The Last Hijack: Berlin Review

by Deborah Young

A insightful look into the origins of Somalia's piracy epidemic creatively uses animation to go deeper.

Imaginative animated sequences enliven a behind-the-scenes documentary about piracy in Somalia.

Playing like the backstory to Captain Phillips, Femke, Wolting and Tommy Pallotta’s Last Hijack is a serious documentary exploration of the phenomenon of piracy in Somalia. Its extraordinary added value is recurrent sequences of animation that go where no camera can, recreating scenes of ship-boarding and violence.  The story of Mohamed, who leaves behind his normal life for the money and excitement of piracy, is illuminating, even if he is never a terribly sympathetic character that the viewer can warm up to. Only through the traumas undergone by his younger cartoon self do the choices he makes become understandable. The Match Factory title should stand a better than average chance of pickups during its festival shelf life.

Animation offers the filmmakers a chance to leave reality behind and create a powerful symbol of piracy in a giant bird of prey who grasps a cargo ship in its talons and flies off with it. Pallotta, who produced RichardLinklater’s seminal Waking Life, and Wolting, who has produced Peter Greenaway films, are confident in shifting from live action to cartoon versions of the protags. The film lacks a strong structure, however, and at times relies too heavily on these whimsical inserts to refocus audience attention.

Against his parents’ wishes, Mohamed abandoned his village life to sign up with a band of pirates. He braves the danger of setting off to sea in pursuit of huge oil tankers and foreign cargo ships, and in their small boat they seem like a rubber raft challenging a whale. But they strike it lucky the first time out, capturing a big ship without firing a shot. The crew is ransomed for $1.85 million.

At first, Mohamed explains, he was seen as a village hero and his exploits earned him respect: “from pauper to president.” But as time goes by and more and more fishermen-turned-pirates are killed and jailed, and the recruitment of high school kids begins, the tide of popular sentiment turns against them. The film offers the impressive statistic that only 2 percent of the pirates who started ten years ago are still alive and free men. There is a sense that things are changing; if once the pirates ventured into the Red Sea and Indian Ocean to attack up to three ships at a time and “every man in Somalia wanted to become a pirate,” Mohamed says that now it's easy to get caught and people are against them.

Mohamed himself takes a break to get married to a young girl who is adamantly opposed to piracy and urges him to make money legally, even if it means working in a stone quarry. Like any gang, it’s easy come, easy go with money squandered on new cars, hotel rooms and women. The pirates keep only 15 percent of their booty, with the rest going abroad to negotiators and middle-men. Then it’s back to the sea and new targets.

Mohamed’s elderly father begs and threatens him to give up the pirate’s life, but his words fall on deaf ears.  Animated sequences reconstruct the tragedy that forced the family off their land and into the city, and the terrors of the tribal warfare that followed. It’s easy to empathize with young Mohamed, who seems like a different person from his older real-life counterpart, who the filmmakers visually transform into a merciless animal, a bird of prey.

Another important, positive voice in the film is a radio announcer who runs an anti-piracy station. The radio has been attacked three times, once with a hand grenade, and two journalists have been murdered. Still he risks his life to get out the message.

This is a doc focused on people and their faces smiling even when tense, which tell the story better than the dry stone village and empty beaches. Kreidler’s synthesized score offers apt accompaniment.

Production companies: Submarine, The Media Programme of the European Union, Netherlands Film Fund, COBO, Film und Medienstiftung NRW, The Dutch Media Fund,  The Flanders Audiovisual 
Fund, The Irish Film Board, Planete, RTS Radio Television Suisse, Still Film, Razor Film, Savage Film, Jamal Media, Ikon, ZDF

International sales: The Match Factory, www.the-match-factory.com

Producers: Bruno Felix, Femke Wolting

Co-Producers: Nicky Goganm Gerhard Meixner, Roman Paul

Associate Producers: Lucia Haslauer, Isa Ostertag, Lucas Schmidt, Charlotte Uzu

Editor: Edgar Burcksen

Music: Kreidler

Animation Supervisor: Gavin Kelly 

Venue: Berlin Film Festival (Panorama), Feb. 8, 2014.

Production companies: Submarine, Irish Film Board in association with Still Films,

Razor Film, Savage Film, Jamal Media, Ikon, ZDF

Directors/Screenwriters: Femke Wolting, Tommy Pallotta

Producers: Bruno Felix, Femke Wolting 

Co-producers: Nicky Gogan, Gerhard Meixner, Roman Paul, Bart Van Langendonck

Director of photography: Ahmed Farah

Editor: Edgar Burcksen

Music: Kreidler

Sales Agent: The Match Factory

No rating, 83 minutes.

  

Boots on the Ground or Robots in the Sky

The Future of War Project Offers a Look at the Changing Face of Warfare

Left: A British soldier waiting to receive a medal after returning from Afghanistan. (Matt Cardy-WPA Pool/Getty Images) Center: A LUNA reconnaissance drone in Germany. (Philipp Guelland/Getty Images) Right: British soldiers march from the parade ground after receiving medals in Wiltshire, England. (Matt Cardy-WPA Pool/Getty Images)

By Evelyn Crunden

Chemical weapons, bioterrorism, cyber attacks, drones – these are the ammo of 21st century war. But weaponry’s not all that’s changing in modern war: the “War on Terror” has blurred frontlines and complicated our definition of “the enemy.”  So what’s next, and how do we thrive in these new battles?

This month, New America launched a new project on the “Future of War” - an effort that’s convening a  wide range of thinkers to demystify contemporary conflict. Led by Peter Bergen, Director of the National Security Program, the project will move beyond the post-9/11 state of perpetual war and towards an enhancement of human rights globally.

Here are a few key takeaways:

1. Technology is a big reason why the nature of war is shifting; the face of war has been forever altered by it.

2. Surveillance on an unprecedented global scale, the use of private contractors for publicly-funded ventures and the delicate and dangerous line walked by those who utilize drones are components of modern war that have introduced new conceptual and legal hurdles. Even defining the conflicts we engage in and the persons we engage with requires its own complex wording.

“If we retain existing constructs of war and peace, how do we define these? In the “war” against al Qaeda and its allies, “the battlefield” is potentially anywhere on the globe and “the enemy” is not another army but a loosely associated group of individuals of varying nationalities. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were armed conflicts, but as a legal matter, is the United States in an “armed conflict” with suspected violent extremists living in Bosnia, or with militant leaders in Pakistan’s tribal regions? Are we in an armed conflict with suspected al Qaeda “associates” in Somalia? Is a U.S. drone strike in Somalia a lawful strike against an enemy combatant in an armed conflict, or the illegal, immoral murder of a human being in a foreign country (and a possible violation of sovereignty and the United Nations Charter to boot)?”

3. Human rights is a broad term, but as we venture into a new world of conflict we must consider who we leave at a disadvantage. Sovereignty has been tested by weapons like drones, and access to information technology can at times be a privilege granted only to a few. Moreover, the line between civilian and target has become increasingly blurred. Powerful nations have seized upon the ability to overpower those with less access to resources, and the dynamic has become polarized.

These topics and others will be raised by the Future of War team, in what looks to be a vital and essential defense against permanent global conflict. As we find ourselves in the midst of a radically changed world, we must begin to seek answers and solutions.

Learn more about the future of war.

Read the original on the New America Foundation website. 

Bodies of Westgate gunmen with FBI: Kenya

Kenya's army has revealed that the bodies of the gunmen who attacked Nairobi's Westgate shopping mall last year are in the hands of the FBI.

Military chief Julius Karangi was on Friday describing his troops' response to the attack at a forum organised by the media council to review coverage of the incident.

He said his troops finally killed the attackers on the Monday morning, two days after they marched into the Westgate mall on September 21 and sprayed shoppers and staff with machine gun fire.

He said the all-clear was finally given late on Tuesday, September 24, after at least 67 people had been killed.

"After the incident happened on Saturday, we finished them on Monday morning," Karangi told the audience at a Nairobi hotel.

"Their bodies are with the FBI somewhere," he said.

Karangi did not give any further details on the bodies.

All four attackers were ethnic Somalis - and believed to come from Somalia - with two of the attackers named as Mohammed Abdinur Said and Hassan Abdi Dhuhulow, a 23-year old Somali who spent several years in Norway.

Kenyan security forces initially said they were fighting about 12 attackers, although the number of gunmen later turned out to be just four.

Somalia's al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabab claimed responsibility for the attack, saying it was a warning to Kenya to pull its troops out of southern Somalia, where they are fighting the extremists as part of an African Union force.

The group said the attackers were from a special suicide squad.

Maalintii 3-aad oo Internet la’an ay ka jirto Muqdisho

 

Magaalada Muqdisho ayaa maalintii 3-aad waxa aan ka shaqeyneynin adeegga Internetka ee laga isticmaalo taleefonada gacanta.

Arintan aayaa daba socota amar ka soo baxay Al-Shabaab oo ku aadan markii ay mamnuuceen internetka laga isticmaalo taleefonada.

Waxa ay saameyn ku yeelatay dad u badan dhallinyaro oo aad u isticmaali jiray adeegaas iyo shirkadaha.

Inta badan Koonfurta iyo Bartamaha Soomaaliya ayaan adeeggan uusan ka shaqeyneynin hadda, mana jirto wax war ah oo ka soo baxay shirkadda Hormuud oo ku aadan sababta ay u joojisay adeegga Internetka.

Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa si rasmi ah uga hadlin arrintan, balse waxaa dad badan ay lee yihiin maxaa keenay iyadoo dalka ay ka jirto dowlad in Shabaab ay mamnuucdo adeegga Internetka.

Artsakh President Meets with Mediator

Artsakh Republic President Bako Sahakian meets with Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairman-in-Office, Ambassador Andrzej Kasprzyk in Stepanakert, Feb. 6, 2014.

STEPANAKERT (Armenpress)—Artsakh Republic President Bako Sahakian on Thursday met with Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairman-in-Office, Ambassador Andrzej Kasprzyk, the president’s press office reported.
 
The two discussed the current status of Karabakh conflict settlement negotiations and its prospects.

President Sahakian also referred to the Azeri cease fire violations along the Karabakh-Azerbaijan border during the meeting.

On Friday, in accordance with the agreement reached with the authorities of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic, the OSCE mission conducted a planned monitoring of the “line of contact” between the armed forces of Nagorno Karabakh and Azerbaijan in the Hadrut region near the Horadiz settlement.

From the side of the Karabakh Defense Army, the monitoring was conducted by Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairman-in-Office, Ambassador Andrzej Kasprzyk and his field assistants Yevgeny Sharov (Ukraine) and Khristo Khristov (Bulgaria).

From the opposite side, the monitoring was conducted by field assistants Jiri Aberle (Czech Republic) and William Pryor (Great Britain).

The monitoring passed in accordance with the agreed schedule. No violation of the cease-fire regime was registered. However, the Azeri side did not lead the OSCE mission to its front-lines.

From the Karabakh side, the monitoring mission was accompanied by representatives of the Karabakh Republic’s Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense.

The Armenian Ministry of Defense has refuted recent reports in Azeri media that an Azerbaijani soldier was killed by Armenian snipers.

“Let the Azerbaijani side examine the situation inside its army to understand the reason of frequent losses. Azerbaijan awards medals to soldiers, killed because of internal problems, for fighting against Armenians in an attempt to conceal the real condition of their army. The Armenian side has nothing to do with the death of the Azerbaijani soldier,” Spokesman for the Armenian Ministry of Defense Artsrun Hovhannisyan said in comments to Armenpress.

Spokesman for the Artsakh Ministry of Defense Senor Hasratyan told News.am that the subdivisions of the Armenian and Artsakh armies are committed to the maintenance of the ceasefire regime. “The Armed Forces of Nagorno Karabakh never incite incidents at the line of contact,” he said.

Baku said on Friday that one of its soldiers had been shot dead by Armenian forces. “Azerbaijani army serviceman Eshgin Guliyev died as a result of a ceasefire violation on Thursday,” Azerbaijan’s Defense Ministry said in a statement.

Dalka Shiinaha oo laga Helay Qabri Qof Somalilander ah oo Hal Qarni ku Dhawaad Halkaas ku Aasnaa

Muwaadin Somaliland ah oo Qabrigiisa Laga Helay Dalka Shiinaha

Magaalo  ku taalla bartamaha dhulka Shiinaha oo lugu magacaabo Jiyo-Jaan, ayaa waxaa ka dhacday arrin filan waa  ku noqotay dadkii maqlay iyo kuwi arkayba kaddib markii Jaamacad halkaasi ku taalla oo dhismaheeda laballaarinayey lagu arkay qabri nin Somaliland ah oo kudhawad 100 sano ka hor halkaasi lagu duugay,sidaa waxaa sheegatay warbaahinta.

Markii la arkay qabrigaasi, lana akhriyey qoraaladii ku qornaa dhagxaantii daboolka u ahayd qabrigaasi waxaa la xaqiijiyey qofkii halkaasi ku duugnaa in uu ahaa Soomaali, lana aasay 1916-kii, iyadoo la hakiyey dhimihii Jaamacadda, doodna ka dhalatay sida laga yeelayo.

Mid ka mid ah Ardayda wax ka barata dalkaasi oo lagu Magacaabo Cabdalla Maxamed Cabdi Horeeye oo la hadlayey raadiyaha  ayaa sheegay innay Qabriga dul-tageen ay ku arkeen erayo Qoran 89-sano.

Wiilkaan Ardayga ah ayaa ka mid ah guddi loo xil saaray innay baaritaano ku sameeyaan Meydka Qofka Somalilander ah ee la aasay 1916-kii,kaasoo aasan 89-sanno.

Qabriga waxaa kale oo ku qornaa sidaan:-

Taariikhda la aasay:-1916-kii

Magaca:-Dhoodaan Macalin Axmed

Deegaan:-Berbera Somaliland.

06:37

06:37

Dowladda China ayaa baaritaan ku wada Meydka Ninkaan,waxaana la ogaanayaa sidii uu u geeryooday,waxaana haddii la dilay ay noqonaysaa in China ay dhul ballaaran ka siiyo dalkeeda Somaliland.

Battle of the Nile: Egypt, Ethiopia clash over mega-dam

Ethiopia and Egypt clash over mega-dam - UPI

Ethiopia and Egypt clash over mega-dam - UPI

KHARTOUM (UPI) -- Egypt and Ethiopia remain at loggerheads over Addis Ababa's plan to build a $4.2 billion, 6,000-megawatt dam on a major tributary of the Nile River that Cairo says will greatly reduce the flow of water that is Egypt's lifeline.

Tension between the two African states rose sharply in January after Ethiopia rejected Egypt's demand it suspend construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile, the main tributary of the 4,130-mile river, the world's longest.

Egypt has vowed to protect its "historical rights" to the Nile "at any cost" and says it could lose 20 percent of its water if the giant dam in northwestern Ethiopia, one of several hydroelectric projects planned by Addis Ababa, is completed.

"It would be a disaster for Egypt," Mohamed Nasr Allam, a former Egyptian water minister, lamented to the Guardian daily of London in 2013. "Large areas of the country will simply be taken out of production."

Despite Cairo's tough declarations, and Addis Ababa's insistence on pressing ahead with the massive dam -- which it denies will damage Egypt to any critical extent -- there's little likelihood of the two states going to war, if only because the vast distance that separates them.

But the dispute is swelling into a major diplomatic wrangle in Africa that could have consequences on other continents as the planet faces water shortages in the decades ahead.

Ethiopia's Chinese-backed dam program will, if completed, produce abundant supplies of electricity that could transform the economies of the regional states long mired in poverty.

Egypt's position has been seriously weakened by the December defection of Sudan, its southern neighbor and longtime ally, in the Nile dispute with Ethiopia and other upstream African states.

That has left Egypt isolated in a long-running dispute with those states, which all want a greater share of the Nile water than they are accorded under British colonial era agreements that gave Egypt, and Sudan to a lesser extent, the lion's share of the river's flow.

Despite political turmoil in both Egypt and China-backed Ethiopia in recent months -- the July 2013 military coup in Cairo that ousted Egypt's first democratically elected president, and the 2012 death of longtime Ethiopian strongman Prime Minister Meles Zenawi -- both sides have dug in their heels over the Nile crisis.

Egypt, with 82 million people, is the most populous and the most militarized state of the 11 riverine states along the Nile, which rises in the highlands of Ethiopia.

But with Sudan now "so squarely in Ethiopia's camp, Egypt could not stage a ground attack on the dam," observed Hassen Hussein, a leader of Ethiopia's largest ethnic group, the Oromo, in an analysis on al-Jazeera Thursday.

An airstrike on the dam, 20 miles from Sudan's southern border in the vast Blue Nile gorge, "is still possible, but fraught with risks.

"To Egypt, water security equals national security," Hussein noted. "To Ethiopia, the dam has become a matter of national pride.

"An airstrike could turn the clock back on the dam. Although Ethiopia lacks the means to respond to such an attack in kind, Egypt risks earning the international community's wrath and seeing its relationships with sub-Saharan Africa strained."

 

But these relations are already strained over Egypt's claim that it has rights to 87 percent of the Nile's waters that were guaranteed under British-inspired treaties in 1929 and 1959 that also gave Cairo veto power over dam-building by upstream states.

Egypt was allocated 55.5 billion cubic meters a year of the Nile's flow rate of 84 billion cubic meters. Sudan, then Egypt's ally, got 18.5 billion cubic feet.

The Blue Nile joined the White Nile at Khartoum, capital of Sudan, to flow northward to the Mediterranean.

In 2010, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya signed an accord, the Cooperative Framework Agreement, to negotiate a more equitable water-sharing arrangement. They were later joined by Burundi , the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea and South Sudan.

These upstream African nations, former colonies of the 19th century European powers, all say they need greater access to the Nile's flow to meet swelling demographic and industrial demands from a waterway that has sustained civilizations for millennia.

Much depends on how the current dispute plays out. Right now, an estimated 238 million people depend on the Nile to some extent.

Source: upi.com

Somalia’s civil war: Pushing it across the borders

The most recent efforts to squash the insurgency at home may push it abroad

 

ADDIS ABABA AND NAIROBI

THIS year was meant to be Somalia’s best for quite a while. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud tapped a new prime minister, Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed, on December 12th, who in turn named a new cabinet on January 17th, making a clean break from the disappointing previous government, which had itself emerged with a fresh whiff of hope after more than two decades of civil war. “Somalia has now turned a corner,” said Mr Ahmed. “And there is no going back.”

Yet war persists. After liberating the capital, Mogadishu, and a southern port city, Kismayo, from control by the Shabab militia of Islamic extremists in the past three years, troops under the aegis of the African Union (AU) are poised for another offensive. On January 29th they heralded a push into the militants' heartland in the south-centre of Somalia.

In this section

The AU force, mainly Kenyans, Ugandans and Burundians, is being bolstered by 4,400 troops from Ethiopia, bringing the total to 22,000, almost double its original strength. The Ethiopians, who have repeatedly invaded their dysfunctional neighbour, officially came under the international command this month. It is open to doubt whether they will obey it. Their forces have been unpopular in Somalia when they have intervened before; their renewed presence could undermine support for the new government propped up by the AU and its paymasters in the West. Misbehaviour in Kismayo by Kenyan troops, who have profiteered in the local charcoal trade, has had the same effect.

The new campaign in the Shabab heartland started on February 2nd with an American drone attack on Ahmed Abdi Godane, the Shabab’s leader. It is said to have taken place north of Barawe in the Lower Shebelle region and to have missed him by a whisker, killing a close aide.

The AU force’s long-term success in the south will hinge on entrenching political structures to replace the Shabab. In the past, Somali civilian leaders have repeatedly proved unable to capitalise on military successes. Either they failed to fill a power vacuum or they feuded among themselves, neglecting to provide services such as education and water. “The credibility and effectiveness of the young Somali government will be further threatened by persistent political infighting, weak leadership from President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud [and] ill-equipped government institutions,” says James Clapper, America’s director of national intelligence.

The military campaign may drive the Shabab further south, into Kenya, where fighters pose as members of the large local Somali population. A bomb went off at Nairobi airport on January 16th without doing much harm. The security services blamed the Shabab and predicted more attacks. On February 3rd Kenya’s police arrested more than 100 people in Mombasa, the country’s port city, and charged them with Shabab membership. Several people were killed in the riots that ensued. Ethiopians fear that the Shabab may soon launch attacks in their capital. It remains to be seen whether Somalia’s civil war is drawing to a close—or whether it will simply seep across the country’s borders.

 

Somalia president fights back on ‘weak leadership’ claim from US

By Katrina Manson in Addis Ababa

When former academic Hassan Sheikh Mohamud became president of Somalia in late 2012, his election was hailed as a sign of progress in a country destroyed by years of war and terrorism.

The administration of the one-time university dean was the first in Somalia to be recognised internationally for more than two decades and soon elicited aid commitments worth more than $2bn.

But the early hope was overtaken quickly by accusations of corruption, clan politics and a fight over resources including the promise of oil exploration.

In the clearest sign yet of the growing frustration among western backers, James Clapper, the US director of national intelligence, last week castigated Mr Mohamud’s “weak leadership” and the “persistent political infighting” of his 16-month-old government.

But in an interview with the Financial Times, Mr Mohamud fought back, saying: “I don’t know what sources he [Mr Clapper] used but I don’t see any political infighting in Somalia today compared to the past. It is a subjective judgment based on his own [opinion].”

The public excoriation from such a senior US official is a blow for an administration that has proved unequal to inflated expectations from the international community.

More importantly, it also highlights rising tension between Mogadishu and its western partners over continued instability in a country that has endured more than 20 years of conflict, most recently at the hands of al-Shabaab, al-Qaeda-linked militants who control parts of Somalia. The Islamist group has launched terror attacks throughout east Africa, including the massacre in a Nairobi shopping mall late last year.

Mr Mohamud defended Somalia’s “democracy in the making” and issued a challenge to foreigners such as Mr Clapper to “come to Somalia, see the realities on the ground and then make whatever judgment” – a veiled disparagement of western officials who, even if they visit Mogadishu, rarely venture beyond the protected airport enclosure to brave the assassination risk Mr Mohamud faces daily.

Yet the US intelligence chief is not the first to question the progress being made by Mr Mohamud and his government. Domestic critics haVe accused the president of seeking to overcentralise power in a disparate country that desperately needs decentralised federalism if it is to avoid the failings of past dictatorship.

Mr Mohamud is about to work with his fourth central bank governor in less than a year, after one was accused of gross corruption by UN investigators, who said last year that $12m had gone missing from the central bank. His replacement fled the country claiming she was asked to sanction bad deals and feared for her safety if she did not heed the president’s wishes.

Almost all western donors decline to give aid direct to the government coffers because of traceability concerns. Donors are negotiating a financial oversight committee that would include their own representatives but have yet to hammer out a deal.

Mr Mohamud insists he has been “surprised how the donors have been affected [by] this thing [the central bank problems]”.

He denies wrongdoing although he does admit that the central bank governor’s signature was requested by his deputy finance minister to validate an account set up in Dubai to channel donations from Arab League members. Problems with the central bank’s proceedings are part of “a trial and error”, he says.

But Nicholas Kay, UN special representative for Somalia, says “donor confidence . . . was definitely knocked sidewards by the central bank affair”.

“There is a lot of politicking happening at the moment,” Mr Kay adds, a reference to a recent cabinet reshuffle and the government’s failure to determine the constitution.”

In his defence, Mr Mohamud points out that he faces a multitude of challenges.

The attack last year on the Westgate shopping mall in Nairobi was the work of militants from al-Shabaab

Technocrats including enthusiastic diaspora who have returned to help rebuild their country regularly complain that even low-ranking donor officials go over their heads and refuse to deal with anyone but the president, undermining efforts to build the very institutions donors say they want to exist.
“There are no institutions set up in Somalia; everything has collapsed and we are starting from scratch,” Mr Mohamud says.

There is also the continued threat from al-Shabaab. The jihadist group occupied Mogadishu for several months before UN-backed African Union troops ousted the movement from the capital. But its fighters still control much of the southern rural countryside and mount regular suicide attacks on Mogadishu.

An imminent UN-backed military offensive against al-Shabaab may bring some reprieve for the president. Financed by western money, about 22,000 African Union troops from six countries, including Kenya and Ethiopia, are about to stage their first concerted operations since allied forces took control of the key port city of Kismayo in 2012. But no troop-contributing country has come forward to offer attack helicopters, despite a mandate for 12 of them.

“For the last one and a half years not much has been gained on the ground,” Mr Mohamud says. “We hope they will reach out where no Amisom [the African Union force] soldiers have reached before. This is a continuous war.”

A US drone attack on Somalia last month almost succeeded in killing Ahmed Godane, al-Shabaab’s leader. Instead it killed a group of associates on their way to pick him up.


“Godane is both the spiritual leader of al-Shabaab ideology and the political and military leader,” Mr Mohamud says. “Eliminating Godane [would have a] great impact.”

6 ERAY OO SI CASRI AH LOO FASIRAY Qalinkii Cabdirisaaq Baraag

Hordhac

Eray Bixin waxaa lagu qeexaa barashada erayada iyo isticmaalkooda. Waxaa sidoo kale Eray Bixin la yiraahdaa cilmiga micne aanuu lahaan jirin lagu siiyo eray; ama eray micne kale oo aanu isagu lahaan jirin lagu deymiyo. Tusaale ahaan, erayada buurbuuran ee hoose micne kale ayay lahaan jireen intii aan dib eray bixin kale loogu samayn oon micne aanay lahaan jirin la siinin. U fiirso:

Web: waxay ahaan jirtay guriga caaracaarada inta aan tiknoolojiyadda casriga ahi iman una bixin mareegta wax laga daalacdo.

Virus: waxa uu eraygani ahaan jiray hargab qandho badan oo dadka, shimbiraha iwm ku dhaca inta aan tiknoolojiyadda casriga ahi cudur computer-ka ku dhaca u bixin.

Memory: waxa uu eraygan na ahaan jiray xasuusta caadiga ah ee aadanaha, hadda se waa qayb computer-ka mid ah oo wax lagu keydsho.

Sidaa si la mid ah, marka aynu eray bixin samaynayno laba dhabbo midood baynu qaadaynaa ama labada wadda ba waynu isku daraynaa. Waa:

1)Waddada koowaad: Eray tiknoolojiyadda casriga ahi inoo keentay baynu mine hore u jiray siinaynaa.

2) Waddada labaad: Eray qalaad asaan in badan isticmaalay oo Soomaali noqday baynu u raadinaynaa eray asal ahaan Soomaali ah oo in la isticmaalo kaga habboon.

Intaasi hordhac ha inoo ahaatee, waxay nu qormadeena ku eray bixin doonnaa 6 eray oo inta badan tiknoolojiyaddu inoo keentay asaynu isticmaalo. Waa kuwan ee ha u daymo la’aan in aad isticmaasho hadda dabadeed.

CV = SAR WAJI

CV: waxaa lagu qeexaa qoraal faahfaahinaya wax-barashadaada iyo shaqooyinkii aad soo qabatay oo la gaysto xafiis shaqo laga doonayo.

SAR WAJI: waa eray Soomaali ah. Sar Waji waxaa laga keeni jiray qof la soo dilay si loo muujiyo in aanay maanta ka dib banaanayn in laga shakiyo in hebel la nebcaa noolyahay iyo in kale. Ragga cadaawe dagaal ba’ani qolo kala dhexeeyo ku duulaya waxaa lagu guubaabin jiray Reer Hebel inoo ka soo aara, Hebel na sar waji ha na looga keeno haddii uu idiin soo gacan galo.

Taas micnaheedu waxaa weeye mar haddii qofka sar waji laga keeno, warkiisu caa cad yahay. Anoo micnehaas ka qiyaas qaadanaya waxaan u qaatay in ay isku habboon yihiin labada eray een kor mid wal ba ku soo qeexay ee CV & Sar Waji. CV waxa ay ka koobantahay labada eray ee Curriculum & Vitae. Sar Waji na labada eray ee sar & waji. Haddii CV laga soo gaabshay curriculum vitae, sar wajina waxaa loo soo gaabin karaa SW.

Tusaale: Qorfkii danaynaya shaqada, waxaa laga filayaa in uu ku soo hagaajiyo Sar Wajigiisa (SW) xafiiska shaqada ee shirkadda Golis.

HAAJIRID = TOLOW

War-baahinteenu waxa ay aalaa isticmaashaa labada eray ee haajirid & migration oo labaduba qalaad marka ay ka hadlayaan dad meel ay asal ahaan u dagi jireen ka soo diga rogtay iyaga oo colaad ama faqri dabada ka eryayo. Laakiin, waxaynu leenahay eray labadaas eray ba ka mudan, Soomaali ah kagana habboon meesha la galiyey isticmaal ahaan. Waa erayga:

Tolow: ka guurid meel aad dhawr ab u dagganayd adoo calaad & gaajo midkood ama labadaba ka cararaya. Eraygani waxa uu caan ku yahay sheekadii ‘Ayax Tag Eelna Reeb’. Ayax Maxamed Dhawre waxa uu ka toloobay deegaanka Mudug isagoo dhibsaday kaalin riixa reerihii ay ood wadaagta ahaayeen ee Reer Mudug iyo Ceelcad.

Hadaba, aniga oo dhaqankii hore ee Soomaaliyeed ku salaynaya dooddayda, waxay iila ekoonaatay in labada eray ee haajirid & tolow la isku fasiri karo.

Haajirid = Tolow

Haajiray = Toloobay

Tusaale: Dad badan oo Soomaali ah oo ka soo toloobay Geeska Afrika ayaa deggan waddanka Maraykanka.  

AJNABI = QALAAD

Ajnabi: waa qofka ka baxsan dadka aynu nahay ama naqaan. Labada jeer ba waa la dhahaa qof waa ajnabi haddii:

1)Aanu qoyskeena ahayn. Wiilka ka xijaabo ajnabi buu kaa yahay e.

2)Uu meel kale ama waddan kale ka yimid. Wiil ajnabi (Kenyan) ah bay guursatay.

Qalaad:  waa la mid, laakiin, badanaa war-baahinteenu ma isticmaasho eraygan Soomaaliga ah aadkana ugu habboon meesha ay ajnabi galiyaan.

Tusaale: ayaamahan waxaa soo cusboonaaday in wiilal qalaadi guursadaan gabdhaheenii Soomaaliyeed. Maxay tahay sababtu?

INTERNET = FAAL

Internet: waa aalad qaaradaha isaga kala gooshta oo lagu xiriiro. Cilmi yaal waddan kaa fog ayuu kuu soo xambaaraa, ama sida dhambaalkan hadda aad akhrinayso oo kale, internet-ku waxa uu kuu keenaa wax qofka qoray aanad aqoon badan u lahayn.

Faal: in kaste oo aanu wax wanaagsan ahayn, hadda na, waa shay hadda isticmaaliisii yaraaday. Waxa uu ahaan jiray wax loo haysto in uu sheego waxyaabaha dadka ka dahsoon. Waxaa la oran jiray waxaas ma faal baa sheegay?  In la rumaysto bay u badnaan jirtay waxa faalku sheego. Waxa laga eegi jiray waxyaabaha, waa sida internet-ka maanta e, la isku qabto oo lagu heshiin waayo. Maanta, waxa ay iila ekoonaatay caadadaas aan wanaagsanayn ee sii dhimanaysa in magacii laga la haro oo internet loo bixiyo.

Ma faaliyaa kuu sheegay? = Ma internet-kaad ka eegtay?

Tusaale: haddii aad doonayso faal magaalada hoose u soo dhaadhac.

COMPUTER = FAALIYE

Computer: waa shayga aad qoraalkan ka akhrinayso ama ka soo daabacatay. Dadka badankiisu aqoon bay u leeyihiin. In kaste oon isticmaalkiisu internet oo kali ah ku koobnayn, haddana, markainternet la haysto ayaa computer loo baahdaa. Taasina waa sababta igu dhalisay in aan Computer u bixiyo Faaliye.

Tusaale: Faaliyaha iidaar faal baan doonayaaye. Faalku waa uu luudayaa oo khadkaa gaabinayeefaaliyehaaga iska daaro oo isug.

HATTRICK = JARE

Hattrick: waa saddex gool oo isku cayaartoy dhaliyo. Eraygaan waxaa sidiisa u soo qaata oo isticmaala wariyeyaasha idaacada aalaa marka ay cayaaraha ka waramayaan. Waxay yiraahdaan: Hebel baa koox heblaayo hattrick ka dhaliyey.

Jare: waxa uu eraygani ka yimid cayaarta Soomaalidu cayaato ee shaxda. Waa cayaar badanaa markii ba ay laba qof cayaarto. Shax weynta qofkii ba waxa uu dhigtaa 12 qori ama mir. Afarreeyda se qofkiiba 4 mir buu dhigtaa. Waa tan midda jarehu muhiimka u yahay. Sida kooxda hal cayaartow hattrick u dhaliyo aalaa u badiso ayaa qofkii jare dhacaa u badiyaa shaxda afarreeyda ah. Sida saddexda gool ee hattrick-gu isku xigaan ayaa saddexdan mir na isu xigaan. Taasi na waa sababta aan saddexda gool ee hattrick-ga jare ugu bixiyey.

Hattrick = Jare

Hattrick buu dhalyey : Jare ayuu dhacay  

Tusaale: Cayaartii caawa jare ayaa ka dhacay! Yaa dhaliyey? Hebel baa jare dhacay.

Waxaa Qoray:
Cabdirisaaq Baraag

ibnbaraag@hotmail.com<