saacada Mudaharaadku joogsanayo...... 13.3pm
Wuxuu ka dhacayaa .........................................PLACE POELAERT 1000 BRUSSELS

UMMADA HALKAAN KU CASUUMAN WAXAAN KA CODSANAYNAA IN AY WAQTIGA ILAALIYAAN ARINTU U NOQOTO MID MIRIHII LAGA RABEY DHASHA.

SHBAKADAHA WARARKA WAXAAN KA CODSANAYNAA IN AY BAAHIYAAN MUDAHARAADKAN.

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Source: somaliaonline.com

Somalia: Home Sweet Home - Changing Times Bring Somali Diaspora Back

With prospects improving in the country, some of the Somali diaspora are coming home.


By Chiara Francavilla

"A cappuccino here is more expensive than any other coffee in the world," said Mohamed Ali as he addressed the audience of the second TEDx conference held in Somalia's capital.

"An espresso machine uses a lot of electricity and Mogadishu is the most expensive city in the world by kilowatt/hour," he said, introducing the story of Ahmed, a returning diaspora member who partnered with local engineer Isse to create a coal-powered coffee machine prototype. "Ahmed now has the cheapest espresso in Mogadishu and Isse has 100 machines that he rents for $100 dollars a month."

On August 31 a TEDx conference - the 'ideas worth spreading' event - was held in Mogadishu, the capital of a country that is still considered by some a 'failed state'. Despite this, spirits were high as the speakers, mostly returning diaspora members, articulated their hopeful visions of a new Somalia.
But this time optimism was accompanied by concrete examples of change in the wake of the installation of the country's first permanent government in over two decades. There is a definite feeling that something has changed or is changing and this is bringing back some of the 1.5 million Somalis living abroad, like Ahmed, or like Ali, a US-trained human rights lawyers returning to help aspirant business men and women, especially young Somalis.

"I'm passionate about entrepreneurship as a tool to fight poverty and unemployment," Ali told Think Africa Press. Somalia's unemployment rate is estimated to be 54%, up from 47% in 2002, according to a 2012 Somalia Human Development Report. The situation is worse for young people, as unemployment for 14- to 29-year-olds reaches 67% - one of the highest in the world.

Alongside speaking at the TEDx event, Ali inaugurated the first 'Youth Entrepreneurship Summit' in Mogadishu as director of the leadership and entrepreneurship organisation Iftiin Foundation with Generation Change, a US-sponsored initiative active in several developing countries.

"Each new event is usually launched by the US embassy in each respective country," he explains. "However, because there is no US embassy in Somalia, my organisation Iftiin Foundation launched the programme in Mogadishu."

84 young Somalis joined the summit. All coming from different backgrounds, they had one thing in common: business ideas. Many had identified a service gap to fill. Ali is full of enthusiasm for the innovation of the group: "One young woman was telling me how she wanted to create an ambulance service. Another has a project for a microcredit group for women," he says.

As part of the youth leadership programme, young Somalis will receive mentoring and will be supported in finding investors for their projects. Lack of capital and technical ability, such as forecasting and managing financial risks, are the main obstacles to young entrepreneurship. The diaspora can take care of the former, as in Ahmed and Isse's case, and programmes like his can do the rest, said Ali.

A year on

It has been almost a year since Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was sworn in as the president of the Federal Government of Somalia, the first permanent authority since the collapse of all formal institutions in 1991.

"In the last year the environment has really changed," argues Ali. "Since the establishment of the permanent government there is greater security and a greater recognition of Somalia among the international community. This has the potential to attract more international investments."
One of the clearest signs of increased international recognition and improved perception of security has been the reopening of foreign embassies, such as those of the UK, Kenya, Iran and Uganda, with other countries having announced plans to do so, including the US, UAE, and China.

On August 27 Fowsia Yusuf Haji Adan, Somalia's foreign minister, met Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi on an official visit to China. Wang Yi said that his country was willing to gradually restore "high-level exchanges" with Somalia, including economic and trade cooperation and active participation in Somalia's reconstruction.

"Somalia is the first East African country that established diplomatic relationship with China... the friendship between the two peoples has never changed," he said.

Somalia's strengthening of international ties prompted the International Monetary Fund to recognise the Federal Government of Somalia in April 2013, paving the way to resumed relations after a 22-year break. "The decision is consistent with broad international support and recognition of the Federal Government, which allows the IMF to offer Somalia technical assistance and policy advice," said Ralph Chami, division chief at the IMF's Middle East department.

Increased international cooperation has also led to the improvement in one of the areas that has traditionally been in the focus of the international community: piracy. Adjoa Anyimadu, research associate for the Africa Programme at Chatham House, noted a dramatic reduction in the number of piracy attacks emanating from the coast of Somalia in the last two years.

"The has not only been a reduction in successful hijackings, but also in the number of attempts that pirates are making, demonstrating that piracy has become a less attractive means of revenue generation for many young Somalis," she said. In 2011 there were 199 incidents, but by the end of 2012 this figure had dropped by almost two thirds to 70. In the first eight months of this year there have only been ten incidents, according to the ICC International Marine Bureau.

Shaky stability

Security might have improved, but Al Shabaab, the Al Quaeda affiliated rebel group, remains an active threat, as testified by a recent ambush on the presidential convoy and a suicide attack on the UN office in Mogadishu in June, in which 15 people were killed, among other incidents.

The reduction in piracy attacks was also questioned by Anyimadu, who noted that the improvement was the result of "short-term" solutions such as increased international patrolling of the waters, more vessels following best practices to avoid attacks and increased presence and acceptance of private armed guards on board.

And whilst some return to Mogadishu, others leave. Médecins sans Frontiers (MSF) was forced to exit the country in August after working continuously in Somalia since 1991. The organisation cited increasing violence against MSF staff and the apparent complacency of Somali authorities.
"Ultimately, civilians in Somalia will pay the highest cost," said Dr Unni Karunakara, MSF international president. "Much of the Somali population has never known the country without war or famine. Already receiving far less assistance than is needed, the armed groups' targeting of humanitarian aid and civilians leaders' tolerance of these abuses has effectively taken away what little access to medical care is available to the Somali people."

In 2012 MSF provided more than 624,000 medical consultations, admitted 41,100 patients to hospitals, cared for 30,090 malnourished children, vaccinated 58,620 people, and delivered 7,300 babies. Those services will not be replaced by funding from the IMF at least, as the fund is unable to support the country financially due to $352m arrears.

Old and new

Collaboration between returning diaspora and locals may not be as natural as it might seem. Mogadishu-based journalist Hamza Mohamed reported increasing intolerance of locals towards retuning diaspora members occupying positions of leadership or heading business activities.
Ali acknowledges the tension. "That understandably happens, when you have lived for 20 years of civil war, stayed in Somalia despite it, and then someone comes in and opens his own business," he said. However, he argues that this change is more of an opportunity than an obstacle. His initiative received plenty of support from local businesses and associations, including Jazeera Palace Hotel, the Somali Tourism Association and the Somali Student Union.

"I was educated in the West, and I'm coming back to help out my fellow Somalis," said Ali. "I know they have been here all their lives, they know the challenges, they know the problems. I want to be their partner and give them access to the resources and networks that I developed in the US."
And with him, many others return, such as Zainab Hassan, former fellow at the University of Minnesota, who is now leading the restoration of Somalia's national library, with the vision of giving young Somalis a place to hang out other than the street.

Zahra Mustaf, an Australian architect, has gone back with two daughters to help rebuild Somalia's education infrastructure, with the aim of sending 1 million children to school in three years. 21-year-old Canadian Iman Elman has taken the return a step further by becoming the first female commander in the Somali Army. "[After that] I was no longer a Canadian in Somalia. I was a soldier serving my country," she says.

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Bomb Attack in Somalia Exposes Challenges for Fledgling Government


    A deadly weekend bombing by al-Shabaab militants in Mogadishu has once again exposed the challenges facing Somalia's fledgling government.


By HEIDI VOGT

NAIROBI—A deadly weekend bombing by al-Shabaab militants at a popular restaurant in Somalia's capital Mogadishu, killing 20 people, has once again exposed the challenges facing a fledgling government whose stability is seen as crucial to the security in East Africa.

The Saturday assault, which targeted a lunchtime crowd, included car bombing and a suicide attacker on foot, officials said.

The assailant first parked his explosive-laden car outside of the restaurant, then moved off to a safe distance and remotely detonated the bomb, said Said Isak, a spokesman for the Somali police commissioner's office. As people rushed in to help the wounded, the attacker returned and set off the explosives strapped to his body.

He died along with 19 others—one police officer and 18 civilians, Mr. Isak said. Bodies of both women and men were lying on the bloody pavement around the restaurant Saturday as police secured the area.

"He came back to finish off the wounded and the rescuers," Mr. Isak said. More than 30 people were wounded in the strike and at least four cars parked nearby were destroyed in the conflagration, he said.

The Somali militant group al-Shabaab, which has struck Mogadishu multiple times in recent months, claimed responsibility for the attack.

Somalia's recently elected government has sought to solidify its control over the capital and extend its reach into the rest of the country. But militants have resisted those efforts, and continue to show how vulnerable the state remains by hitting civilian targets.

"Such cruel and cowardly acts of terrorism serve to remind us that the people of Somalia desperately need peace," Nicholas Kay, the United Nations special representative for Somalia, said in a statement after the bombing.

The repeated strikes have made it difficult for the one-year-old government to assert authority even inside Mogadishu—and constrained its push to outlying areas. And while international allies have said they remain committed to supporting the Somali government and security forces, continuing violence has already seen some scaling back of operations inside the country.

The security threat inside Somalia looms over the region as well.

Somali refugees from the long-running conflict have flooded into Kenya and Ethiopia, as have al-Shabaab militants who are suspected of plotting attacks within the safety of the refugee camps. The continuing risk of instability on the border has made the fight key to the stability of both Kenya and Ethiopia—East Africa's economic linchpins.

The latest attack was the deadliest in Somalia since June, when al-Shabaab militants killed 22 people in an assault on the main U.N. compound in Mogadishu.

The militants also killed at least 20 people when they stormed the Supreme Court building in April, opening fire as they entered the building. On the same day, a suicide car bomber struck a vehicle carrying Turkish citizens, killing two passengers.

And Saturday's strike at the restaurant came less than a week after a roadside bomb exploded near the president's convoy in what appeared to be an assassination attempt.

"It's a pretty steady rhythm, sadly," said Ben Parker, a spokesman for the U.N. mission in Somalia. "There's grenades, there's remote-controlled land mines, there's assassinations."

Such attacks have prompted some organizations to withdraw from Somalia, most recently Doctors Without Borders, which cited security concerns for its staff.

The blast Saturday comes two weeks before a conference in Brussels between international donors and the Somali government about the future of the volatile state. The conference will look at issues of aid and how to improve government transparency.

The Village restaurant in Mogadishu—where the attack Saturday ripped apart the metal roof of the open-air venue—is an eatery popular with local journalists, intellectuals and government employees. Militants have twice targeted the restaurant.

Ahmed Adan, a spokesman for Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon, said there was no indication any specific person was targeted in the attack.

Source: WallStreetJournal (online.wsj.com)

New ODI research prompts letter to Barclays over Somalia decision


The Director of the Overseas Development Institute has called on Barclays Bank to reconsider its decision to close its Somalia accounts, describing the move as ‘unwarranted, unnecessary and a threat to some of the world’s most vulnerable people’.

In a letter to Anthony Jenkins, the Chief Executive of Barclays, ODI Director Kevin Watkins, cites new research demonstrating that it is possible to maintain cash transfers to Somalia while maintaining due diligence.

The research draws on ODI’s work in helping to develop a $90m cash transfer scheme in response to the 2011 famine. Detailed monitoring during the second phase of the project, which benefited almost 1 million people, found that the local money transfer system was highly efficient, and that agencies were able to avoid diversion of funds.

The bank’s decision threatens to cut off a pipeline to the Somali economy which delivers over $1.3 billion a year in remittances to families across the country many of whom use the cash to cover food and school costs.

Simon Levine, Research Fellow in the Humanitarian Policy Group at the ODI said:

“The famine of 2011 is largely over, so we’re back to the situation where one in seven young children are so skinny that they are classified as ‘acutely malnourished’. Remittances make up over a quarter of the economy of Somalia – so, if Barclays pull out of Somalia and there is no way to send money, what happens when families whose kids are already malnourished lose a quarter of their income? And what happens to the economy, to jobs, to investment when a quarter of its money just disappears? There is a risk that the consequences could be even worse and much longer lasting than the 2011 famine itself.”

The introduction of strict anti-money laundering laws in the US has been cited as a reason for Barclays’ decision, with HSBC having faced a fine of upwards of $1 billion for falling foul of the legislation through their operations in Mexico.

Mr Watkins said:

There is a world of difference between providing banking services to drug barons in Mexico and delivering a service that pays for health, education, food, housing materials and small enterprises in Somalia.  If aid agencies can find a way to operate efficiently in Somalia then surely it’s not beyond the capability of Barclays.

Please read the letter below: 

NORWAY SUBSIDIZES SOMALI GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES




The first payment from Norway to Somali government employees was made last week, and more payments can be expected next month.
For more than two decades Somalia has been without any central authority. Conflicts between various groups and the Islamist Al Shabaab has made the country unsafe and in lack of governmental stability. -
The past year, however, the country received a new constitution, and the parliament chose Hassan Sheikh Mohamud as their new president.
In order to get the new government and bureaucracy up and running, Norway has decided to help finance the salaries of 380 public employees. The country has no banking system, and the payments were made through a fund with a bank office abroad.
So far the employees working in Somalia’s Ministry of Finance and the office of the Auditor General have received their salaries through this arrangement but it is expected that payments will also be made to other ministries.
“We expect a stronger financial sector that can control its budget, be open about its projects, as well as strengthen the government’s reputation,” says Norway’s Minister of Development, Heikki Eidsvoll Holmås.
Because Somalia has a history of corruption, the Norwegian government is working with PriceWaterhouseCoopers, who are on the ground in Somalia to help control that the money goes to the right people.
Source: Aftenposten

Sunday, September 8, 2013

Without Solutions for IDPs, Somalia's Recovery Can't Succeed





By Mark Yarnell

It has been nearly a year since Somalia established a new federal government, ostensibly ending years of political transition. Some areas in Somalia are indeed experiencing increased stability and economic revival, but overall, a severe and complex humanitarian crisis continues and many challenges remain – especially for the country’s 1.1 million internally displaced persons (IDPs).

I will be traveling to Somalia in the coming days to assess the current conditions for IDPs and to investigate how (or even if) the rights and needs of displaced people are being considered in Somalia’s development plans (both by the Somali government itself, and by the international community).
In Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, there remain several hundred thousand IDPs. Many of them fled their home areas during the 2011 famine, while others have been displaced by conflict. Earlier this year, the Somali Federal Government (SFG) put forward a plan to relocate IDPs from multiple camp locations within Mogadishu to larger camp sites on the outskirts of the city. This is meant to be merely the first step toward their return “home.” But in fact, many IDPs (especially those who have been displaced for years) do not have homes or land they can return to. And for many others, the regions from which they fled are still too insecure.

As I learned during my last visit to Somalia, IDPs are not benefiting from Mogadishu’s economic boom. Many of them live in camps that are controlled by powerful local gatekeepers who divert much of the aid meant for IDPs and physically abuse them. Wresting control from these gatekeepers is critical, but a hasty relocation that is not properly planned and resourced could have a negative impact on the IDP population. The kind of physical harm and exploitation that can come from evicting and physically moving people must be avoided, and any new camps outside Mogadishu must have adequate security, shelter, access to livelihoods, healthcare, education, and other basic necessities.

Any relocation of these IDPs must therefore be done in a deliberate and thoughtful way that is based on fundamental humanitarian principles, upholds the rights of IDPs, and actually ameliorates their situation instead of causing harm and increasing vulnerability.

It will be a major challenge to do this right, but for the Somali government, the existence of IDPs must not be considered an obstruction to be pushed aside. A huge proportion of the country remains displaced, so properly supporting the displaced community must rank highly on the country’s development agenda.

When the Somali government first drafted its relocation plans, it called for “no IDPs in Mogadishu” by August 20, 2013. Fortunately, the SFG backed away from this unfeasible timeline and is now working with the UN and aid organizations to develop more comprehensive and realistic plans. But this initial policy framed IDPs as a problem, rather than a key segment of the Somali population, and that assumption needs to change. If Mogadishu and Somalia as a whole are going to move forward in the years ahead, then the displaced must be consulted and engaged.

Over the next few weeks, I will be meeting with a multitude of local and international actors involved in Somalia’s humanitarian response. But most importantly, I will meet with many members of the displaced community to learn how they can best be supported as they play their key role in Somalia’s development. Stay tuned for updates and reports from the field.

Somalia's remittances quandary: what are the options post-Barclays?

The closure of UK bank accounts belonging to cash-transfer firms would force many people to find new ways of sending money home. What are the alternatives?
Somalia's remittances and the $162m question … how will the loss of UK accounts belonging to cash-transfer firms affect the country? Photograph: AFP/Getty
Barclays has decided to close the accounts of about 250 money-transfer businesses, a move that could badly affect the flow of remittances toSomalia as it lacks a banking system. What are the options for Somalis?

Use unofficial or illegal means

The Somali authorities said last year that about $2bn (£1.2m) in remittances – a significant percentage of GDP – is channelled to the country through hawala, or small money-transfer businesses.
According to Oxfam (pdf), an estimated $162m is sent to Somalia annually by the UK's Somali diaspora. There are fears this flow of money could go underground through unlicensed agents.
Barclays says it took the decision to close the accounts of some of its money service businesses (MSBs) to minimise the risk of falling foul of money-laundering regulations. But the move could lead to more money laundering. "It makes it much more likely there will be money laundering," said Dominic Thorncroft, chairman of the UK Money Transmitters Association.
The head of the African Development Bank, Donald Kaberuka, has made the same point. In a letter to Barclays, he asked the bank to reconsider its decision. "While the other affected countries have alternatives, Somalia and the greater Horn do not," he wrote. "As a result those transfers would probably be driven to high-risk, high-cost informal channels."

Use other companies

Barclays' decision particularly affects Dahabshiil, the region's biggest remittance company. It has 286 locations across Somalia and 400 payout sites across the Horn of Africa. Western Union has opened an office in Somalia, and other Somali remittance companies, such as Amal, Iftin, Kaah and Amaana, operate in the country. But they do not have the reach of Dahabshiil, which is also used by 95% of international agencies and charities in Somalia.
Ismail Ahmed, chief executive of World Remit, believes these companies have sufficient presence is southern Somalia, but is concerned that any negative impact on Dahabshiil could have serious consequences for the breakaway state of Somaliland, where the company has 90% of the market.

What are the options for remittance companies?

They can try to open accounts with other banks, which is easier said than done. Barclays tightened its eligibility criteria for MSBs after HSBC was fined a record $1.9bn in the US for a "blatant failure" to implement anti-money laundering controls.
It is far from certain that other UK banks will want to deal with a small sector that generates little profit yet poses a major regulatory headache. Other unpalatable options include transforming themselves into agents for bigger, more established players such as Western Union, so the money in effect goes through Western Union's systems. Or the remitters could pool their resources to set up more rigorous compliance mechanisms to track where the money comes from and where it goes.

What action is being taken?

Barclays' decision has triggered a flurry of official activity. There have been discussions between the British Banking Association (BBA), the Treasury, the Department for International Development (DfID) and remittance companies.
The BBA has called for a review of the registration and licensing requirements for MSBs, and wants better regulation of the industry. DfID is reviewing the remittances sector before talks next month.
Manuel Orozco, a senior associate at the Inter-American Dialogue and author of a report on remittances in Somalia, points to the entrepreneurial spirit of Somalis, insisting they will find ways of dealing with the problem. But he warns the damage created by Barclays far outweighs any risks it faces by doing business with remittance firms. He suggests other banks step in.
Nadifa Mohamed, the Somali-born author, has asked why Barclays continues to work with MoneyGram, which admitted to money-laundering and wire-fraud violations in the US, while shutting Somali money-transfer companies that have never faced any charges.

How does Barclays' decision affect other communities?

According to the World Bank, officially recorded remittances from the UKcame to $3.2bn in 2011. The money went not just to Somalia, but alsoBangladesh, Pakistan and India. Those communities have protested that, since other banks are refusing to offer new accounts, Barclays' decision will lead to thousands of people losing jobs in remittance companies in the UK, while those sending money abroad will be forced to use a handful of big US money-transfer providers.