Somalia: Xukuumada Federaalka Somalia iyo Bangiga Islaamka oo Heshiis kala saxiixday

Jeddah - Wafdiga Ra’isul Wasaaraha Xukuumadda Federalka Soomaaliya Mudane Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon “Saacid” oo ku sugan magaaladda Jeddah ee Boqortooyadda Sucuudiga ayaa maanta waxaa ay Af-garad Buuxa (MOU) iyo Heshiis rasmi ahba (Agreement) ay la gaareen Bankiga Islaamka oo fadhigiisu yahay magaaladda Jeddah ee boqortooyadda dalka Sucuudiga.

Heshiiskan oo ka dhacay xarunta Bankiga Islaamka waxaa Soomaaliya u matalayay Wasiiru Dawlaha Arimaha dibadda iyo iskaashiga caalamiga ah ee Xukuumadda Federalka Soomaaliya Dr. Maxamed Nuur Gacal, halka Bankiga Islaamkana uu u saxiixay Dr. Axmed Maxamed Cali oo ah Gudoomiyaha Bankiga Islaamka.

Heshiiska Af-garad Buuxa (MOU) ee labadda dhinac ay kala saxiixdeen ayaa socon doonaa ilaa 2020, waxaana heshiiskani dhigayaa qodobada hoos ku qoran.

Horumarinta Adeegyadda Bulshada iyo kaabayaasha dalka

Wax soo saarka kala duwan ee dalka

3- Daymaha bislaaday oo dib loo eego

4-Soo noolaynta mashaariicdii hore ee bankiga islaamka uu ka fulin jiray dalka Soomaaliya

5- Tayaynta howl-qabadka Hay’adaha Dawladda

Sidoo kale heshiiskani waxaa qabyb ka ah in Bankiga islaamku uu ka shaqeeyo ururinta lacagaha kaalmadda ee Dawladaha Islaamku ay ugu tala galeen Soomaaliya, fududaynta heshiisyadda iyo adeegyadda daymaha.

Heshiiska Heshiiska dhabta ah ee dhanka kale maanta xukuumaddu ay la saxiixatay Bankiga Islaamka waa $ 35 Miliyan oo Doolar oo lagu fulin doono mashriic dag dag ah oo ay kamid yihiin Biyaha , Waxbarashada iyo horumarinta deegaanaddii ay abaaruhu ku dhufteen oo xilli kooban la bilaabi doono.

“Waxaan uga mahad-naqaynaa Bankiga Islaamka mashaariicda horumarineed ee Soomaaliya uu ka fulinayo iyo iskaashiga joogtada noqon doona ee maanta aan isku af-garannay kadib muddo dheer oo Bankigu uu xayiray kaalmooyinkii Soomaaliya, Soomaaliya waxaa ay ku socotaa dariiqii ay kusoo kaban lahayd.” Ayuu yiri Ra’iusl Wasaaraha Soomaaliya Mudane Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon “Saacid”.

Gudoomiyaha Bankiga Islaamka Dr. Axmed Maxamed Cali oo kulan gaar ah kula yeeshay Ra’isul Wasaaraha Qasriga Martida ee Boqortooyadda ayaa sheegay in xiriirka Soomaaliya iyo Bankiga islaamku uu yahay mid soo jireen ah , dibn loo fasaxyo kaalmooyinka maadaama Soomaaliya ay kusoo noqotay xasilooni 22 sano kadib , waxaana uu balan qaaday gudoomiyuhu in ay diyaar u yihiin ka qaybgalka dhismaha dalka iyo horumarinta mashaariicda kale ee horumarineed.

Source: midnimo.com

Somalia: ‘Biggest Guns’ to Control Somalia’s South

 

Senior militia commander Ahmed Mohamed Islam, better known as Sheikh Madobe, declared himself president of a self-declared autonomous state known as Jubbaland. Credit: Abdurrahman Warsameh /IPS

by Ahmed Osman (mogadishu) - Inter Press Service

MOGADISHU, (IPS) - Somali clan leaders say that an Aug. 27 agreement between the government and only a few leaders from the country's three southern Jubba regions, which aims to resolve the ongoing dispute over who controls the area, creates more problems than it solves.

"The agreement, in essence, gives in to the original demands of one clan, the Ras Kamboni militia, for the domination over other communities just because they have the bigger guns. And that is unfortunate," Mohamed Hassan, a clan elder in the southern port city of Kismayo, told IPS.

Since the 2012 ouster of the Islamist militant group, Al-Shabaab, from much of this Horn of Africa nation's southern territories, the Somali government and the local militia group Ras Kamboni have been at loggerheads over control of the area.

On May 15, Ras Kamboni selected Ahmed Mohamed Islam, better known as Sheikh Madobe, leader of the group and as president of a self-declared regional autonomous state, which they named Jubbland. Kismayo was declared the state's capital city. The Somali government, however, refused to recognise the state, which comprises the three southern regions Gedo, Lower Jubba and Middle Jubba.

In June, fighting broke out between the Ras Kamboni militias and local clans after they rejected Madobe's authority. The World Health Organisation said that more than 70 people were killed and hundreds more injured as a result.

But Hassan said that the Jubba agreement, which was signed in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, did not address the core issue of the conflict and could lead to a more "uncertain future" for the people in the three provinces.

"With the exception of changing the name of the self-proclaimed state from Jubbaland to the Interim Jubba Administration, such an arrangement will further ignite communal conflict," he said.

The deal establishes a two-year interim administration that will be run by leaders from the three southern states. It outlines managing the region's federal institutions and infrastructure, including the airport and seaport – two of the main revenue generators for Gedo, Lower Jubba and Middle Jubba regions.

The agreement also envisages the integration of the local militias into the Somalian National Army and calls for reconciliation and confidence building between communities in the regions.

But Hassan cautioned against the agreement institutionalising a "one-clan hegemony" in Somalia's most-diverse regions.

"We all know these regions are not inhabited by one clan, but are the most diverse regions in Somalia. Giving priority to one clan over others is calling for a continuation of the conflict, so I call on the Somali government and the international community to annul the so-called agreement and organise a real reconciliation for all clans here," Hassan told IPS.

A Somali soldier patrols a street in southern port city of Kismayo. Regional leaders say that the agreement with some of the regions' clans and the Somali government over control of the three southern states could cause further divisions in the area. Credit: Ahmed Osman/IPS

"We are for peace and brotherhood between the peoples here, not legitimising clanism. We will not accept anything less than justice, equality and respect for all."

Yusuf Omar, a political scientist and independent analyst from Kismayo, told IPS that most of the local clans had not been represented in the talks that culminated in the signing of the Aug. 27 agreement.

"The conflict is not between the Somali government on the one hand and one clan in the Jubba regions on the other. The conflict is between local communities over the future of the provinces, and most were not represented at the talks," he said.

While clan leaders say that the deal does not change anything on the ground, both the Somali government and leaders of Ras Kamboni insist that the agreement guarantees the new interim administration will be "an all-inclusive and representative body of all clans and constituencies."

But the Mogadishu-based independent Somali think tank, the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies (HIPS), said the agreement was deliberately "crafted in worryingly vague terms."

"In the absence of reliable population data and a recent census, the accurate distribution of seats clans is not possible. Representation lies at the heart of Somalia's political conflict. Use of this language threatens to incite further conflict," HIPS said in a report titled the "Jubba Agreement: Imperfect Progress", which was released after the signing of the deal.

Kulmiye Yusuf, a local academic from Kismayo, agreed that the ambiguity of the terms of the agreement could lead to problems during its implementation phase. However, he believes that the deal marks a new start in the relations between the government and Madobe, the leader of the Ras Kamboni militia and the self-declared president of Jubbaland.

"I do agree with the assessment of the institute that what has been achieved so far is an imperfect progress. But what is needed is to view this as a good start and that genuine reconciliation between the local communities can now be initiated," Yusuf told IPS.

Source: globalissues.org

SOMALIA: Somalia nationals jailed for firing at Malaysian soldiers

KUALALUMPUR, - Three Somalia nationals were sentenced to 10 years’ jail each, while four others to eight years imprisonment by the High Court here today after they pleaded guilty to firing at Malaysian soldiers in the Gulf of Aden two years ago.

Judge Datuk Mohd Azman Husin handed down the 10 year-jail on Ahmed Othman Jamal, 30, Abdil Eid Hasan, 22, and Abdi Hakim Mohd Abdi, 22.

The four Somalis who were sentenced to eight years’ jail were underage individuals. He ordered all of them to serve the jail sentence from the date of their arrest on Jan 20, 2011. The charge against them was read in English and translated into Somali.

When handing down the decision, Mohd Azman said the court took into account their guilty plea, background, threat to the world community and other factors, and found the jail sentence meted on all the accused, including the juveniles, was apt.

All the accused were seen smiling after Mohd Azman handed down the sentence.

The Somalis were initially charged under Section 3 of the Firearms (Increased Penalties) Act 1971 with discharging firearms with intent to cause death or hurt on the Malaysian soldiers during a robbery onboard Bunga Laurel vessel.

The charge provides for the death sentence upon conviction. However, the charge was amended today and all of them, including a few others who are still at large, were charged with discharging firearms at the Malaysian soldiers to avoid them from being lawfully arrested by the Malaysian Armed Forces (ATM).

The offence was committed on board the Bunga Laurel vessel at 250 nautical miles of Oman between 8.10 and 10pm on Jan 20, 2011. The charge, under Section 32(1)(a) of the Arms Act 1960, read together with Section 34 of the Penal Code, which carries a life imprisonment or for a term not exceeding 14 years.

Today, the case was fixed for hearing, but the prosecution, headed by Deputy Public Prosecutor Mohamad Abazafree Mohd Abbas amended the charge against all the accused after discussing the matter with the defence counsel.

Meanwhile, in mitigation, lawyer Imran Hadzalie Abdul Hamid, representing Ahmed Othman, Abdi Hakim and an underage accused, said his clients had extended their full cooperation during investigation of the case.

Lawyer Edmund Bon, representing another of the underage individual, said the court should consider the accused guilty plea and that none of the Malaysian soldiers were injured. However, Mohamad Abazafree asked for a heavy sentence as the offence was a serious one.

“Based on the facts of the case, all the accused were arrested while attempting to rob the Bunga Laurel vessel in the Gulf of Aden. They were not normal robbers, but a group of pirates who was in the gulf, an area known for pirate attacks on merchant vessels.

“They also used firearms to attack ATM and attempted to capture the crew on board,” he added.

Citing the ‘Reports on Acts of Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships -Annual Report 2011′, Mohamad Abazafree said there were 286 incidents reported.

He said Malaysia was not the only country to detain and brought back the pirates to be tried as the Somali pirates had been prosecuted in several other countries, including South Korea, Holland, United States of America and Kenya.

According to the facts of the case, all the accused were in a small boat, which then approached Bunga Laurel with an intention to rob the vessel, but their action was discovered by an officer-in-charge who saw, through a binoculars, one of the pirates getting into the vessel.

The assault on the pirates was carried out from the Royal Malaysian Navy (RMN) Bunga Mas 5 vessel and the team won over possession of Bunga Laurel, within two hours after it was hijacked by the Somali pirates.

Following a search, the RMN found several firearms, including two AK47 rifles, a pistol, more than 150 rounds of ammunition, hammer and a ladder used to climb into Bunga Laurel.

The prosecution team also comprised deputy public prosecutors Yusaini Amer Abdul Karim and Lailawati Ali, while other lawyers representing the accused were Lee Teong Hui, Saha Devan A.Arunasalam and Ameenudin Ibrahim

Source: The Malay Mail Online

Somalia: No Peace, Just A Ceasefire

September 3, 2013: Somalia really isn’t at peace. Bandits and clan militiamen are still all over the place and these guys tend to consider themselves a law unto themselves. The only real peace is in those areas controlled by AU peacekeepers (including Ethiopian and Kenyan troops.) There is a growing “Green Zone” around the Mogadishu airport, where most foreign aid groups have set up bases. The Somali government has a growing force of police and soldiers but these are easily corrupted and often commit crimes rather than prevent them. The Somali government and most local leaders are very corrupt and foreign aid groups have to devote a lot of aid money to pay for security and getting the aid to people who need it. Doctors Without Borders, which operated most of the medical facilities in the country, recently pulled out because of the continuing threat to its staff and the high security expenses. Doctors Without Borders has never fled like this before because they had never faced as hostile an environment as they have in Somalia.

Although it’s been over a year since the Somali pirates have captured a ship, some pirate groups limp along because they are still holding 97 sailors that no one will pay a ransom for. The sailors all served on ships operated by small shipping companies that did not have piracy insurance. The ship owners have abandoned their ships and crews and the families of the sailors are too poor to offer enough money (over $100,000 per captive) to satisfy the pirates. If is feared that eventually the pirates will begin killing some of these captives to encourage someone to come up with the cash. Since 2005 the Somali pirates have captured 149 ships and obtained over $300 million in ransom. Many pirate gangs have disbanded in the last year, but several remain active and ships are still occasionally stalked by at sea by armed pirates.

August 31, 2013: In the southeast (lower Shabelle region) an al Shabaab landmine killed several security guards and wounded the deputy governor of the region.

August 30, 2013: In Mogadishu police arrested 27 suspected al Shabaab members. Weapons and ammo were also seized.

In Somaliland foreign aid workers negotiated an end to a bloody clan feud that had gone on for two decades. Such blood feuds are common in Somalia and this one began as a dispute over who a widow should marry. Many in both clans have long called for settlement but the foreigners were key in getting the main players to agree to settle.

August 29, 2013: In central Somalia (the Bakool region) al Shabaab gunmen attacked the town of El Barde, but were repulsed by the government garrison, which was in turn reinforced by some Ethiopian troops. Ten people died, including two civilians and the fighting continues.

In the southwest (Gedo) Ethiopian troops fought al Shabaab gunmen using artillery and infantry. The Ethiopians inflicted some casualties but suffered none of their own.

August 28, 2013: In Mogadishu a district intelligence chief was assassinated by persons unknown. Al Shabaab is suspected as the Islamic terrorists are trying to reestablish themselves in the city and the government intelligence organization is making that difficult.

August 27, 2013: The government agreed to recognize the Ras Kamboni militia as dominant power in the area along Kenya that had earlier declared itself the independent state of Jubbaland. The peace deal allows the clan behind the Ras Kamboni militia to rule the area for two years as a semi-autonomous region. After that it’s back to negotiations. The Ras Kamboni believe that in two years they will be strong enough to keep Jubbaland independent. The government believes that in two years they will be strong enough to make Jubbaland a part of Somalia again. This strategy is also a threat to the two northern stateless of Puntland and Somaliland. This is not a peace deal but a ceasefire. Back in June the leader of Ras Kamboni (Ahmed Madobe) had proclaimed himself the president of Jubaland. Kenya backed Ras Kamboni, as it always had. The other Jubbaland clans have not accepted Ras Kamboni as their leader but do not feel strong enough to continue fighting over the issue. Whoever can maintain control of Kismayo will grow rich from fees charged businesses to use the port and market places. That will not go unchallenged because there’s too much money involved. But right now Ras Kamboni is the most powerful armed force down there and now it has the tacit backing of the Somali government and Kenya as well.

August 25, 2013: In Kismayo Kenyan troops and local militia defeated two al Shabaab attacks.

August 23, 2013: In Puntland a car bomb went off near the presidential palace but caused no injuries. Al Shabaab, which is now working for a rebellious warlord (based near the Somali border) was believed responsible.

In Mogadishu a Somali Olympic official was killed near a sports stadium. Al Shabaab was suspected, but business rivals could also have been responsible. 

August 21, 2013: In Kenya, along the Somali border, al Shabaab gunmen attacked an army patrol but were repulsed with ten of the attackers killed.

In Mogadishu a group of gunmen attempted to kidnap a visiting Swedish politician. She managed to escape but was wounded. A bodyguard and another man accompanying her was killed and another Swede was wounded. The politician had just given a speech at the University of Somalia and several faculty members were later arrested and accused of planning the kidnapping.

Source: strategypage.com

SOMALIA: For some Somalis, a new threat after war

It’s just after 11am when a group of more than thirty current and former students of the University of Somalia in Mogadishu gather in one of the student halls on the leafy campus, to discuss what they see as a fresh threat to their futures in the new Somalia – returning Somali diaspora.

The mood in the mural-covered hall is solemn. One by one they take to the podium to share their experiences and ways to overcome this new challenge.

“I believe they have taken our jobs. If it wasn’t for them, I would have a job by now,” said jobseeker Sadia Mohamed Abdirahman, a 22-year-old who graduated two years ago with a degree in social sciences.

“Everywhere I go they ask if I have a foreign passport. Which passport you hold can be the reason you get a job or not,” she added, her passionate voice bouncing off the walls of the sparsely filled hall and eliciting  rapturous applause from everyone in the hall.

With a fragile peace holding in the Somali capital since the ousting of hardline Islamist rebel group al Shabaab, thousands of Somali diaspora, mainly from the West, have flocked back to this city of more than a million people.

Unwelcome exiles

Being in Mogadishu is a downgrade in every sense, in terms of security, leisure and transportation, but I feel it’s a sacrifice well worth taking.

Tariq Bihi, former expat from London

On average there are 35 flights landing at Mogadishu’s international airport every day, bringing more than six hundred passengers to Somalia’s most populous city.

The presence of these new arrivals in the city hasn’t gone unnoticed.

“Every time I see another passenger plane flying over the city and landing at Mogadishu airport, I see my job chances decreasing. More diaspora [returnees] means fewer jobs for us,” said 21-year-old Abdi Nasir Mohamed, while taking shelter from the midday sun.

Most of those gathered in the student hall say they have no friends or family members in high offices, unlike many of those in the diaspora, to help them get a foot in the door.

More than three quarters of Somali cabinet ministers were previously members of the diaspora, a fact that’s not lost on Mohamed. “All these diasporas are getting the jobs because our government is a diaspora government,” he said.

Those gathered in the student hall also said that the criteria for hiring new employees for government offices favours those returning from abroad and stops locals from accessing the few public sector jobs that are available.

Charges of favouritism

Hassan Mohamed Elmi is a 27-year-old, third-year business administration student. He thinks the current system of hiring new employees is meant to safeguard the interests of those in the diaspora.

“Asking a local to have five, seven or ten years experience is not fair. We were at war for the past 23 years. It was impossible to have that kind or length of experience,” he said.

But returning citizens don’t think there is any foul play in how they’re getting government jobs.

Most see themselves as risk-takers who are merely here to help their fellow countrymen and get their country back on its feet.

Tariq Bihi moved to Mogadishu two years ago from London to work for the Somali government. He now works for the Ministry of Human Development and Public Services.

“Being in Mogadishu is a downgrade in every sense, in terms of security, leisure and transportation, but I feel it’s a sacrifice well worth taking,” he said.

That’s a view shared by Maluka Abdulkadir, who works in the Office of the Prime Minister. “I left the comforts of Boston and a well paying banking job there to come to Mogadishu and be part of the rebuilding process. I’m here on merit and I’m in it for the long haul,” she said.

Seventy-five percent of my clients are Somalis from abroad. All eleven of my staff are locals.

Mohamed Mohamud Sheikh, laundry shop owner

But Bihi admits some of the concerns of the locals are understandable. “Taxi drivers from the West holding senior government posts won’t win over many locals, but it is important to stress most of us are here on merit and qualifications,” he said.

The Somali government, in office just under a year, doesn’t share the same view and strongly denies any favouritism in the way it hires new employees.

“Somalia is for all Somalis. Jobs are only given to Somalis who have the experience and can contribute,” Ridwaan Haji Abdiweli, spokesman for the Somali government, told Al Jazeera.

“We cannot prevent a Somali person from getting a government job because they have lived abroad,” he added.

Abdiweli also disagrees with the accusation that most of those working in government offices are not locals. “More than 99 percent of government employees are people who have never left Somalia, even for a day. To say the diaspora make up most of the civil service is not true,” he claimed.

The city is undergoing a boom unlike any it has experienced in the past two decades – thanks in large part to diaspora dollars.

Rent prices in this seaside city have hit an all-time high. Many of the locals are unhappy and pointing their fingers at the returning Somalis for the record rents being demanded.

Many are forced to move into overcrowded camps for Internally Displaced Persons (IDP), because they can’t afford the prices quoted by landlords eager to make quick returns – after suffering through two decades of low rents.

“I was paying $100 a month for a three-bedroom house, including bills. Then a guy from Sweden came and offered to pay my landlord $400 a month, excluding bills,” said a frustrated Mohamed Noor from his new one-bedroom, tin-shelter home in an IDP camp in the Hodon district of Mogadishu.

“The only places where we are safe from the diaspora are in the IDP camps. I wish not a single one of them had came back,” Noor added.

Diaspora cash is welcome

But not everyone in Mogadishu is anti-diaspora. The business community in particular can’t get enough of them – and the dollars they bring with them.

Abdi Rahman Hassan opened Dirshe Car Dealership in downtown Mogadishu three years ago. Two years ago, before Somalis living abroad started returning in large numbers, he sold barely ten cars a month. Things are much different now.

“In a very quiet month I sell at least 20 cars. A car I used to sell for $4,000 two years ago, I now sell for more than $6,000. Almost all my buyers are people who have returned from abroad,” Hassan said, beaming with a big smile – and surrounded by second-hand cars imported from Dubai.

The relationship between the diaspora and the locals could be mutually beneficial to both groups.

A five-minute drive from Dirshe’s Car Dealership is Mogadishu’s only laundry shop – Somali Premium Laundry.

“Seventy-five percent of my clients are Somalis from abroad. All eleven of my staff are locals,” said Mohamed Mohamud Sheikh, the laundry’s owner.

“It wouldn’t have been possible to open this shop without the patronage of the diaspora, and I wouldn’t have been able to employ 11 locals. We need each other,” he added.

Student Mohamed, however, would rather the diaspora hadn’t come back. “There aren’t that many opportunities to go around,” he said.

“It is best they come when there are enough jobs. The few jobs around here should be left for those who were here during the war.”

Source: Aljazeera byHamza Mohamed Follow on Twitter: @Hamza_Africa

Human Rights Groups Divided Over Potential Syria Intervention

Human rights groups are divided over the potential military response by the United States to the alleged use of chemical weapons in Syria. Here’s where some of the leading rights organizations stand...

By Alex Rogers @arogDC

Human rights groups are divided over the potential military response by the United States to the alleged use of chemical weapons in Syria. Here’s where some of the leading rights organizations stand:

Human Rights First

“The worsening situation in Syria demands a much greater level of engagement from the Obama Administration,” a representative for Human Rights First said a press release Wednesday. “That engagement should take many forms, possibly including military options within the boundaries of international law, but should also include diplomatic, economic and humanitarian elements.”

Doctors Without Borders

“No, Doctors Without Borders does not endorse or call for a military strike on Syria,” said Tim Shenck, press officer for Doctors Without Borders, in an e-mail to TIME. “We have been calling for an independent investigation of the incident described in our August 24 press release, which could constitute a serious violation of international humanitarian law.” That press release describes last week’s attack where neurotoxic patients were treated with supplies from Doctors Without Borders.

Amnesty International

Many human rights organizations are unconvinced that a military intervention is the right course of action.  “Amnesty International neither condemns nor condones armed intervention,” a spokesperson for the organization told TIME. “It also takes no position on the legality or moral basis for any such action. In situations of armed conflict, Amnesty International focuses on ensuring that warring parties respect international humanitarian law and human rights.”

Human Rights Watch

“Human Rights Watch does not take a position advocating or opposing such intervention,” the organization wrote in a statement Wednesday. “But any armed intervention should be judged by how well it protects all Syrian civilians from further atrocities.”

Refugees International

“Refugees International (RI) is deeply concerned about the impact that any military escalation could have on displaced Syrians across the region,” the organization said Wednesday. “RI therefore urges Syria’s neighbors to commit to an open-border policy for Syrian refugees regardless of any future hostilities. RI also calls upon the United States, European Union, and other major donors to provide all necessary humanitarian support to these front-line states.”

Physicians for Human Rights

“We are not taking a stance on any potential military strikes,” said a spokesperson for Physicians for Human Rights in an e-mail. “But would call on any side to follow international humanitarian law, and ensure that the injured and the wounded are taken care of, without discrimination.”

Past Positions

The groups’ reaction fits with past positions regarding armed conflict. In 2011, Amnesty International did not take a position on NATO airstrikes on Libya, and later said that the organization “generally takes no position on the use of armed force or on military interventions in armed conflict, other than to demand that all parties respect international human rights and humanitarian law.” Before the 2003 Iraq invasion, HRW announced, “Consistent with our established policy, Human Rights Watch takes no position on the legality or appropriateness of such a war.”

HRW has followed a wide interpretation for requiring military assistance.

“The killing in Iraq at the time was not of the exceptional nature that would justify such intervention,” the group said in 2004. “We believe that humanitarian intervention should be reserved for situations involving mass killing. We understand that ‘mass’ killing is a subjective term, allowing for varying interpretations, and we do not propose a single quantitative measure.”

Source: swampland.time.com

China's Telecom Expansion in Ethiopia

The China Africa Project operated by Eric Olander and Cobus van Staden recently carried a 25 minute podcast titled "Pros and Cons of China's Telecom Expansion in Ethiopia" with Andy Shuai Liu, who runs a blog out of Washington called chinaopenmic.com.

The podcast discusses Huawei's and ZTE's recent $1.6 billion contract to upgrade Ethiopia's internet and mobile phone networks in a country that is one of the least connected in Africa and one that carefully controls freedom of speech. The podcast deals with issues of expanding internet service, aiding censorship and cyber spying.

AFRICA OIL ANNOUNCES 557% INCREASE IN ESTIMATES OF CONTINGENT RESOURCES IN THE SOUTH LOKICHAR BASIN IN KENYA AND A SIGNIFICANT INCREASE IN RISKED PROSPECTIVE RESOURCES

Africa Oil News Release:

September 3, 2013 (AOI – TSXV) … Africa Oil Corp. (“Africa Oil”, “AOC”, or “the Company”) is pleased to announce that an updated independent assessment of the Company’s contingent and prospective resources on its Kenyan and Ethiopian exploration properties has been completed by Gaffney, Cline & Associates (“Gaffney Cline”, or “GCA”).  The independent assessment was carried out in accordance with the standards established by the Canadian Securities Administrators in National Instrument 51-101 Standards of Disclosure for Oil and Gas Activities.  The effective date of the report is July 31, 2013.

It should be noted that these estimates do not include the Company’s Puntland (Somalia) oil and gas interests which is available at www.sedar.com under Horn Petroleum Corporation, Africa Oil’s 45% owned subsidiary.

Given the large quantity of prospects and leads in the Company’s portfolio, the following three tables have been prepared for the convenience of readers by Africa Oil.  Readers should refer to the tables attached to this News Release, which have been prepared by Gaffney Cline, detailing the contingent oil resources and prospective oil and gas resources by prospect and lead with the associated geological chance of success:

Summary of Contingent Oil Resources1 as of July 31, 2013
Country	Licence	GROSS Best (2C) Estimate (MMbbl)	AOC Working Interest (%)	NET Best (2C) Estimate (MMbbl)
Kenya	Block 10BB	280	50%	140
	Block 13T	87	50%	44
Ethiopia	Block 7/82	155	30%	47

Notes:

1. This summation of resources has been prepared for convenience by the Company and not by Gaffney Cline & Associates.

2. Gross best estimate (2C) contingent gas resources of 106 BCF (32 BCF Net) not included in table for Blocks 7/8.

Summary of Prospective Oil Resources1 as of July 31, 2013
		UNRISKED		UNRISKED	RISKED2
Country	Licence	GROSS Best Estimate (MMbbl)	AOC Working Interest (%)	NET Best Estimate (MMbbl)	NET Best Estimate (Risked) (MMbbl)
Kenya	Block 9	1,598	50%	799	96
	Block 10A	376	30%	113	14
	Block 10BA	9,836	50%	4,918	374
	Block 10BB	2,364	50%	1,182	302
	Block 12A	3,779	20%	756	38
	Block 13T	2,174	50%	1,087	382
Ethiopia	South Omo	2,641	30%	792	88

Summary of Prospective Gas Resources1 as of July 31, 2013
		UNRISKED		UNRISKED	RISKED2
Country	Licence	GROSS Best Estimate (BCF)	AOC Working Interest (%)	NET Best Estimate (BCF)	NET Best Estimate (Risked) (BCF)
Kenya	Block 9	1,880	50%	940	376
	Block 10A	360	30%	108	38

Notes:

1.   This summation of resources has been prepared for convenience by the Company and not by Gaffney, Cline & Associates.

2.   Risked resources have been calculated and summed by the company after risking prospects and leads individually. Geological Chance of success (GCOS) varies with each prospect or lead. 

Keith Hill, Africa Oil’s President and Chief Executive Officer, commented: “Gaffney Cline’s independent assessment confirms a significant increase to contingent and risked prospective resources in the Tertiary rift basins in Kenya and Ethiopia.  Based on the drilling and testing program over the past year we have confirmed the South Lokichar Basin contains gross contingent resources of 368 million barrels of oil, an increase of 557%.  In addition gross risked prospective resources of 1,213 million barrels of oil are estimated for the South Lokichar Basin.  This level of resource exceeds the threshold for development and development studies have commenced.  We continue to aggressively explore with three seismic crews active and are ramping up drilling activity with plans to have a total of six rigs (four operated by Tullow Oil) operating in the fourth quarter of 2013.  We expect the next 18 months to be transformational as we drill-out the prolific South Lokichar Basin and open up a number of highly prospective basins on the Tertiary rift trend.”

Africa Oil’s holdings include working interests in operated and non-operated Production Sharing Contracts (PSC’s) in Kenya, Ethiopia and Puntland (Somalia) in East Africa.  These Blocks contain relatively under explored plays in basins that have proven and productive analogs.  Since the effective date (June 30, 2012) of Gaffney Cline’s previous evaluation of prospective resources, highlights of the Company’s exploration activities in Kenya and Ethiopia include:

• Drilling and testing the Twiga South-1 well in Block 13T (Kenya) resulting in an additional oil discovery and demonstrating high quality Auwerwer sands containing light waxy sweet oil.

• Production testing the Ngamia-1A discovery in Block 10BB (Kenya) which significantly increased the assessment of net oil pay encountered by the well;

• Drilling the Etuko-1 well in Block 10BB (Kenya) resulting in an additional oil discovery.

• As a result of these additional South Lokichar Basin discoveries, several prospects and leads in the Tertiary rift have been de-risked and the volume of contingent oil resources has increased;

• Drilling the Paipai-1 well in Block 10A (Kenya) demonstrating a working petroleum system in the Anza Basin;

• Drilling the Sabisa-1 well in the South Omo Block (Ethiopia) demonstrating a working petroleum system in the South Omo Basin;

• The acquisition of approximately 5,000 km of 2D seismic, increasing the number of mapped prospects and leads;

Please refer to the tables attached detailing the Company’s contingent oil resources and prospective oil and gas resources by prospect and lead as provided by Gaffney Cline effective July 31^st, 2013.

Africa Oil Corp. is a Canadian oil and gas company with assets in Kenya, Ethiopia and Puntland (Somalia). Africa Oil's East African holdings are within a world-class exploration play fairway with a total gross land package in this prolific region in excess of 250,000 square kilometers. The East African Rift Basin system is one of the last of the great rift basins to be explored. New discoveries have been announced on all sides of Africa Oil's virtually unexplored land position including the Albert Graben oil discoveries in neighboring Uganda. Africa Oil’s recent Ngamia-1A, Twiga South-1 and Etuko-1 discoveries extend the Albert Graben play into Kenya where Africa Oil, along with partners Tullow and Marathon, hold a dominant acreage position. Newly acquired seismic and gravity data show robust leads and prospects throughout Africa Oil's project areas. The Company is listed on the TSX Venture Exchange and on First North at NASDAQ OMX-Stockholm under the symbol "AOI".

FORWARD-LOOKING STATEMENTS

Certain statements made and information contained herein constitutes "forward-looking information" (within the meaning of applicable Canadian securities legislation). Such statements and information (together, "forward looking statements") relate to future events or the Company's future performance, business prospects or opportunities. Forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, statements with respect to estimates of reserves and or resources, future production levels, future capital expenditures and their allocation to exploration and development activities, future drilling and other exploration and development activities, ultimate recovery of reserves or resources and dates by which certain areas will be explored, developed or reach expected operating capacity, that are based on forecasts of future results, estimates of amounts not yet determinable and assumptions of management.

All statements other than statements of historical fact may be forward-looking statements. Statements concerning proven and probable reserves and resource estimates may also be deemed to constitute forward-looking statements and reflect conclusions that are based on certain assumptions that the reserves and resources can be economically exploited. Any statements that express or involve discussions with respect to predictions, expectations, beliefs, plans, projections, objectives, assumptions or future events or performance (often, but not always, using words or phrases such as "seek", "anticipate", "plan", "continue", "estimate", "expect, "may", "will", "project", "predict", "potential", "targeting", "intend", "could", "might", "should", "believe" and similar expressions) are not statements of historical fact and may be "forward-looking statements". Forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors that may cause actual results or events to differ materially from those anticipated in such forward-looking statements. The Company believes that the expectations reflected in those forward-looking statements are reasonable, but no assurance can be given that these expectations will prove to be correct and such forward-looking statements should not be unduly relied upon. The Company does not intend, and does not assume any obligation, to update these forward-looking statements, except as required by applicable laws. These forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties relating to, among other things, changes in oil prices, results of exploration and development activities, uninsured risks, regulatory changes, defects in title, availability of materials and equipment, timeliness of government or other regulatory approvals, actual performance of facilities, availability of financing on reasonable terms, availability of third party service providers, equipment and processes relative to specifications and expectations and unanticipated environmental impacts on operations. Actual results may differ materially from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements.

Ethoipian Airlines oo Dib u Bilowday Duulimaadyadeedii Hargeisa iyo Addis Ababa

Hargeysa - Wasiirka wasaaradda duulista iyo hawada Md Maxamud Xaashi cabdi ayaa maanta warbaahinta u soo bandhigay diyaaradii ugu weynayd ee soo fadhiisata madaarka caasimadda Hargaysa muddo 58 sanadood ah ka dib.

Diyaaradan oo nooceedu yahay 737 oo ay leedahay shirkadda Ethiopian Airline oo maanta soo fadhiisatay garoonka Egal intranational Airport ee magaalada Hargaysa ayaa wasiirku waxa uu ku tilmaamay inay ka mid tahay diyaaradaha waaweyn ee isaga goosha caalamka, talaabadaas oo uu wasiirku ku sifeeyey isbedelka ku yimid garoonkii diyaaradaha ee caasimadda oo balaadhintii iyo casriyayntii dhowaan lagu sameeyey ay xaqiijisay himiladii laga lahaa.

Wasiirka duulistu waxa uu sheegay in mustaqbalka dhow ay dalka ku soo furmayaan duulimaadada diyaaradaha waaweyn ee isugu jira xamuulka iyo rakaabka-ba.

Diyaarada Ethiopian Airline ayaa joojisay isticmaalka garoonka diyaaradaha ee Egal International Airport kadib markii kooxda Al Shabaab weeraro is qarxin ah ka fulisay caasimada Hargeysa dabayaaqadii bishii October sanadkii 2009

Sarkaal Ka Tirsan Dawlada Federaalka Soomaaliya Oo Xalay Qarax Lagu Dilay Magaalada Muqdisho

Muqdisho - Faah faahino dheeraad ah ayaa kasoo baxaya Qarax loo adeegsaday miino oo xalay lagu dilay sarkaal ka tirsanaa waaxda socdaalka iyo jinsiyadaha xilli uu marayey degmada Shibis ee magaalada Muqdisho.

Sarkaalkaas ayaa lagu magacaabi jiray Qaasim Xasan Taakow, waxaana sidoo kale loo yaqaanay Afrax.

Qaraxa sarkaalkaas lagu dilay waxaa ka badbaaday nin kale oo gaariga la saarnaa, kaasoo la sheegay iney soo gaartay waxyeelo aad u kooban.

Qaasim Xasan Takow ayaa ka mid ah rag ka dhawaan laga sii daayey xabsi ay leedahay dowladda Soomaaliya, iyadoo markaas loo heystay lacag badan oo laga lunsaday garoonka diyaaradaha Muqdisho.

Qaasim Xasan Taakoow, waxa uu kamid ahaa dhalinyarada kasoo qalin jabisay Iskuulka Alfajri, waxaana sanadkii 2006-da uu kamid noqday dhalinyardii ku biirtay Maxkamadaha islaamiga ee uu hogaaminayay Shiikh Shariif.

Markii Ciidamada Ethiopia soo galeen magaalada Muqdisho Qaasim waxa uu kamid ahaa dhalinyaradii Muqaawamada ee dagaalka la gashay Ciidamada Ethiopia, waxaana intaas kadib uu kamid noqday doowladii uu hogaaminayay Shiikh Shariif.

Allaha u naxariistee Qaasim Taakoow, waxa uu sidoo kale kasoo shaqeeyay Garoonka diyaaradaha Muqdisho qaybta Magareeshinka kahor intuusan ku biirin Laanta Socdaalka iyo jinsiyadaha.

Source.carroog.com