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Tuesday, December 25, 2012
Gudiga Wanaag Farista Oo Daboolka Ka Qaaday Inaanay waxba ka jirin dacaayado laga faafiyay Abaarso TECH
Gudida wanaag farista iyo xumaan reebista ee caasimada Hargaysa ayaa
shaaca ka qaaday inaanay waxba ka jirin dhaqan xumo warbaahinta qaarkeed
ka faafisay inuu ka jiro dugsiga Abaarso Tech.
Gudida Wanaag Farista iyo Xumaan reebista oo galabta booqday xarunta dugsigaasi ayaa waxay shir jaraa’id oo ay ku qabteen xarunta iskuulkaasi faah-faahin kaga bixiyeen waxyaabihii ay ku soo arkeen dugsigaasi.
Sheekh Cumar Xaashi Guunje, oo ka mid ah culimadda Gudida wanaag farista Hargeysa oo shirkaasi jaraa’id ka hadlay ayaa sheegay inaanay wax dhibaato ah ku arag dugsiga Abaarso Tech, waxaanu ku dooday in ardayda iskuulka wax ka barataa ay yihiin kuwa filkood ugu aqoonta badan.
Sh. Cumar Xaashi waxa uu sheegay in baadhis ka dib ay ku
xaqiijiyeen inaanay wax dhaqan-xumo ahi ka jirin, waxaanu yidhi “Waxaana la
galiyay tacab waalid iyo mid macalinba, sidaa darteed waxaanu cadaynaynaa in
aanay iskuulkaa ka jirin wax dhiilo ahi, culimo ahaan aanaan ku soo arag wax
dhaqan xumo ah ama diinteena ka hor imanaya. waalidka iyo macalimiinta iyo
ardaydana waanu ku amaanaynaa horumarka wanaagsan ee ay sameeyeen,dadka dacaayada
wadana waxaanu leenahay waxba ha ka sheegina aflagaadadana ka daaya.”
Gudida Wanaag Farista iyo Xumaan reebista oo galabta booqday xarunta dugsigaasi ayaa waxay shir jaraa’id oo ay ku qabteen xarunta iskuulkaasi faah-faahin kaga bixiyeen waxyaabihii ay ku soo arkeen dugsigaasi.
Sheekh Cumar Xaashi Guunje, oo ka mid ah culimadda Gudida wanaag farista Hargeysa oo shirkaasi jaraa’id ka hadlay ayaa sheegay inaanay wax dhibaato ah ku arag dugsiga Abaarso Tech, waxaanu ku dooday in ardayda iskuulka wax ka barataa ay yihiin kuwa filkood ugu aqoonta badan.
“Markii ay cabashada iskuulkaasi nasoo gaadhay waxaanu
goosanay inaanu soo aragno waalidiintii noo timina maanu kaxaysan ee halkan
ayaanu kaga tagnay markaanu iskuulkaa tagnay wax aan khayr iyo wanaag ahayn
kumaanu soo arag,”ayuu yidhi Sh. Cumar Xaashi.
Sheekhu isagoo hadalkiisa sii watay waxa uu intaasi ku
daray “Waxaanu waraysanay macalimiintii, waalidiintii iyo waliba ardaydii
dhamaantoodna wax dhibaato ah qolona qolo kama ay sheeganayn wiilal iyo gabdho
arday iyo macalimiin midnaba. Waxa iskuulka laga sheegayo ee la qor-qorayaana
waxay ku eg yihiin Hargaysa markaa waxaanu halkaa ku soo aragnay arday lagu
tabcay oo maanta ah kuwa da’dooda ugu aqoonta badan .”
Sh. Cumar Xaashi waxa uu sheegay in baadhis ka dib ay ku
xaqiijiyeen inaanay wax dhaqan-xumo ahi ka jirin, waxaanu yidhi “Waxaana la
galiyay tacab waalid iyo mid macalinba, sidaa darteed waxaanu cadaynaynaa in
aanay iskuulkaa ka jirin wax dhiilo ahi, culimo ahaan aanaan ku soo arag wax
dhaqan xumo ah ama diinteena ka hor imanaya. waalidka iyo macalimiinta iyo
ardaydana waanu ku amaanaynaa horumarka wanaagsan ee ay sameeyeen,dadka dacaayada
wadana waxaanu leenahay waxba ha ka sheegina aflagaadadana ka daaya.”
Sidoo kale, Guddoomiyaha Gudida wanaag-farista iyo xumaan
reebista Hargeysa Sh. Maxamed Xaaji Maxamuud Xiiray oo ka hadlay xafladaasi
waxa uu yidhi ”Waxaanu intaa uga gudbaynaa ee aanu tallo ahaan ku soo
jeedinaynaa haddii nalala qaato in la dhex galo isla markaana la heshiisiiyo
aasaaseyaashii iskuulka oo dhexdooda khilaaf ka jiro taasi oo noqon karta xalka
uu iskuulkaasi ku sii jiri karo, waana tallo soo jeedin. waxaanan waliba intaa
ku daraynaa in labada nin ee aasaaska iskuulkaa iska lihi ay dusha ka maamulaan
isla markaana loo sameeyo dugsiga maamule kale oo aqoon lagu doortay oo waliba
aad waalidiin ahaan idinku raali ka tihiin.”
Hooyo Xaliimo X. Cabdi Nuur, oo halkaasi ka hadashay ayaa
sheegtay inaanay u dul qaadan doonin caruurtooda lagu aflagaadeeyo
website-yadda qaarkood, waxaanu yidhi “Annagu waalidiin ahaan waxaanu leenahay
dadka Website-yadooda maalin walba caruurtayada laga caayayaw mar dambe u dul
qaadan mayno inaad caruurtayada wax ka sheegtaan haddii ay dib u dhacdana cidii
waxaa qortaa wixii ka yimaada ayaa masuuliyadeeda iska leh.”
Eritrea receives financial aid from Iran and military aid from Israel - Stratfor
Israel and Iran are both holding military bases in Eritrea on the shore
of the Red Sea, the global intelligence company Stratfor reported on
Tuesday.
This is not the first indication of a covert Israeli military presence in the small African country, but Stratfor's report is the most detailed to surface to date.
According to Stratfor, Israel has a listening station on the secluded Mt. Amba Sawara, as well as docks in the Dahlak Archipelago.
Previous reports revealing the existence of these docks claimed they are being used by Israel Navy submarines and ships taking part in Israel's covert war against the Iranian networks smuggling weapons to the Hamas and Hezbollah.
The weapon shipments leave Iranian port, are transported through the Red Sea to Sudan, and from there taken via Egypt to the Gaza Strip or ports in the Mediterranean. The cargo is later placed on cargo ships to Syria and Lebanon. The Israel Air force has reportedly attacked weapons convoys in Sudan several times in the past, most recently less than two months ago near the capital Khartoum.
The docks in the Dahlak Archipelago were reportedly used by the Soviet navy during the Cold War, according to a number of media outlets. Using Google Earth, one can make out several vessels at the dock as well as what looks like a landing strip.
In addition to the Israeli presence reported, Iran is also said to be maintaining a military presence in Eritrea in the southern port city of Assab.
Stratfor's analysis claims Eritrea's government - one of the world's harshest regimes - is nurturing relations with the two rival nations in order to maintain its advantage against its larger neighbor Ethiopia, from which it gained independence in 1991, and Djibouti and Yemen.
Eritrea has waged war against these countries in the past and is still fighting rebel groups supported by Ethiopia.
It was also reported that Eritrea receives financial aid from Iran and military aid from Israel.
This is not the first indication of a covert Israeli military presence in the small African country, but Stratfor's report is the most detailed to surface to date.
According to Stratfor, Israel has a listening station on the secluded Mt. Amba Sawara, as well as docks in the Dahlak Archipelago.
Previous reports revealing the existence of these docks claimed they are being used by Israel Navy submarines and ships taking part in Israel's covert war against the Iranian networks smuggling weapons to the Hamas and Hezbollah.
The weapon shipments leave Iranian port, are transported through the Red Sea to Sudan, and from there taken via Egypt to the Gaza Strip or ports in the Mediterranean. The cargo is later placed on cargo ships to Syria and Lebanon. The Israel Air force has reportedly attacked weapons convoys in Sudan several times in the past, most recently less than two months ago near the capital Khartoum.
The docks in the Dahlak Archipelago were reportedly used by the Soviet navy during the Cold War, according to a number of media outlets. Using Google Earth, one can make out several vessels at the dock as well as what looks like a landing strip.
In addition to the Israeli presence reported, Iran is also said to be maintaining a military presence in Eritrea in the southern port city of Assab.
Stratfor's analysis claims Eritrea's government - one of the world's harshest regimes - is nurturing relations with the two rival nations in order to maintain its advantage against its larger neighbor Ethiopia, from which it gained independence in 1991, and Djibouti and Yemen.
Eritrea has waged war against these countries in the past and is still fighting rebel groups supported by Ethiopia.
It was also reported that Eritrea receives financial aid from Iran and military aid from Israel.
Israel maintains military bases in Eritrea to monitor Iran
Israel is operating an intelligence gathering base in the East
African nation of Eritrea to monitor Iran’s activities in the Red Sea,
the Stratfor Global Intelligence company revealed Tuesday.
The company says it uses a unique, intelligence-based approach to gathering information via open-source monitoring and a global network of human contacts.
In its report on Tuesday, Stratfor wrote: “The tiny country of Eritrea has been accommodating two Middle Eastern rivals in order to face its geopolitical challenges—mainly its fear of invasion by Ethiopia. Iran wants to expand its presence in Eritrea and other East African nations in order to gain influence along the Red Sea, an important route for seaborne international trade. Israel, meanwhile, wants to monitor Iranian activities in the region. By allowing foreign security operations in its territory, Eritrea has become another venue for Israel and Iran’s ongoing rivalry.”
In exchange for resources, possibly including modest amounts of cash and weapons, Eritrea has exhibited a willingness to become a base of support for Middle Eastern powers that want to exert greater influence in the Horn of Africa. As a result, Eritrea and its waters in the Gulf of Aden have become another venue for Iran and Israel’s rivalry. Israel and Iran’s engagement with Eritrea is an extension of their rivalry over the Red Sea, which allegedly led to the bombing of the Yarmouk weapons factory in Sudan, Stratfor reported.
The company says it uses a unique, intelligence-based approach to gathering information via open-source monitoring and a global network of human contacts.
In its report on Tuesday, Stratfor wrote: “The tiny country of Eritrea has been accommodating two Middle Eastern rivals in order to face its geopolitical challenges—mainly its fear of invasion by Ethiopia. Iran wants to expand its presence in Eritrea and other East African nations in order to gain influence along the Red Sea, an important route for seaborne international trade. Israel, meanwhile, wants to monitor Iranian activities in the region. By allowing foreign security operations in its territory, Eritrea has become another venue for Israel and Iran’s ongoing rivalry.”
In exchange for resources, possibly including modest amounts of cash and weapons, Eritrea has exhibited a willingness to become a base of support for Middle Eastern powers that want to exert greater influence in the Horn of Africa. As a result, Eritrea and its waters in the Gulf of Aden have become another venue for Iran and Israel’s rivalry. Israel and Iran’s engagement with Eritrea is an extension of their rivalry over the Red Sea, which allegedly led to the bombing of the Yarmouk weapons factory in Sudan, Stratfor reported.
The present-day epidemiological situation in the Horn of Africa on the example of Somalia
This
article presents information on the environmental hazards prevailing in
Somalia and recommends a health prophylaxis in connection with a
potential deployment of Polish Military Contingent to this part of the
world. Somalia is a country located in the eastern part of Africa, in
the so-called Horn of Africa. The country has been continuously at war
for over two decades.
Because of its much-devastated municipal and industrial infrastructure, widespread famine and limited access of the local people to healthcare it is considered one of the countries where living conditions are extremely difficult.
Epidemiological indexes in Somalia are the worst in the world, and the Somali citizens are entirely dependent on foreign humanitarian assistance.
At present, three different military operations, under the auspices of international organizations, have been carried out on the soil and the territorial waters: the European Union Naval Force Somalia--Operation Atlanta, the NATO Operation Ocean Shield, and the biggest of the three--the UN peacekeeping mission AMISOM with 9,5 thousand African troops, mainly from Uganda and Burundi).
Despite their presence, the situation of the civilian population is critical. If the number of peacekeeping and stabilization troops deployed to the Horn of Africa is increased, it is very likely that Polish soldiers will also get involved in the military operations in Somalia.
CONCLUSIONS: because of a strong possibility that following European military contingents are going to be relocated to East Africa to carry out the mandatory tasks, in relation to the occurrence of difficult climatic conditions and low sanitary standards, it is necessary to undertake appropriate preventive measures before the departure (compulsory/recommended vaccinations, antimalarial chemoprophylaxis, stocks of medicines to be taken by soldiers for an extended period of time, prevention and treatment kits), throughout the deployment (acclimatization, avoiding alcohol, water and electrolytes replenishment, using antimalarial chemoprophylaxis and repellents), and after returning from the area of operation (terminal chemoprophylaxis of malaria, reporting any health problem to health care facilities).
Because of its much-devastated municipal and industrial infrastructure, widespread famine and limited access of the local people to healthcare it is considered one of the countries where living conditions are extremely difficult.
Epidemiological indexes in Somalia are the worst in the world, and the Somali citizens are entirely dependent on foreign humanitarian assistance.
At present, three different military operations, under the auspices of international organizations, have been carried out on the soil and the territorial waters: the European Union Naval Force Somalia--Operation Atlanta, the NATO Operation Ocean Shield, and the biggest of the three--the UN peacekeeping mission AMISOM with 9,5 thousand African troops, mainly from Uganda and Burundi).
Despite their presence, the situation of the civilian population is critical. If the number of peacekeeping and stabilization troops deployed to the Horn of Africa is increased, it is very likely that Polish soldiers will also get involved in the military operations in Somalia.
CONCLUSIONS: because of a strong possibility that following European military contingents are going to be relocated to East Africa to carry out the mandatory tasks, in relation to the occurrence of difficult climatic conditions and low sanitary standards, it is necessary to undertake appropriate preventive measures before the departure (compulsory/recommended vaccinations, antimalarial chemoprophylaxis, stocks of medicines to be taken by soldiers for an extended period of time, prevention and treatment kits), throughout the deployment (acclimatization, avoiding alcohol, water and electrolytes replenishment, using antimalarial chemoprophylaxis and repellents), and after returning from the area of operation (terminal chemoprophylaxis of malaria, reporting any health problem to health care facilities).
Source
Zakład Epidemiologii i Medycyny Tropikalnej w Gdyni, Wojskowy Instytut Medyczny w Warszawie. kktropmed@wp.pl- [PubMed - in process]
Somaliland becomes an unlikely model of democracy in the Horn of Africa that is playground for tyrants
 |
| Aly Verjee, a senior researcher , observed elections in Somaliland in 2005, 2010 and 2012 |
By Aly Verjee
On November 28, 2012, for the fifth time in 10 years, the former British protectorate of Somaliland held multiparty elections. With more than 2,000 candidates from seven political parties and associations contesting 379 seats, international observers described the polls as transparent and largely peaceful. But while hundreds of thousands queued patiently to cast their ballots, the election is at best a footnote in the annals of contemporary African democracy.
For Somaliland is in an unfortunate historical position: joined with Italian Somalia in 1960 to form the postcolonial republic of Somalia, the republic's chaotic vacuum of governance over the past 20 years has brought havoc to all parts of the country. In 1991, Somaliland charted its own course: it declared independence from the internationally recognized state of Somalia, formed its own governance institutions from its capital of Hargeisa, and set about rebuilding its infrastructure and economy.
No other state has recognized Somaliland's statehood, although neighboring, landlocked Ethiopia has extended some diplomatic privileges and uses the port of Berbera as an alternative to the near monopoly of Djibouti. For years, turmoil in southern Somalia made Somaliland's relative calm seem even more remarkable. Recent progress in Mogadishu, including a peaceful transfer of power to a new president, has encouraged some international actors to renew attempts at talks between Hargeisa and Mogadishu about political reconciliation.
Whatever the future of the country formally known as Somalia - one state, two or more - Somaliland's decade of elections has institutionalized local democracy and developed a very different political reality in the north-west Horn of Africa. And notwithstanding more positive trends from Mogadishu, a credible, pluralistic democratic election remains a distant aspiration for south-central Somalia.
Where in 2002 only five women stood for election in Somaliland's local elections, more than 140 did so in 2012, in what is still a conservative, Islamic society. In unprecedented numbers, young people participated as voters and candidates, aided by an age of majority set at only 16. Disputed areas of eastern Somaliland saw much more extensive voter participation than in previous polls, and the emergence of new parties and associations will set the scene for a potentially more representative political class in the future.
Somaliland's electoral democracy hasn't been without challenge: there were some weaknesses in the electoral process, including incidents of multiple voting. Results from the current vote have taken longer than hoped to collate, and there have been a number of protests, some violent, against figures announced so far.
To the disappointment of Somaliland's political elite, an earlier series of successful elections - including, in 2010, the defeat of an incumbent president and a new regime peacefully coming to power - haven't moved Somaliland much further down the path of international recognition, either.
Political uncertainty has slowed business investment in Somaliland, although there are some signs of this changing: Coca-Cola recently licensed a local company to bottle and distribute its drinks. Production has begun at a factory outside of Hargeisa. A number of oil blocks have been awarded to foreign companies for prospecting, although no significant find has yet been made. The bulk of the economy is driven by remittances, and by a successful diaspora returning as entrepreneurs and investors.
Amid some promising signs, Somaliland's future is still uncertain. In financial terms, Somaliland cannot afford its democracy - with a limited base of revenue and almost no tax collection, the government in Hargeisa can only afford to pay about a fifth of the costs of the vote. The rest of the money for this election, as with previous polls, comes from mostly European donor countries.
But Somaliland cannot easily abandon democracy either. The people of Somaliland have become accustomed to being involved in a formal, consultative political process, even if more traditional clan and community structures remain important markers of identity.
Presidential and parliamentary elections are due in 2014 and 2015, but the money to organise the votes is yet to be found. As with much in the Horn of Africa, progress is fragile and vulnerable to reversal. But Somaliland has demonstrated resilience in overcoming a legacy of civil war and destruction, and the difficulties in building a new country on imperfect foundations. In a mostly barren region, democracy has germinated, and further care is needed to ensure it survives.
On November 28, 2012, for the fifth time in 10 years, the former British protectorate of Somaliland held multiparty elections. With more than 2,000 candidates from seven political parties and associations contesting 379 seats, international observers described the polls as transparent and largely peaceful. But while hundreds of thousands queued patiently to cast their ballots, the election is at best a footnote in the annals of contemporary African democracy.
For Somaliland is in an unfortunate historical position: joined with Italian Somalia in 1960 to form the postcolonial republic of Somalia, the republic's chaotic vacuum of governance over the past 20 years has brought havoc to all parts of the country. In 1991, Somaliland charted its own course: it declared independence from the internationally recognized state of Somalia, formed its own governance institutions from its capital of Hargeisa, and set about rebuilding its infrastructure and economy.
No other state has recognized Somaliland's statehood, although neighboring, landlocked Ethiopia has extended some diplomatic privileges and uses the port of Berbera as an alternative to the near monopoly of Djibouti. For years, turmoil in southern Somalia made Somaliland's relative calm seem even more remarkable. Recent progress in Mogadishu, including a peaceful transfer of power to a new president, has encouraged some international actors to renew attempts at talks between Hargeisa and Mogadishu about political reconciliation.
Whatever the future of the country formally known as Somalia - one state, two or more - Somaliland's decade of elections has institutionalized local democracy and developed a very different political reality in the north-west Horn of Africa. And notwithstanding more positive trends from Mogadishu, a credible, pluralistic democratic election remains a distant aspiration for south-central Somalia.
Where in 2002 only five women stood for election in Somaliland's local elections, more than 140 did so in 2012, in what is still a conservative, Islamic society. In unprecedented numbers, young people participated as voters and candidates, aided by an age of majority set at only 16. Disputed areas of eastern Somaliland saw much more extensive voter participation than in previous polls, and the emergence of new parties and associations will set the scene for a potentially more representative political class in the future.
Somaliland's electoral democracy hasn't been without challenge: there were some weaknesses in the electoral process, including incidents of multiple voting. Results from the current vote have taken longer than hoped to collate, and there have been a number of protests, some violent, against figures announced so far.
To the disappointment of Somaliland's political elite, an earlier series of successful elections - including, in 2010, the defeat of an incumbent president and a new regime peacefully coming to power - haven't moved Somaliland much further down the path of international recognition, either.
Political uncertainty has slowed business investment in Somaliland, although there are some signs of this changing: Coca-Cola recently licensed a local company to bottle and distribute its drinks. Production has begun at a factory outside of Hargeisa. A number of oil blocks have been awarded to foreign companies for prospecting, although no significant find has yet been made. The bulk of the economy is driven by remittances, and by a successful diaspora returning as entrepreneurs and investors.
Amid some promising signs, Somaliland's future is still uncertain. In financial terms, Somaliland cannot afford its democracy - with a limited base of revenue and almost no tax collection, the government in Hargeisa can only afford to pay about a fifth of the costs of the vote. The rest of the money for this election, as with previous polls, comes from mostly European donor countries.
But Somaliland cannot easily abandon democracy either. The people of Somaliland have become accustomed to being involved in a formal, consultative political process, even if more traditional clan and community structures remain important markers of identity.
Presidential and parliamentary elections are due in 2014 and 2015, but the money to organise the votes is yet to be found. As with much in the Horn of Africa, progress is fragile and vulnerable to reversal. But Somaliland has demonstrated resilience in overcoming a legacy of civil war and destruction, and the difficulties in building a new country on imperfect foundations. In a mostly barren region, democracy has germinated, and further care is needed to ensure it survives.
---------
Aly Verjee, a senior researcher at the Rift Valley Institute based in Kenya, observed elections in Somaliland in 2005, 2010 and 2012 and the author of Race Against Time: Countdown to the Referenda in Southern Sudan and Abyei. Most recently, he served as principal political analyst for the European Union observation mission for the Southern Sudan referendum. From 2008-2010, he represented the Carter Center as deputy director of the first long term international political and electoral observation mission to Sudan, based in Khartoum. From 2006-2008, he helped manage the logistics of Southern Sudan refugee repatriation operations from the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda and Kenya. Earlier in 2006, Verjee managed the first ever election observer network established in the Democratic Republic of Congo, with some 7,000 Congolese observers. In 2005 and 2010, he advised and helped manage international election observation missions in Somaliland. He assisted in the establishment of Southern Sudan's first independent newspaper, the Juba Post, and was a visiting lecturer in ethics and English at the School of Medicine of the Ahfad University for Women in Omdurman, Sudan. As a feature writer, he has undertaken assignments in Kenya, South Africa, Botswana and Ghana. Verjee has also worked in Afghanistan, China, CĂ´ted'Ivoire, Djibouti and Senegal.
Aly Verjee, a senior researcher at the Rift Valley Institute based in Kenya, observed elections in Somaliland in 2005, 2010 and 2012 and the author of Race Against Time: Countdown to the Referenda in Southern Sudan and Abyei. Most recently, he served as principal political analyst for the European Union observation mission for the Southern Sudan referendum. From 2008-2010, he represented the Carter Center as deputy director of the first long term international political and electoral observation mission to Sudan, based in Khartoum. From 2006-2008, he helped manage the logistics of Southern Sudan refugee repatriation operations from the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda and Kenya. Earlier in 2006, Verjee managed the first ever election observer network established in the Democratic Republic of Congo, with some 7,000 Congolese observers. In 2005 and 2010, he advised and helped manage international election observation missions in Somaliland. He assisted in the establishment of Southern Sudan's first independent newspaper, the Juba Post, and was a visiting lecturer in ethics and English at the School of Medicine of the Ahfad University for Women in Omdurman, Sudan. As a feature writer, he has undertaken assignments in Kenya, South Africa, Botswana and Ghana. Verjee has also worked in Afghanistan, China, CĂ´ted'Ivoire, Djibouti and Senegal.
Monday, December 24, 2012
African Development Fund Aids the Horn of Africa
21 DECEMBER 2012
The Board of Directors of the African Development Fund have approved a US$125 million project for the first phase of a 'green economy' drought resilience project and the provision of long-lasting means of subsistence to affected populations in the Horn of Africa.
The first phase of this regional project due to begin in 2013 covers Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya as well as the IGAD secretariat.
The grants provide US$15 million for Djibouti, US$7 million dollars for the IGAD secretariat, and US$46 and US$56 million respectively to Ethiopia and to Kenya in the form of loans.
The money will be channeled to support activities aimed at restoring the means of subsistence to populations through investment in natural resources management, including water grazing grounds, integrated land management, and the restoration and protection of the ecosystem as well as assisting agricultural and livestock infrastructure.
The project will also contribute to the improvement of storage, marketing and transportation facilities including rural roads. It is expected to benefit a total of 12 million people through the implementation of an inclusive 'green' program which will have a deep-rooted environmental and socio-economic impact in the affected regions.
Reeyot Alemu Ethiopian Journalist, has been imprisoned in Ethiopia for more than a year, branded as a terrorist
2012 Courage in Journalism Award
Reeyot Alemu
A CRITICAL VOICE LOST TO ETHIOPIA’S WAR ON INFORMATION
Reeyot Alemu has been imprisoned in Ethiopia for more than a year, branded as a terrorist. She is one of many journalists who have been arrested, interrogated and threatened in her country. What makes Alemu exceptional are her commitment to work for independent media when the prospect of doing so became increasingly dangerous, her refusal to self-censor in a place where that practice is standard, and her unwillingness to apologize for truth-telling, even though contrition could win her freedom. In jail, Alemu was offered clemency if she agreed to testify against journalist colleagues. She refused and was sent to solitary confinement for 13 days as punishment for her failure to cooperate. She is currently being kept at Kality prison, which is known for its filthy conditions. Recently, she has fallen ill; in April of this year she underwent surgery at nearby hospital to remove a tumor from her breast, after which she was returned to jail with no recovery time. |
| Cover of Alemu's book titled "EPRDF's Red Pen", published in August 2012 |
Alemu is one in a number
of journalists who have been prosecuted under the vaguely worded and
broad-reaching anti-terrorism laws passed by the Ethiopian legislature in 2009.
The laws allow for the arrest of anyone thought to “encourage” parties labeled
as terrorists.
Under this law, Alemu
was sentenced to 14 years in prison and fined 33,000 birrs (about $1,850).
Prior to her arrest, she made less than $100 per month at her teaching job and
little more as a reporter. During her trial, government prosecutors presented
articles Alemu had written criticizing the prime minister, as well as telephone
conversations she had regarding peaceful protests, as evidence against her. In
August 2012, an appeals court subsequently reduced the 14-year prison sentence
to 5 years and dropped most of the terrorism charges against her.
The Ethiopian government
has effectively limited media coverage to topics friendly to the ruling EPRDF
(Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front), which holds more than 99%
of seats in parliament. It has done this through charges of treason and
terrorism levied against reporters and free media, public criticism of
journalists and passage of laws that punish sources of information about
opposition political parties and questions of human rights.
Alemu was willing to
risk her freedom to challenge the standard explanations, or failure to explain,
the systemic decay in her country. According to her friends and colleagues, she
thought she could make a difference in the trajectory of her people; she
thought her work might make things better. And now she has been silenced, like
so many others.
“She is a person who has
a bright vision for her country,” said a friend and former colleague based in
Addis. “But, she is in prison.”
Nobel Peace Laureate Accuses Governments of Complicity in Mental Torture of Assange
Sunday, 23
December 2012 11:51
By Mairead
Maguire, War Is A Crime.org |
Op-Ed
On Thursday 13th December, 2012, I visited Julian Assange,
Editor-in-chief of Wikileaks, in the Ecuadorian embassy, Knightsbridge,
London. It is six months now since Julian Assange entered the
Ecuadorian embassy and was given political asylum. He entered the
embassy after the British Courts shamefully refused his appeal against
extradition to Sweden where he is wanted for questioning accused of sexual
molestation (no criminal charges have been made against him).
.jpg)
Julian Assange has said, he is
willing to answer questions in the UK relating to accusations against
him, or alternatively to go to Sweden provided the Swedish government guarantee
he will not be extradited to the US where plans are ready for him to be tried
for conspiracy to commit espionage. The Swedish Government refuse to give
such assurance. Mr. Assange is right to be concerned about the dangers of
extradition to USA. American media has reported that the US Justice
Department and the Pentagon have been conducting a criminal investigation into
‘whether wikileaks founder Julian Assange violated criminal laws in the groups
release of government documents including possible charges under the espionage
act’.
Mr. Assange’s only crime is that he
embarrassed the USA and powerful governments with Wikileaks release of
thousands of US state department cables and of the video footage from an apache
helicopter of a 2007 incident in which the US military appears to have
deliberately killed civilians, including two reuters employees, revealing USA’s
Crimes against humanity. For this truth telling he has inherited the wrath of
the US government, and has been targeted in a most vindictive way – as has
American soldier, pt. Bradley Manning, currently undergoing a military
Court hearing for allegedly leaking classified documents to wikileaks.
Pt. Bradley Manning has been subjected, according to formal UN
investigation, to ‘cruel and inhuman’ treatment whilst held in solitary
confinement in US prison for nine months. The American government has admitted
to the torture of Pt. Bradley Manning, one of their own soldiers.
However, even if the charges are
dropped against Assange by the Swedish authorities, the USA will probably
demand that the British government extradite Assange from Britain to the USA,
to face a US Grand Jury indictment. (The US Grand Jury has been sitting
for 16 months and it is believed to have reached a verdict to indict Julian
Assange and has a sealed indictment ready to unseal at the most beneficial time
to the US. The grand Jury is a flawed, unjust legal process, consisting
of four Prosecutors but no defence evidence is allowed. There is no judge
and a jury pool is drawn from Alexandria, Virginia, which has the highest
percentage of military contractor families in the US.)
On meeting with Julian Assange I was
struck by his intelligent, bright and compassionate mind, and glad to see that
in spite of all the abuse of his human rights and persecution he is in good
spirits and good health. In spite of the fact that for six months he has
been confined indoors with no possibility of even 5 minutes in the fresh air, a
basic right for all political prisoners, as if he tries to go outside he will
be immediately arrested by the police outside the embassy, and be
extradited to Sweden or usa. Unlike most political prisoners he has no idea how
long his virtual imprisonment in the embassy, will last, 6 more months or 6
years, whilst this diplomatic standoff continues. This is indeed
cruel, inhumane and mental torture, of a man, whose only crime was to tell the
truth and bring transparency to the illegal acts of the US Government and its
allies around the world. (the cost to police this man of peace is £11,000
per day).
I believe the UK/Swedish/USA
governments are all complicit in this mental torture of Julian Assange,
and I appeal to the Australian government, Human rights defenders, brave
media, and people who love freedom and truth to break the ‘silence
‘ and stand up for the rights of Julian Assange to assurance he will get
the change to answer all accusations against him in uk or Sweden and the
assurance he will not be extradited to USA where he could meet the same ‘cruel
and inhuman’ treatment as pt. Bradley Manning. The least we can do is raise
our voices to protect JulianAssange (and Bradley Manning) who made such
brave attempts, at the cost of their own freedom, to try to protect all
our freedoms and democracy.
MAIREAD MAGUIRE
Mairead Maguire was awarded the 1976 Nobel Peace Prize for her actions to help end the deep ethnic/political conflict in her native Northern Ireland.
Since receiving the award, Mairead has dedicated her life to promoting peace, both in Northern Ireland and around the world.
A graduate from Irish School of Ecumenics, Maguire works with inter-church and interfaith organizations and is a councilor with the International Peace Council. She is a Patron of the Methodist Theological College, and Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. She is also the author of The Vision of Peace: Faith and Hope in Northern Ireland.
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