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Thursday, January 10, 2013

27 January the International Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the Holocaust


27 January, 1945
International Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the Holocaust


On January 27, 1945 the Soviet army entered Auschwitz and liberated more than 7,000 prisoners of the Nazi regime. And while some were freed, at least 1.1 of the 1.3 million people that were sent to Auschwitz between 1940 and 1945 were murdered. In order to honour the memories of those lost and publicize testimonies from that tragic period, the UN General Assembly designated January 27 International Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the Holocaust. Join us in acknowledging this day in order to prevent future genocide and crimes against humanity.



About genocide on the Global Issues



Prior to 1944, genocide was not even a word that existed. It is a very specific term referring to mass violence committed against groups of civilians with the intention to destroy their very existence. The word was first coined by Raphael Lemkin, a Polish-Jewish lawyer who aimed to describe the vicious crimes the Nazis had done to the Jews during the Holocaust of World War 2. “Geno” comes from the Greek word for race or tribe, while “-cide” is part of the Latin word for killing. Therefore, putting the two together makes “genocide”.





ETHNOCIDE PERSPECTIVE



Ethnocide is synonymous to cultural genocide; a term that is related to genocide, but particular to the destruction of a peoples’ culture, as opposed to the elimination of a race of people. This phenomenon is marked by its negative, often destructive effects on an ethnic peoples’ culture, that being the disintegration or break down of language, customs, religious beliefs, as well as political and societal structures. Direct or indirect actions contributing to ethnocide have long-term effects, including the interference with the transmission of education and culture upon younger generations, and in some cases erasing a group’s identity and practices from historical record. Intentional ethnocide cases have been provoked by a strong belief in a manifest destiny, in other words, the belief that one supreme form of governance and culture is suitable for all people. The repercussion of such a vision to unite societies has led to the dissolution and exploitation of many ethnic groups within multicultural states. In today’s society, with a greater emphasis on universal human rights, as outlined by the United Nation’s intentions to promote such rights, ethnocide is a clearly contradictory to what the world is aiming towards.



INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVE



Residential School Legacy (1874-2008)

The Canadian Government introduced Residential Schools as a component of the assimilation process to put an end to the “Indian Problem”—the question to move or exterminate the “Indians.” Institutionalized religion-based education was hoped to systematically eliminate Indigenous culture, customs, and language, and to fully integrate the Native into mainstream society. Following the Gradual Civilization Act of 1857, the Canadian Government established a series of Residential Boarding Schools across Canada under the complete control of the Roman and Anglican churches. By 1920, there were 82 Residential Schools that were compulsory by law for Youth ages 5-16, many Youth were forcibly taken from their families by missionaries, Indian agents, and police officers, and placed into isolated residential schools. At these schools, children were forbidden to speak their native language and were to speak English at all times; the religious values of a colonized society were enforced by various disciplinary methods, and came to replace their traditional belief and governance system. In 1996, the Gordon Residential School in Saskatchewan was the last to close.



Many youth returned to their communities as traumatized, displaced and disconnected from family, community, language, and customs. In the 1980’s former students began to speak out on issues of abuse, violence, and even on murders that took place in residential schools. An investigation of the claims was tended to after an experiential statement of abuse made by Chief Phil Fontaine. A public nation-wide apology was made by the Canadian Government to Former Residential School Students on June 11, 2008.


 ---------

 Since Lemkin coined the term, genocide has been defined as a crime under international law in the United Nations’ Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1951):

 “Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

a)      Killing members of the group;

b)      Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

c)       Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;

d)      Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;

e)      Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group."



 This definition has been criticized by some because it hard for prosecutors to prove “intent”, the phrase “in whole or in part” is unclear, and political groups are excluded. Despite some criticism and confusion, the Genocide Convention has been adopted into national law by most states in the world.It was not until the mid-1990s, when the United Nations created international tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, that individuals were prosecuted and convicted for genocide.



 Genocides have occurred throughout history. Such events include the Roman annhilation of Carthage in 146 BCE and the destruction of aboriginal communities in North America and Australia during colonization. The twentieth century has also witnessed a number of notorious genocide around the world, some of which include:



 Armenia (1915-1918): 1-1.5 million

 Germany (1933-1944): 6 million

 Cambodia (1975-1979): 1.7 million

 Bosnia (1992-1995): 200,000

 Rwanda (1994): 800,000-1 million

 Darfur (2003-Present): 200,000-400,000



 Genocide is so shocking because it kills hundreds of thousands of civilians, displaces many from their homes, who then must become refugees. When genocide occurs, sexual violence against women is perpetuated, and children become separated from their families or are forced to join military groups. Even the physical resources of a country are affected, as property, buildings, and land are stolen or destroyed during the violence. When genocide ends, the government and victims of violence often rely on the international community for support and to rebuild.



 References



 Gradual Civilization Act. Web Address:

 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_enfranchisement_in_Canada



 Indian Residential School Unit. Web Address:

 http://www.afn.ca/residentialschools/history.html



 Indian Residential Schools Resolution. Web Address:

 http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ai/rqpi/index-eng.asp



 Video:

 A Lost Heritage: Canada’s Residential Schools. Web Address:

 http://archives.cbc.ca/society/education/topics/692/



 Residential School Apology. Web Address:

 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qAmUe17nUdY
Organizations:

 Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Web Address:
 http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca

Bruce Dixon: Diversity is not justice, equity or peace

January 9, 2013

Bruce Dixon, managing editor of the Black Agenda Report and author of “Did Bloody Hands, Not Black Womanhood Sink Susan Rice Nomination?” spoke to KPFA about U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice’s withdrawal from consideration to become President Obama’s next secretary of state.

Bruce Dixon, Managing Editor, Black Agenda Report
Transcript:

KPFA Evening News Anchor Cameron Jones: U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice withdrew her name from consideration to become President Obama’s next secretary of state two days after the December U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing on the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. At the hearing, the Obama administration was on the defensive about its relationship with Rwanda and about Ambassador Rice’s defense of Rwanda in the U.N. Security Council.

President Obama then nominated Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry, chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, who is reported to be preparing for his Senate confirmation hearing. KPFA’s Ann Garrison spoke to Bruce Dixon, managing editor of the Black Agenda Report and author of the essay, “Did Bloody Hands, Not Black Womanhood Sink Susan Rice Nomination?”

KPFA: Bruce Dixon, do you think the criticism of Susan Rice’s history with the U.S. in Rwanda and Congo ultimately caused her to withdraw her name from consideration?

Bruce Dixon: Well, we won’t know what the exact cause is because they’re not going to tell us. But I do think that part of the equation is Susan Rice’s bloody hands in the Congo. The Congo has seen the death of 6 or 7 million people since about 1996, and Susan Rice has been up to her elbows in that bloodshed, as under-secretary of state for African affairs in the Clinton administration and then as a private lobbyist for the Rwandan government and now has been covering up for some of the perpetrators of the Congolese – and perhaps Rwandan Genocide – as U.N. ambassador.

KPFA: John Kerry doesn’t have Susan Rice’s history in Rwanda and Congo, but he’s associated with the same institutions, the same people. Do you have any reason to believe that the outcomes will actually be any different?

Bruce Dixon: Well, as far as policy outcomes, perhaps not, but the fig leaf of deniability and distance is important to the empire for publicity reasons. It’s true that John Kerry’s hands are equally bloody, but John Kerry hasn’t been a hands-on guy like Susan Rice has.

Susan Rice has been the gangster on point for two administrations and, again, as a private lobbyist. Susan Rice has traveled to Ethiopia as recently as the last couple of months, where she delivered a eulogy at the funeral of the Ethiopian strongman, citing his virtue as a family man and as a visionary.

John Kerry, by comparison, has been sitting up there on Mount Olympus, on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, relatively distant from some of this stuff.


Like I said, since the mid-1990s, 6 or 7 million Congolese have died. Two million Congolese women have been raped. And still the focus of Susan Rice’s defenders is on her Black womanhood. What about the 2 million raped Congolese women? What about them? Why isn’t that as important as Susan Rice’s womanhood?


KPFA: Are you relieved at least that Susan Rice will not follow Condoleezza Rice into such a prominent position within the Black leadership elite that you and Black Agenda Report Editor Glen Ford are so critical of?

Bruce Dixon: Well, now that you mention it, I guess we should be relieved, but this class of Black misleaders is definitely going to be with us for a long while. They’re going to perpetuate themselves. The under-secretary of state, now, for African affairs is a guy named Johnnie Carson, who’s a Black man. One of the last two generals in charge of AFRICOM is a Black general, so there’s going to be plenty more to step in the shoes of Susan Rice and Condoleezza Rice and all the rest of them. Even the Bush administration had a Black under-secretary for African affairs, Jendayi Fraser.

KPFA: The Bush administration had the most racially diverse staff of any administration in history.

Bruce Dixon: Yeah, well that’s not hard to do. And that kind of goes to show you that the ruling class and empire does believe in diversity. But diversity does not mean justice. Diversity does not mean equity. And diversity does not mean peace.

KPFA: And that was Bruce Dixon, managing editor of the Black Agenda Report. For Pacifica, KPFA and AfrobeatRadio, I’m Ann Garrison.

San Francisco writer Ann Garrison writes for the San Francisco Bay View, Global Research, Colored Opinions, Black Star News and her own website, Ann Garrison, and produces for AfrobeatRadio on WBAI-NYC, KPFA Evening News and her own YouTube Channel, AnnieGetYourGang. She can be reached at ann@afrobeatradio.com. This story first appeared on her website. If you want to see Ann Garrison’s independent reporting continue, please contribute on her website at anngarrison.com.

Somaliland: Epic 4000 Kms Trekker for Edna Hospital Appeals for Local Donations


Thursday, 10 January 2013 02:48

"Am flattered by your kindness and generosity and will be very sad to leave"

"I request Somalilanders to donate to my fundraiser any amount of money through ZAAD Account 4806599"- Chris Stansfield

By: Yusuf M Hasan

Chris makes appeal for donations


HARGEISA (Somalilandsun) – Using our small axe Together we can chop down the biggest tree.

This is per Mr. Christopher Stansfield the youthful Briton who undertook the epic 4000 Kms journey on foot from Cairo to Hargeisa in a period of four months in order to raise funds for Edna hospital and awareness on Somaliland.

Mr. Stansfield who is currently resting in Hargeisa under the watchful eye and caring staff of Edna Aden Hospital in Hargeisa has so far managed to raise over $10,000 towards his target of ₤100,000 in aid to Edna hospital.


"This is the amount that is already in my account and I expect more from pledges made by various individuals worldwide" said Stansfield during the launch of his appeal at the Geeska Media group offices in Hargeisa.

The Briton who was termed by Dr Edna Aden as a very brave young man, prefers to receive small donations from many people rather than big donations a few from multi-nationals or other big because having many people's input means that his objective of raising worldwide awareness on the Edna hospital and the republic of Somaliland is also achieved.

Mr Christopher Stansfield who will return to his home in England a week from now who wants Somalilanders both in the country and Diaspora to chip in to his fundraiser has already opened a Zaad account for the purpose and is in the process of opening a bank Account with Dahabshil for donations by locals.

Below the verbatim excerpts of the heart rendering appeal for local donations by Christopher

Quote- "I would like to thank the Somaliland people for their warm welcome into their beautiful country. I am flattered by you kindness and concern for my welfare and I will be very sad when I leave.

I made this journey to help raise international awareness on Somaliland as well as assist Edna's Hospital to continue flourishing and helping people and to do this I wanted the people of the world to come together and each give a small amount of money.

While in Somaliland I am requesting citizens both in the country and Diaspora to also contribute towards my fundraiser with any amount each can afford through Zaad account number 4806599.

Together we can help Somaliland have a bright future" Unquote

We hope that Somalilanders shall respond to this appeal with their usual generosity and thus show the world that our successes in building a nation from scratch without external assistance is a reality and enshrined national tradition.

We shall post details of the Dahabshil Account as soon as it is availed for the benefit of those who prefer that mode.

For a full account of the Epic journey for charity visit http://somalilandsun.com/index.php/community/2063

Qaybtii 4aad: Gorfaynta Xeerka Sir-doonka Qaranka: Xakamaynta Qawlka iyo Qalinka. Qoraaga Sare Boobe Yuusuf Ducaale

Qoraaga Sare Boobe Yuusuf Ducaale

Halkan waxa soo gelaya in ay ku kala qaybsamaan oo ay ku kala duwanaadaan dawladaha yar-yar iyo quwadaha waaweyn ee ujeeddooyinka caalamiga ah lihi. Dhaqanka iyo aaminaadda qudhooda waa lagu kala duwanaan karaa, oo dadka qaar in muwaadiniinta la daba-galaa waa u xalaal, qaarna waa wax akhlaaqiyaad u diidaa ay jiraan oo ay ummad ahaan u aamminsan yihiin.

Waxaynu u baahan nahay oo lama-huraan ah in aynu wax walba wada yeelanno oo aynu kalsooni buuxda isku qabno. Waxa lama-huraan ah oo aynaan jiritaankeenna iyo wada-joogenna uga maarmayn in aynu hello Golayaal Qaran oo dadweynaha Jamhuuriyadda si buuxda oo kalsoonideeda leh u masila oo aynu ka dhaqaaqno wax kasta oo shakhsiya oo qarannimadeenna wax yeelaya.

Aragtidii SNM ee Xafiiska Nabadgelyada

Uma aan ambo-bixin in aan mowduucan si qoto dheer u dhex-galo, Ilaahayna waxaan ka rajaynayaa in aynu waqti intan ka badan u hello. Intii aanu ku jirnay halgankii hubeysnaa ee dibuxoreynta Qaran Xafiiskan Nabadgelyadu wuxuu ka mid ahaa kuwii ugu hadalka badnaa. Marka hore aan halkan ku caddeeyo in uu Xafiiskani ku koobnaa xidhiidhkaa sir-doonka. Dabciga iyo xaaladdii ay Jabhadda SNM ku sugnayd ayaa sidaas qasbayay.

Inteenna aan xogxogaalka ahayni si aynu uga boganno, waxaynu ku yar hakanaynaa oo si kooban u guud-maraynaa SNM iyo ujeeddooynkii shariifka ahaa ee ay u taagnayd, si aad ugu cabbirtaan Xeerkan Sir-doonka Qaranka ee muranka demi waayay dhaliyay.

Waxaan jecelahay in aynu cabbaar is-dul taagno halgankii hubeysnaa ee dibuxoreynta Qaran ee SNM horseedka ka ahayd iyo taariikhdiisii oo kooban si ay inoogu kala caddaadaan: WIXII LAGA HALGAMAY IYO WIXII LOO SOO HALGAMAY.

Waxaan doonayaa in ay I noo kala caddaadaan in aan Maxamed Siyaad Barre qoys ama qolo ahaan loo qoonsan oo loola dagaallamin, bal se laga gilgishay qaabkii eexda, quudhsiga iyo xasuuqa ahaa ee uu ummadda Soomaaliyeed 21kii sannadood ee xanuunka badnaa ee ummadda sida bahalnimada ah ugu talinayay.

SNM waxay ahayd xarakad ama dhaqdhaqaaq shacbiya oo hubeysnaa oo ka dhashay dareenka bulsho ama shacbi ka gilgishay cadaadiskii iyo xasuuqii Nidaamkii Siyaad Barre, shacbigaas oo ku kala noolaa dalka gudihiisa iyo dibaddiisaba. SNM waxay ku barbaartay dareenkii u kala gudbayay: Hargeysa, Burco, Muqdisho, Khaliijka, London iyo meelo kaleba. Ma jirto cid ama magaalo gaar ahaan keligeed u sheegan karta SNM. Ciidankii unugga ahaa ee ugu horreeyay ee SNM waa Guutadii 4aad ee Gaaskii Axmed Gurey ee Jabhaddii Soomaali-Galbeed. Saldhiggii ugu horreeyay ee SNM wuxu ahaa Durya. SNM iyo aasaaskeediiba waa ay ka weyn yihiin wax qof, koox ama magaaloba sheegato. SNM waxa ahaa qof kasta oo aamminsanaa mabaadiida iyo ujeeddooyinka Ururka oo si dadban ama si toosanba gacan uga geystay halgankii hubeysnaa ee dibuxoreynta Qaran ee ay SNM horseedka ka ahayd. SNM ma ahayn oo keliya intii tallowday ee ku hawlanayd dagaalkii hubeysnaa, bal se waxa iyaguna SNM ahaa intii halista daaqaysay ee si dedan iyo si daalacanba dalka gudihiisa uga adeegaysay halgankana tabantaabinaysay. SNM waxa ahaa intii dibadaha ku sugnayd ee af iyo addinba halganka kaga qayb-gashay. Waxa aan marnaba bogagga taariikhda ka tirmeyn kaalintii xurmada iyo qaddarintaba lahayd ee ay raacatada iyo beeralayduba ka qaateen halgankii hubeysnaa ee SNM horseedka ka ahayd. Waxa kale oo lama-illaawaan ah doorkii xurmada iyo xusuustaba lahaa ee ay haweenku ka qaateen qaybihii kala duwanaa ee halgankii hubeysnaa. Waa gef iyo meel-ka-dhac aragtida ah in qof kasta oo Isaaq ahaaba SNM ka tirsanaa. Haddii ay SNM taageerada iyo kaalmada ugu badan ka heli jirtay Isaaqa, waxa kale oo iyaduna hubaal ah in wax-yeello badanina qaar badan oo beeshaa ka mid ah ay Ururka ka soo gaadhi jirtay.

Xubinnimada SNM ama sida Ururka looga mid noqdaa wax adag oo murugsan ma ay ahayn, bal se mid furan oo fudud ayay ahayd; taas oo dhibteeda iyo dheefteedaba ku lahayd Ururka. Qof SNM ka tirsanaa ama aad ugu dhawaaba wuu milicsan karayay hirarka siyaasadeed ee aan tooxda iyo qotonka midnaba lahayn ee SNM ka dhex jiray. Saddex hirba SNM waa ay ka dhex muuqdeen sannadihii ay dhalatay, kuwaas oo kala ahaa:

Qubane Ururka muggiisa iyo baaxaddiisa ahaa oo aan yeelan ama lahaynba midab siyaasadeed oo ka baxsan xoreynta dalka;
Hir siyaasadeed oo Diiniya oo aan ballaadhnayn, hoggaankiisuna u badnaa xubnihii dibadda ka yimid, gaar ahaan Khaliijka oo isla markaana hoggaanka SNM hayay ilaa Noofambar 1983kii;
Hir siyaasadeed oo janjeedh taqaddumiya ama fikir siyaasadeed oo dimuqraadiya lahaa oo aan qudhiisu ballaadhnayn, xubnihiisuna u badnaayeen intii dalka gudihiisa ka timid;

Nuqulka Xeerkii Nabadgelyada ee SNM:

Xafiiska Xoghayaha Golaha Dhexe iyo Guddida Joogtada,

Lambarka Xeerka: X    -8/GDH/3-05/88                             Xarunta Dhexe

Soo baxay: 12/3/1988,

Xilka iyo Waajibaadka Xafiiska Nabadgelyada:
-      Dhisidda Xafiiska Nabadgelyada & iyada oo la diyaarinayo qorshe hawl-maalmeedyada Xafiiska iyo xaqiijinta fulitaankooda,
-      Xulashada iyo tababarka hawl-wadeenka Xafiiska,
-      Magacaabidda, beddelka iyo xil-ka-qaadidda hawl-wadeenka Xafiiska iyada oo uu Guddoomiyuhu oggolaanayo ilaa heer qaybeed iyo xarunta Dhexe,
-      Diyaarinta iyo maamulka Miisaaniyadda Xafiiska,
-      Raadinta, sugidda iyo ururinta wararka cadowga ee ciidan, siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaale,
-      Wax-ku-qabsiga iyo isu-gudbinta xogaha cadowga iyadoo Ciidammada Xoreynta & Waaxaha kale ee ay khuseyso lala kaashanayo,
-      Ilaalinta nabadgelyada xubnaha, hantida & saldhigyada Ururka,

(La soco qaybta 5aad ……………)


Somalia, its Neighbors and Al-Shabaab: the Quest for Sustainable Solutions


By Seifulaziz Milas
January 3, 2013
In Somalia, the radical Islamist militia, Al-Shabab, that has terrorized much of the country over the past five years, appears to be on the run. They have been forced out of the capital, Mogadishu, and all of the major towns that were once under their control (including Kismayo in the South). But those who believe the Shabaab are finished could find that they are sorely mistaken.

The eradication of Al-Shabaab, although essential to the peace and security of both Somalia and its neighbours, is unlikely to be achieved by military force alone. What is actually required is a coordinated and sustained regional effort to eliminate the underlying causes of the growth of Islamist radicalism among Somali youth including assistance to effectively address the persistent and structural humanitarian crisis affecting most of Somalia.

Key requirements include improved governance, and concerted efforts to rebuild and expand Somali livelihoods, and the country’s economy. Most of the current generation of Somalis have grown up in conditions of conflict, insecurity of livelihood and deprivation. This has tended to make many of them vulnerable to the arguments and promises of the Islamist militants. The new Somali Government must avoid the corruption trap and tendencies towards dividing up the governmental ‘cake’ along clan lines, and focus its efforts on solving the livelihood problems faced by the majority of the country’s population.

The new government must also urgently address humanitarian issues and start the flow of food aid to the areas liberated from Al- Shabaab. The Shabaab alienated large groups of people in southern and central Somalia by allowing them to die of hunger, rather than permit aid organizations to give them food. If the arrival of food aid, and assistance for reconstruction follows quickly in the tracks of the Kenyan and AMISOM forces, that will strengthen the local constituency for the elimination of Al-Shabaab in the country.

Food aid is a necessary but temporary expedient. It helps to keep people alive, while plans to enable them to earn a livelihood are being made. This is an area in which there is a vital role for the international community to play in putting Somalia back on the road to development and self-reliance.

Along with conflict, drought and desertification are key causes of impoverishment and destitution in large areas of Somalia and adjacent regions of Ethiopia and Kenya. With an increasing population, there is more pressure on the land and its limited resources. Drought and desertification disasters are occurring at increasingly shorter intervals, with less opportunity for recovery. Hundreds of thousands of rural households in Somalia and neighbouring regions of Ethiopia and Kenya have lost most of the livestock on which they depend, dropping entire communities into chronic destitution.

Implications for the IGAD region

Regional economic integration could make an important contribution to addressing these shared problems, in the context of the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) – the Regional Economic Commission for the Horn of Africa. It provides the institutional framework for regional economic integration, towards increasing prosperity and integration into the global economy.

The countries of the region are bound by history and geography in relationships of interdependence with considerable potential for cooperation for their common development, for example, through transport corridors to seaports, management of shared water resources, and improved energy security.

Much of rural Somalia is gripped in a livelihood crisis with increasingly serious implications for human security. It is a situation that demands substantial investment in the integrated development of the region’s land and water resources and creating sustainable alternative livelihoods. The key requirements for this include improved infrastructure to provide reliable access to transport, water and affordable energy. In particular, the rehabilitation of the country’s internal roads and their interconnection with those of the neighbouring countries could open the way to increased trade, economic growth and poverty reduction.

Similarly, the ongoing oil price crisis makes affordable energy a key problem faced by countries that like Somalia where people largely depend on oil fired electricity generation. But this could be addressed by interconnection with Ethiopia’s electricity grid to enable it to purchase much cheaper hydroelectricity, a solution already agreed by Djibouti, Kenya and Sudan, in the context of the planned East African Power Pool (EAPP).

The EAPP is already on the way to becoming part of a new regional reality, and a key example of regional economic integration. In September 2012 the African Development Bank (AfDB) approved USD348 million in funding for a USD 1.26 billion project for an electricity transmission line connecting Ethiopia and Kenya. This is a key step towards the establishment of the East African Power Pool, which may later be connected to a Southern Africa Power Pool. The project will promote power trade and regional integration. Djibouti is already interconnected with Ethiopia’s power grid and buying Ethiopian hydropower at a fraction of the cost of oil-based power generation. The same could be done for Somalia.

Addressing the basic issues of sustainable rural livelihoods will need to be undertaken through forms of regional economic integration that encourage the cooperative development of the shared water resources of this drought disaster-prone region comprising Somalia, the Ethiopian Somali region (the Ogaden) and northeastern Kenya. These areas are inextricably linked in terms of ethnic ties, economic exchange and inter-dependence, shared natural resources, and the constant cross-border movement of their pastoral populations.

The Way Forward

There is an important opportunity for joint development of the hydroelectric and irrigation potential of the Shabelle and Dawa-Gennale-Juba river basins in the context of infrastructure-led regional economic integration. The cooperative development of the shared water resources of this drought prone region of Somalia, Kenya and Ethiopia offers considerable potential to rehabilitate the livelihoods of their populations and put them on the path to sustainable development and peace.

Multi-purpose dams on the Shabelle and Dawa-Gennale-Juba rivers could contribute to the hydroelectric power needs of the three countries, enhance their irrigation potential, and prevent the recurrent floods that from time to time devastate large areas of the lower Shabelle and Gennale-Juba basins, leading to serious loss of life and property. It would need significant investment, but it would be far cheaper than the costs of chronic conflict and humanitarian disasters and the economic returns would repay the investment.

With a million hectares of irrigable land on the Ethiopian side and hundreds of thousands within Somalia, both countries would benefit from such development. This would enable irrigation-based agriculture, livestock raising, agro-processing, and employment, for those who choose to settle, as well as those who are already settled, but are often affected by recurrent drought, and food insecurity. It would also reduce the chronic poverty and resource competition that are among the major underlying causes of conflict.

The dams to be built in the two main river basins would control the massive periodic floods like those that occurred in the lower Juba valley a decade ago, resulting in the loss of hundreds of thousands of livestock and considerable loss of human life. The regular availability of water would prevent the loss of huge numbers of valuable livestock, and crops to frequent drought disasters. Along with disaster prevention, they would also provide opportunities for hydropower production. The availability of affordable hydropower could provide a key economic missing link, by opening the way to agro-processing, adding value to agricultural and livestock production, providing employment for the population, and reducing poverty. This could also make a major contribution to reduction of resource competition and conflict risk.



As in India and China, labour-intensive light manufacturing has significant potential to put the Horn of Africa on the road to development. Countries like Ethiopia and Somalia have the necessary cheap labour for this, but what they need to make the jump is abundant, affordable and reliable electricity, to enable them to add value to their production, for example, by exporting meat and leather products, rather than livestock on the hoof.

Somalia, once it settles its internal conflicts, will be well-positioned to benefit from regional economic integration. This, of course, will depend to a large degree on the success of the new government, with the assistance of the AU forces in defeating the Al-Shabaab militias, and establishing an acceptable level of governance. If successful, a peaceful Somalia could have the opportunity, based on the shared water resources of the Dawa-Gennale-Juba, and Shabelle river basins, to rebuild its long neglected agricultural and livestock economies.

In the context of IGAD and regional economic integration, a peaceful Somalia, would also be well-positioned to benefit from Ethiopian use of its port facilities, as Ethiopia begins to tap the agricultural and livestock development potential of its Ogaden region. The closest ports to the southeastern Ogaden are those of Mogadishu and Kismayo. This would open the way to a new and more constructive, cooperative and peaceful relationship between the two countries.

This is particularly important in view of the rapid increase in population numbers across much of the area, and the increasing pressure of fast-growing populations on diminishing resources. The more effective and cooperative use of the region’s water resources, could make important contributions to economic development, to the reduction of poverty, periodic food insecurity, hunger and conflict risk.

The potential for irrigated agriculture and livestock-raising could serve as a lifebelt for both farming and pastoral populations dependent on erratic rainfall, in the context of periodic drought and food shortages, and increasing poverty. It would open the way to sustainable rural livelihoods, and to increased opportunities for urban employment and trade, within Somalia, and between Somalia and its neighbours.

In the context of regional economic integration, this would reduce resource competition and accelerate development and livelihood opportunities. It would also reduce conflict risk by providing the populations on both sides of the border with resources and opportunities that they could not afford to jeopardize, or allow to be jeopardized, through conflict.

Seifulaziz Milas  is a writer on the Horn of Africa and author of Sharing the Nile: Egypt, Ethiopia and the Geo-Politics of Water.

Somaliland: Urgent Serious Human Rights Violations – National Army Attacked Civilian Peaceful Rally Killed 1 and 6 severely injured

Halkan Ka Daawo Khasaarihii Ka Dhashay Rabshado Ka Dhacay Magaaladda Saylac





Taariikhda Magaalada Saylac Iyo Beeshii Asal Ahaan Degi Jirtay

Qoraa/Saxafi = Cali Cabdi (Coomay)

Wednesday, January 09, 2013
Saylac waa magaallo taarikh fog leh, oo ay adag tahay in la soo koobo 
taariikhdeeda, haddii aan wakhti badan la galin. Magacii hore ee loo yaqaanay magaalada wuxuu ahaa Avalites.
Saylac waa magaallo taarikh fog leh, oo ay adag tahay in la soo koobo
taariikhdeeda, haddii aan wakhti badan la galin. Magacii hore ee loo yaqaanay magaalada wuxuu ahaa Avalites. Magaaladu waxay soo martay marxaldo kala duwan iyo maamullo fara badan. Ha noqdaan qaar shisheeye iyo kuwo soomaaliba ah.
Waxaynu inta suurtagal ah soo bandhi doonaa taariikh kooban, oo iftiimisa
heerarkii ay soo martay magaaladu. waxaan raaci doonaa tixraac aan ka soo xigay taariikhda qoran.
Maamuladii Shisheeyaha
-      Bilowgii 1300-kii waxa magaalada ka samaysmay boqortooyo islaami ah, oo ahayd tii ugu horaysay geeska afrika ka dhalata. Waxaana magaceeda la odhan jiray Shawa. Waxa aasaasay koox carab ahaa, oo reer Baniimakhsuum ahayd. Waxay ka yimaadeen dhankaa iyo jasiirada carabta. Nimankan reer Baniimakhsuum waxay ka dhiseen magaalada maamul ay gacanta ku hayaan, oo muddo badan ka talinayey magaalada. Lama hayo wax tafiir ah oo ka hadhay nimankaa. Waxase la sheegay dad tiro yar oo la yidhaa Orgobaha.
-      Sannadihii 1312-kii iyo 1342-kii waxa soo weeraray magaalada boqor itoobiyaan ahaa, islamarkaana qabsaday guud ahaan magaalada
-      Sannadihii 1330-kii ilaa 1331 waxa soo booqday magaalada qoraagii caanka ahaa ee la odhan jiray Ibnu Battuutaha. Wuxuu ku sheegay magaalada  saylac waa magaallo camiran oo ganacsi xoogani ka socdo, dadka magaalada deganaa waxay ahaayeen qaar midabkoodu madow yahay, oo Ber-Ber ahaa. Waxa magaalada lagu cuni jiray kalluunka iyo hilibka geela. Waxa jiray Bakhaaro lagu keydiyo kalluunka, kuwaasi waxay magaalada ku keeneen ur qadhmuun. Wadooyinka magaalada gudaheeda waxa lagu qali jiray geela.
-      Horaantii sannadkii 1416-kii waxa burburtay dawladii IFAT oo uu hogaamiye u ahaa suldaan Maxamed Sacadadiin, oo carab ahaa. Waxaana isugu tegay boqor itoobiya xukumayey wakhtigaasi oo la odhan jiray Negus Yeshay iyo ciidamo boortuqiis ahaa. Waxay qabsadeen saylac oo xarun u ahayd dawladii IFAT, waxay burburiyeen magaaladii saylac, waxaana lagu diley dagaalkaasi suldaan Maxamed Sacaadadiin, waxaana lagu aasasay jasiirada sacaadadiin oo ilaa maanta magaciisa xamaarsan, oo loogu magac daray.
-      Dabayaaqadii sannadkii 1420-kii waxa samaysantay dawlad islaami ah oo la odhan jiray ADAL. Waxay ka dambaysay dawladii IFAT ee dagaalka lagu jabiyey. Mar kale ayey saylac xarun u noqotay dawladan ADAL. Adal waxa maamulayey hogaamiyeyaal carbeed. Waxay u badnaayeen reer yeman, balse ciidamada ayaa soomaali u badnaa.
-      Ganacsiga saylac waxa haystay Carab, Beershiyaan iyo Hindi. Waxa kale oo jiray soomaali la carabeeyey, oo ku dhexmilmay carabta.
-      Horaantii sannadkii 1507-dii ayuu hogaankii dawladii ADAL la wareegay Ahmed Ibraahin AL-Gazi (Ahmed-Guray) oo dhisay maamul xoogan, oo markii hore xarun ka dhigtay magaalada saylac. Halkaasina in muddo ah degnaa. Magaalada oo uu dabsudhay bootuqiisku ayuu Ahmed-Guray dhisay. Markii dambe wuxuu u guuray magaalada Harar. Ahmed Ibraahin Al-gazi waa carab, balse aan la hayn ciduu ka ahaa. Dadka qaarkii ayaa ku sheega soomaali, laakiin arrintaasi wax daliil ah uma hayaan.
-      Sannadkii 1543-kii ayaa Ahmed-guray lagu diley dagaal ay soo qaadeen ciidamo boortuqiis ahaa, oo taageerayey boqor itoobiyaan ahaa.
-      Sannadkii 1630-kii waxa maamulkii magaalada saylac la wareegay xukunkii MOKHA, oo reer yeman ahaa. Waxay dadka ka qaadi jireen cashuur. Reer MOKHA waxay dhiseen deked macmal ah, oo laga dhoofin jiray xawayaanka, hargaha, shimbiraha iyo dad adoon ahaan loo soo qabto. Taasina waxay keentay inay magaaladu camirtanto, oo ganacsi xoogani ka socdo. Waxaanu xukunka reer MOKHA soo taxnaa ilaa laga soo gaadho sannadkii 1780-kii.
-      Sannadkii 1821-kii waxa dalka yeman qabsaday dawlada Masar oo bortooyadii Cusmaaniyiinta ka wakiil ka ahayd. Waxa kale oo Masar qabsaday saylac ilaa xeebaha jabuuti.
-      Sannadkii 1841-kii waxa xukunkii saylac qabsaday Xaaji Cali Sharmarki oo soomaali ahaa, kana ahaa isaaq/Habaryoonis. Waana ninkii ugu horeeyey ee soomaali ahaa oo maamula saylac. Wuxuu wakiil u noqday boqortooyadii Cusmaaniyiinta. Markii in muddo ah maamulayey, waxa xukunkii kala wareegay nin u dhashay beesha Canfarta oo la odhan jiray Abu-Bakar Pasha.
-      Sannadkii 1842-kii waxa magaalada saylac soo booqday nin la odhan jiray
-      JOHNSTON. Wuxuu sheegay inay magaalada ku xeersan yahay dayr weyn oo difaac u ahaa. Taaso muujinaysa inay magaaladu ku jirtay colaad joogto ah.
-      Sannadkii 1854-kii waxa sidoo kale soo booqday qoraagii caanka ahaa ee Richard F. Burton wuxuu sheegay in magaalada ciidan hubaysani ilaaliyo, islamarkaana dadka laga dhoofiyo.
-      Sannadihii 1874 ilaa 1877-kii waxa marba marka ka dambaysa hoos u sii dhacayey xukunkii Masar ee yeman iyo saylac ka talinayey. Taaso aakhrikiina keentay inay ciidamadii Masar ee Cusmaaniyiinta ka wakiilka ahaa ka baxeen yeman, saylac iyo xeebaha jabuuti. Waana sannadkii 1884-kii.
-      Sannadkii 1885-kii waxay saylac gashay tartan ay ku tartamayeen Faransiiska oo qabsaday xeebta Tajore ee dhulka canfarta iyo ingiriiska oo degay xeebaha somaliland iyo yeman. Waxay ku sigteen inay ku dagaalamaan magaalada saylac.
  
Balse markii dambe waxay isla garteen in lagu heshiiyo, oo ingiriiska loo daayo.
Dadkii degnaa magaalada saylac waxa la odhan jiray SAYLICIYIIN iyo AWDALIYIIN.
Dabayaaqadii 1885-kii waxa saylac lagu saxeexay heshiiskii ingiriiska iyo 11 oday oo beesha ciise ah.
Heshiiskaa wixii ka dambeeyey waxay magaalada gacanta ugu jirtay maaamulkii ingiriiska ee ( British Somaliland protectorate) ilaa laga soo gaadhayo markii ay xornimada qaadeen gobolladii waqooyi ee British Somaliland sannadkii 26/6/1960-kii.
Balse maamulka hoose ee magaalada waxa xukumayey beesha Ciise.
Xornimadii ka dib Markii xornimada la qaatay waxa duq ka noqday magaalada beesha ciise ilaa laga soo gaadho burburkii kacaankii maxamed siyaad barre. Waxay kala ahaayeen:
  • Cilmi Nuur Faarax...............1960......1969
  • Khaalid Cabdi Diiriye...........1969......1984
  • Daahir Xirse Cali.................1984.........1989
Ilaa laga soo gaadho dawladii Daahir Rayaale Kaahin waxa magaalada duq ka ahaa Beesha Ciise. Marka laga reebo duqan imika la isku haysto, oo Beesha samaroon ah.
Xaafadaha Ay Ka Jooban Tahay 
1. Qoor Doodi
2. Xalane
3. Sacadadiin
4. Awdal
5. Ahmed-Guray
6. Waaberi
Tuulooyinka Hoos Yimaada 
1. Ceel Gaal
2. Habaas
3. Jidhi
4. C/Qaadir
5. Heemaal
6. Xuseen
7. Ahmed Shabeel
8. Riigga
9. Toqoshi
10. Oda Waari
11. Caasha Caddo
12. Cali Weeci
13. Haamboos
14. Camuud Culus
15. Xamaamka
16. Bariisle
17. Lawyacaddo
18. Fiqi Aadan
19. Xirsi Bow
20. Laanta Morohda
Beeshii Asal Ahaan Degi Jirtay
Marka taariikhda la eego waxa magaalada saylac degi jiray beesha Ciise oo
bilowgii hore asal ahaan degi jirtay. Waxa aad loogu xusaa taariikhda ugaasyada beesha Ciise oo muddooyin badan taariikh ku lahaa. Waxa ku jira xeerka beesha ciise in ugaaskeedu ka minyaraysto magaalada Saylac, taasoo muddo qarniyaal ah soo taxnayd.
Beelaha Imika Wada Dega
Wakhtigan xaadirka ah waxa magaalada wada dega beelaha kala ah: Samaroon, Ciise iyo Isaaqa/Jibriil abokor oo tiro yar ah.
Cali cabdi coomay

Suxufi, qoraa ah.

Hargaysa, somaliland

calicoomay@hotmail.com
Xigasho

-      Kitaab Al-Buldaan...........................................AL- Yaquubi 

-      Taariikhda xeebaha Soomaalida......................Prof. Yuusuf Baane 

-      The Arab and Somalis................. ...................Xuseen A. Khayre

-      Periplus of the Erythraean sea.........................Qoraaga lama yaqaan. 

-      Ibnu-Battuutah....................... .......................Keydka Buugta 

-      Yeman and Zeila Past History..............,,..........Abu- Said Azaam

Somalia: A New Year’s Resolution – Together into 2013


January 9, 2013

A year ago, few predicted that Somalia would see such significant changes; yet 2012 saw some real progress in Somalia – including the end of the Transition; a new Parliament (with a significant number of new MPs); the election of a new, reform-minded Speaker and President and a desire for a different type of politics. Al Shabaab has been weakened, having lost the strategic locations of Baidoa and Kismayo, to add to the loss of Mogadishu in 2011. It has also seen renewed international support – from Somalia’s neighbours, the AU and, via the London and Istanbul conferences, the wider international community.
Matt Baugh UK Ambassador to Somalia
As we look forward, these changes offer better prospects for enhanced stability in Somalia than those seen in two decades. Somalia’s President has identified his preliminary priorities, which we support. Delivering on these will need strong Somali leadership and sustained international commitment. It’s not just about rebuilding Somalia’s state institutions, reversing the massive displacement or arresting the changing nature of Al Shabaab’s insurgency. It’s also about helping the government extend its authority; re-building trust; integrating militia into the national forces; and creating the right incentives for a national political process. This means supporting the new government to make progress in newly-recovered areas, to facilitate political reconciliation and foster greater collaboration with its neighbours; to transparently manage its own finances. At the heart of this agenda is showing that life can be – is – better now than previously or under Al Shabaab.

All this can be done – but it won’t be quick, nor can it be internationally-driven. As 2013Â dawns, there are some clear priorities that – together – we can start to address.

Firstly, security. Al Shabaab is weakening, piracy currently in decline. To consolidate the territorial gains being made, AMISOM needs sustained support to deliver their mission; together with the Somali security forces, AMISOM now covers a significant proportion of the country. But, longer-term, AMISOM is unsustainable. Somalia needs its own security forces – credible, capable and accountable forces (army, police, coastguard), supporting a more effective judicial system in which Somalis have greater confidence.

Secondly, supporting the government to extend its reach and authority. It has a clear idea of what it wants to do: directing local stabilization, facilitating political outreach, integrating militia, demonstrating to its people that they are better and more credible than the alternative. By demonstrating their commitment to financial transparency, the government can access support and assistance to control corruption, improve accountability, enhance its legitimacy and credibility – accessing financial assistance from major donors.

At the same, its clear that continued international support will be required. Recommendations on both the UN and AU missions will be presented and discussed in the next few weeks. We need to make sure the opportunities afforded by these two timely reviews are seized. Coordinated and coherent international leadership are vital to reinforce and assist Somalia’s own leadership. Both organizations have been at the forefront of international assistance over many years; as we move into this next, vital phase, we should make sure both help the new government deliver progress on the issues that matter.

This will inevitably mean greater prioritization – on issues like security, justice, governance and public financial management. This, in turn, means greater collaboration and coordination among donors. We need to demonstrate we are prepared to make the shift that the President and our Somali partners are calling for – a greater presence; more direct engagement. The re-establishment of the British Embassy in Mogadishu in 2013 will be a tangible sign of the UK’s commitment.

Finally, we shouldn’t forget Somalia remains one of the world’s most challenging humanitarian contexts, both in terms of access and, most importantly, need. Over 2 million Somalis are acutely vulnerable; there are now three generations of Somalis in refugee camps outside the country. Improving the prospect for ordinary Somalis – basic assistance, the ability to return home, should they want – needs to be a yardstick by which we measure success.

As 2013 begins, many challenges exist; but so do the opportunities for a more stable future. Partnership, commitment, leadership; with the right resolve, the ambitions of all Somalis for a more peaceful, stable Somalia “one which the UK fully shares” could be within reach.

As ever, I’d welcome your thoughts. Once again, a very Happy New Year

Matt Baugh 
UK Ambassador to Somalia