Wargeyska Waaheen oo ka Ka Qaybgalaya Shirka Caalamiga ah ee Hoggaamiyayaasha Saxaafadda Afrika

Friday, July 29th, 2011

Wargeyska Waaheen ayaa qaybgalaya shir ay iskugu imanayaan saxaafadda Afrika inteeda ugu waaweyn oo lagu qaban doono Dalka Tunisia bisha November ee inagu soo aadan. Wargeyska oo casuumad rasmi ah ka helay machadka Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS Media Africa) oo ah mid laga leeyahay Dalka Jarmalka kana shaqeeya horumarinta Saxaafadda Afrika iyo hay’adda African Media Initiative (AMI) oo si wada-jir ah ugu qabanay sannadkan Caasimadda Dalka Tunisia ee Tunis kulankan oo lagu magacaabo Shirka Hogaamiyaasha Saxaafadda Afrika (African Media Leaders Forum [AMLF]).

Shirkan ayaa ah mid ay ka soo qaybgalayaan Madax-badan oo dunidda iskaga timid oo ka mid yihiin Madaxda Bangiga Adduunka, Madax matalaysa Dalalka qaadhaan-bixiyayaasha, shirkaddaha dhinaca tiknoolajiga, khubaro saxaafadda ku xeel-dheer, saxafiyiin iyo mulkiilayaasha saxaafadda Afrika kuwooda ugu waaweyn.

Ajandaha shirkan oo sannadle ah ayaa lagaga arrinsan doonaa sidii maalgalin loogu heli saxaafadda Afrika, loogana taageeri lahaa dhinaca tiknoolajiyadda iyo isku xidhka dhexooda si ay danahooda uga wada-tashadaan, iyadoo la filayo in halkaas qaadhaan-bixiyayaashu kaga yaboohi doonaan lacago badan oo lagu caawin doono saxaafadda Afrika si kor loogu qaado adeegyadda ay bulshadda u hayaan.

Madaxa hay’adda KAS Media Africa, Mr. Markus Brauckmann ayaa yidhi: “Waa mid ka mid ah wakhtiyadda ugu xiisaha badan caalamka saxaafadda, waana wakhtiga ugu wanaagsan ee aynu awoodeena iskugu xidhi karno” waxaanu intaas ku daray: “Waxaanu dareemaynaa in dadka aanu shirkan u qabanayno oo ah hoggaamiyaasha ugu sareeya saxaafada Afrika ay wax badan ka faa’iidaysan doonaan oo aanay ka faa’idin shirarkii hore.” Dhinaca kale, Guddoomiyaha Hay’adda AMI, Mr. Amadou Mahtar Ba, ayaa yidhi, “Waxaanu si gaar ah ugu faraxsanahay in doorkan KAS Media Africa ay khibaradooda sannadkan markii ugu horrasay ku soo biirinayaa Kulanka Hogaamiyayaasha Saxaafadda Afrika. Shirkana wuxuu noqday run ahaantii suuqa ugu weyn ee saxaafadda Afrika ay ka helaan fursado xidhiidh oo dhex mara saxaafadda Afrika ugu waaweyn dhexdeeda iyo hawl-wadeenadeeda ka hawlgala”.

Shirkan ayaa markii ugu horraysay lagu qabtay Magaaladda Dakar, caasimadda Senegal sannadkii 2008 dii, iyadoo 2009 kiina lagu qabta Lagos, Nigeria halka sannadkii 2010 lagu qabtay Dalka Yaoundé, Cameroon.

Waa markii ugu horraysay ee saxaafadda Somaliland ay ka qaybagasho shir caalamiya oo baaxaddaas leeg oo saxaafadda Afrika iyo qaadhaan-bixiyayaashu iskugu imanayaan. Ta intii ka danbaysay markii la guddoonsiiyey Tifaftiraha Wargeyska Waaheen, Mr. Maxamuud Cabdi Jaamac “Xuuto” abaalmarinta Saxaafadda Afrika ee Xorta ah, oo ah tan ugu sumcadda badan Qaaradda Afrika. Waxa isa soo taraiyey xidhiidhka caalamiga ah ee hay’adaha iyo ururadda caalamiga ah ee saxaafadda ku shuqulka lahi ay la samaynayeen, taasoo ka dhigtay inuu noqdo mid ka mid ah Wargeysyadda ugu caansan Qaaradda Afrika sannadka 2011 ka. Waxaana la filayaa in sannadkan 2012 uu shirar hor leh oo caalamiya oo ka dhacaya daafaha dunidda uu ka qaybgalaan madaxda iyo saxafiyiinta ka hawlgasha Wargeysku oo guud ahaan kor u qaadi doona magaca Dalka, gaar ahaan fursado tabaro iyo maal-galinba u soo kordhin doona saxaafadda Somaliland.

Wargeyska Waaheen oo ka Ka Qaybgalaya Shirka Caalamiga ah ee Hoggaamiyayaasha Saxaafadda Afrika

Friday, July 29th, 2011

Wargeyska Waaheen ayaa qaybgalaya shir ay iskugu imanayaan saxaafadda Afrika inteeda ugu waaweyn oo lagu qaban doono Dalka Tunisia bisha November ee inagu soo aadan. Wargeyska oo casuumad rasmi ah ka helay machadka Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS Media Africa) oo ah mid laga leeyahay Dalka Jarmalka kana shaqeeya horumarinta Saxaafadda Afrika iyo hay’adda African Media Initiative (AMI) oo si wada-jir ah ugu qabanay sannadkan Caasimadda Dalka Tunisia ee Tunis kulankan oo lagu magacaabo Shirka Hogaamiyaasha Saxaafadda Afrika (African Media Leaders Forum [AMLF]).

Shirkan ayaa ah mid ay ka soo qaybgalayaan Madax-badan oo dunidda iskaga timid oo ka mid yihiin Madaxda Bangiga Adduunka, Madax matalaysa Dalalka qaadhaan-bixiyayaasha, shirkaddaha dhinaca tiknoolajiga, khubaro saxaafadda ku xeel-dheer, saxafiyiin iyo mulkiilayaasha saxaafadda Afrika kuwooda ugu waaweyn.

Ajandaha shirkan oo sannadle ah ayaa lagaga arrinsan doonaa sidii maalgalin loogu heli saxaafadda Afrika, loogana taageeri lahaa dhinaca tiknoolajiyadda iyo isku xidhka dhexooda si ay danahooda uga wada-tashadaan, iyadoo la filayo in halkaas qaadhaan-bixiyayaashu kaga yaboohi doonaan lacago badan oo lagu caawin doono saxaafadda Afrika si kor loogu qaado adeegyadda ay bulshadda u hayaan.

Madaxa hay’adda KAS Media Africa, Mr. Markus Brauckmann ayaa yidhi: “Waa mid ka mid ah wakhtiyadda ugu xiisaha badan caalamka saxaafadda, waana wakhtiga ugu wanaagsan ee aynu awoodeena iskugu xidhi karno” waxaanu intaas ku daray: “Waxaanu dareemaynaa in dadka aanu shirkan u qabanayno oo ah hoggaamiyaasha ugu sareeya saxaafada Afrika ay wax badan ka faa’iidaysan doonaan oo aanay ka faa’idin shirarkii hore.” Dhinaca kale, Guddoomiyaha Hay’adda AMI, Mr. Amadou Mahtar Ba, ayaa yidhi, “Waxaanu si gaar ah ugu faraxsanahay in doorkan KAS Media Africa ay khibaradooda sannadkan markii ugu horrasay ku soo biirinayaa Kulanka Hogaamiyayaasha Saxaafadda Afrika. Shirkana wuxuu noqday run ahaantii suuqa ugu weyn ee saxaafadda Afrika ay ka helaan fursado xidhiidh oo dhex mara saxaafadda Afrika ugu waaweyn dhexdeeda iyo hawl-wadeenadeeda ka hawlgala”.

Shirkan ayaa markii ugu horraysay lagu qabtay Magaaladda Dakar, caasimadda Senegal sannadkii 2008 dii, iyadoo 2009 kiina lagu qabta Lagos, Nigeria halka sannadkii 2010 lagu qabtay Dalka Yaoundé, Cameroon.

Waa markii ugu horraysay ee saxaafadda Somaliland ay ka qaybagasho shir caalamiya oo baaxaddaas leeg oo saxaafadda Afrika iyo qaadhaan-bixiyayaashu iskugu imanayaan. Ta intii ka danbaysay markii la guddoonsiiyey Tifaftiraha Wargeyska Waaheen, Mr. Maxamuud Cabdi Jaamac “Xuuto” abaalmarinta Saxaafadda Afrika ee Xorta ah, oo ah tan ugu sumcadda badan Qaaradda Afrika. Waxa isa soo taraiyey xidhiidhka caalamiga ah ee hay’adaha iyo ururadda caalamiga ah ee saxaafadda ku shuqulka lahi ay la samaynayeen, taasoo ka dhigtay inuu noqdo mid ka mid ah Wargeysyadda ugu caansan Qaaradda Afrika sannadka 2011 ka. Waxaana la filayaa in sannadkan 2012 uu shirar hor leh oo caalamiya oo ka dhacaya daafaha dunidda uu ka qaybgalaan madaxda iyo saxafiyiinta ka hawlgasha Wargeysku oo guud ahaan kor u qaadi doona magaca Dalka, gaar ahaan fursado tabaro iyo maal-galinba u soo kordhin doona saxaafadda Somaliland.

While Somalia stagnates, Somaliland flourishes

By Jonathan Manthorpe, Vancouver Sun July 27, 2011

As Somalia descends into another of the troughs of violence and famine that have marked this ultimate failed state for 20 years, just over its northern horizon is one of the most successful new countries in Africa.

Somaliland broke away from Somalia after the old dictator, Siad Barre, was ousted by clan warlords at the end of January 1991, and has since quietly constructed a robust, functioning state that is also the only vibrant Islamic democracy in the broader region of North Africa and the Middle East.

But Somaliland is not recognized internationally as an independent nation, which may, perversely, largely account for its success.

The country's 3.5 million people and its large diaspora of exiles and emigrants in Europe, North America and the Gulf States have had to rely on their own resources and are immensely proud of their accomplishments.

Non-recognition also means they have been spared the manipulative outside interference that has often only made matters worse in Somalia to the south. Even so, it has not been an easy ride creating Somaliland. There have been border wars with Puntland to the southeast, another breakaway region from the old Somalia, and creating an economy with traction has been a struggle.

A major element in the economy, according to the World Bank, is the estimated $1 billion overseas Somalilanders remit each year to their families at home.

Otherwise Somaliland survives on a simple economy based on the export of beef cattle and camels to the Middle East.

Other exports include frankincense and myrrh.

But now, with the so-far successful secession of South Sudan from Sudan this month, the question of international recognition of Somaliland as a nation state has again emerged.

In theory international recognition would provide the diplomatic and economic links that would allow Somaliland to take the next leap in its development.

However, there are strong feelings in neighbouring governments that if ever a functioning administration can be put in place in Somalia, Somaliland must be reunited with the south.

Most countries in the Horn of Africa contain regional minorities harbouring separatist instincts.

The governments fear that recognized independence for Somaliland, building on the South Sudan precedent, will start a cascade of independence movements.

Even the European Union is divided on the matter because the two old colonial powers, Britain and Italy, disagree sharply on the future of Somaliland. Britain supports recognized independence, Italy doesn't.

Britain established a protectorate over what it called British Somaliland in 1888 when it signed treaties with the local sultans.

But London's only interests were to protect shipping in the Gulf of Aden, supply beef to regional outposts and curtail slavery.

When London gave Somaliland independence in 1960, the new country decided to unite with the former Italian Somaliland, which got independence from Rome six days later. It was a decision Somalilanders have spent many years regretting, especially after Maj.-Gen. Siad Barre seized power in the southern capital of Mogadishu in 1969.

In the early 1980s, the Somali National Movement was formed by members of the Isaaq clan, the largest in Somaliland, and by 1988 it controlled most of the region.

But Barre's retribution was murderous.

At one point in 1988 his air force carpet-bombed the northern capital, Hargeysa, killing tens of thousands of men, women and children and sending about 300,000 refugees into neighbouring Ethiopia.

But the northern civil war was the beginning of a gathering uprising that eventually ousted Barre in 1991.

In May that year Somaliland declared its independence.

Somaliland was led until 2003 by presidents selected by councils of clan leaders, but in that year Dahir Riyale Kahin was elected in a direct popular ballot.

Kahin was defeated by Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo last July in elections judged by international observers to be largely free and fair.

Somaliland has an executive presidency and a two-chamber parliament.

The lower house is made up of directly elected members from the three main political parties and the upper house is composed of elders selected by the half dozen tribal clans.

Even so, democracy in Somaliland is not perfect, but it has the attributes of being entirely homegrown; far more representative, open and accountable than most African countries can claim; and unique among entirely Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa.

jmanthorpe@vancouversun.com

Al Shabaab: Recruitment and Radicalization within the Muslim American Community and the Threat to the Homeland

Today's House Homeland Security Committee on al Shabaab and domestic radicalization features this testimony from WEEKLY STANDARD contributor Tom Joscelyn:

Chairman King, Ranking Member Thompson and other members of the Committee, I want to thank you for inviting me to speak today about Al Shabaab and the threat it poses to the U.S. Homeland and American interests. I would also like to thank my colleague at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and The Long War Journal, Bill Roggio, who helped me prepare this written testimony.

My testimony will focus primarily on Shabaab’s ties to al Qaeda and the risk of Shabaab attacking America. Shabaab’s ability to win new recruits inside the United States and the West is particularly disturbing. The possibility that an American Shabaab recruit may return from Somalia as part of a terrorist operation is obviously a major concern for intelligence and law enforcement professionals. 

Before getting to the heart of my testimony, however, I want to make a general point about Shabaab’s reach here and its terror inside Somalia. It is obvious that a majority of Somali- Americans do not support Shabaab or its agenda. Most Somalis came to this country to start a new life and get away from the poverty and war that has ravaged their nation. At the same time, many of the Somalis who remained in their home country have resisted Shabaab’s reign of terror. Indeed, there is great tension between the Sufi version of Islam that is prevalent among Somali clans and Shabaab’s perverse ideology. Many Sufi leaders inside Somalia were forced to abandon their peaceful roots to fight Shabaab. In fact, the victims of Shabaab’s terror are predominantly Muslims in Somalia who do not adhere to Shabaab’s horrible ideology. Shabaab has also undertaken a deliberate program to desecrate and destroy Sufi mosques and shrines.

The resistance to Shabaab’s version of Islam inside Somalia can be seen even in al Qaeda’s propaganda. In December 2008, Anwar al Awlaki called on Muslims to financially support Shabaab and prayed for the group's success inside Somalia. While cheering on Shabaab's efforts to implement Sharia law, Awlaki also advised the group to be patient with Muslims who “are suffering from the illnesses of tribalism, ignorance, and a campaign of defamation of sharia.” Awlaki added, “Therefore you need to win the hearts and minds of the people and take them back to their fitrah [natural predisposition].”

In other words, Shabaab does not represent the “hearts and minds” of most Somalis, either here in America or abroad.

Shabaab has, unfortunately, wooed some young men from America to Somalia. And in a few cases, these recruits have launched suicide attacks. The first known American suicide bomber, Shirwa Ahmed, blew himself up in Somaliland as part of a Shabaab attack in October 2008. Since then, there have been at least two other reports of Somali-Americans who were convinced to become Shabaab suicide bombers.

The willingness of these recruits to die for Shabaab’s cause creates an opportunity for the al Qaeda terror network and a threat to American security. Since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, al Qaeda has consistently attempted to recruit Muslims living in the West for its operations. In 2002, for example, a convert to Islam named Jose Padilla was arrested in Chicago after returning from Pakistan, where he conspired with senior al Qaeda leaders to attack targets inside the U.S. Al Qaeda recognized that by relying on recruits from the West it could more easily defeat the elaborate layers of security put in place since late 2001. Padilla’s case is hardly unique. Al Qaeda recruits living in the UK and elsewhere have been used in attacks in their adopted homelands. Al Qaeda’s July 7, 2005 terrorist attacks in London, for example, utilized British citizens of Pakistani descent who traveled to Pakistan for terrorist training.

It is possible that Shabaab’s recruits could be used in a similar manner. However, there is great confusion here in the U.S. as to whether or not Shabaab is really a part of al Qaeda’s international terrorist network. Most press accounts accurately note that Shabaab is “linked” to or “affiliated” with al Qaeda. My view is that the link is much stronger than some counterterrorism analysts realize. And this link goes far beyond the two organizations’ identical ideological roots.

Indeed, my worry is that some counterterrorism analysts may be falling into the same trap analysts fell into previously with respect to another al Qaeda affiliate, al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). Although AQAP was well known to CT and intelligence officials prior to the failed Christmas Day 2009 attack on Flight 253, they did not consider AQAP a major threat to the U.S. In its report on the intelligence failures that allowed Umar Farouq Abdulmutallab on board Flight 253, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence found (emphasis added): “Prior to the 12/25 plot, counterterrorism analysts at NCTC, CIA, and NSA were focused on the threat of terrorist attacks in Yemen, but were not focused on the possibility of AQAP attacks against the U.S. homeland.”

This was a potentially devastating analytical error. As we’ve witnessed on multiple occasions now, AQAP has the intent and the capability to strike the U.S. This should not have come as a surprise. Since the 1990s, al Qaeda’s strategy for inciting global conflict has relied on so-called “local” jihadist groups that can be folded into its international jihad. Jihadist groups from Southeast Asia to northern Africa have started out as local endeavors and eventually adopted al Qaeda’s desire to strike the U.S.

With that focus in mind, I will now turn to a three-part overview of the relationship between Shabaab and al Qaeda. In the next section below, I highlight public statements made by senior Shabaab and al Qaeda leaders. Senior Shabaab terrorists have repeatedly said that their struggle is part of al Qaeda’s international jihad, and senior al Qaeda terrorists have repeatedly praised the group.

Despite these public declarations, some analysts argue that the organizational ties between the two groups are minimal. My view is that, as clandestine organizations, neither Shabaab nor al Qaeda publishes an organizational chart. So, we do not know the full scope of their “operational” links. And as Bill Roggio has reported, Ayman al Zawahiri has even commanded Shabaab to play down these links publicly after previously trumpeting them.

In the second section below, I provide an overview of Shabaab’s leadership. Shabaab’s most senior leaders, including its founders, have longstanding ties to al Qaeda. The depth of these personal ties cannot be easily dismissed. In the third and final section below, I evaluate the threat of Shabaab’s recruits living in the West through the lens of Shabaab-al Qaeda relations.

Shabaab & Al Qaeda’s Public Statements

Senior al Qaeda leaders have long seen Somalia as contested territory in their international campaign against the West and its allies. Al Qaeda members have claimed that they were instrumental in the 1993 “Black Hawk Down” episode in which 18 American servicemen were killed. While al Qaeda’s claims of responsibility are almost certainly overblown, there is solid evidence that al Qaeda operatives were on the ground at the time. And al Qaeda never took its eyes off of Somalia.

In 2006, for instance, Osama bin Laden specifically mentioned Somalia as a key war front:

We will continue, God willing, to fight you and your allies everywhere, in Iraq and Afghanistan and in Somalia and Sudan until we waste all your money and kill your men and you will return to your country in defeat as we defeated you before in Somalia.

In August 2008, senior Shabaab leader Mukhtar Robow admitted: “We are negotiating how we can unite into one [with al Qaeda]. We will take our orders from Sheik Osama bin Laden because we are his students.” Robow continued:

Al Qaeda is the mother of the holy war in Somalia. Most of our leaders were trained in Al Qaeda camps. We get our tactics and guidelines from them. Many have spent time with Osama bin Laden.

The Los Angeles Times reported that Robow “also spoke for the first time about eventually expanding [Shabaab’s] activities outside Somalia’s borders, saying Americans, even journalists and aid workers, were not immune from attack because of what he called “the aggression of the American government.” Robow explained, “Once we end the holy war in Somalia, we will take it to any government that participated in the fighting against Somalia or gave assistance to those attacking us.”

In September 2008, a senior Shabaab leader who was also an al Qaeda operative reached out to senior al Qaeda leaders in a 24-minute video posted online. Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, the dual-hatted Shabaab/al Qaeda leader, heaped praised on Osama bin Laden:

My greetings to the courageous commander and my honorable leader: Sheikh Osama bin Laden (may Allah protect him and his followers). I hope from Allah the highest... that this salutation reaches you while you are in ease and good health. Allah knows how much we long for your meeting and the delight of your gentle voice... My sheikh! The heart offers you thousand greetings combined with my love and humility. My salutation is nostalgia and my love is permanent, filled with the truth of the emotions of the poets.

Ayman al Zawahiri, who was then al Qaeda’s #2 leader at the time, responded to Shabaab in November 2008. Zawahiri called Shabaab “my brothers, the lions of Islam in Somalia.” Zawahiri continued: “[R]ejoice in victory and conquest and hold tightly to the truth for which you have given your lives, and don't put down your weapons before the Mujahid state of Islam and Tawheed has been set up in Somalia.”

In February 2009, Ayman al Zawahiri praised Shabaab’s gains in southern and central Somalia. Zawahiri said Shabaab’s victories were “a step on the path of the victory of Islam, the empowerment of Muslims, and the expulsion of the invaders of their land.” Zawahiri continued:

It is the expansion of the influence of the Mujahideen in Somalia, the spreading of the authority of sharia [Islamic law], and the expulsion of the invaders -- the enemies of the Islam and their agents -- from broad regions of Somalia, foremost among which are the city of Baidoa. This city used to host the headquarters of the American-affiliated transitional government.

Senior Shabaab Leaders & Al Qaeda 

Below, I have set forth a list of 13 current and deceased Shabaab leaders and operatives. This list is not intended to be comprehensive, although it does include most of Shabaab’s most senior terrorists, including its emir. The mini-biographies below show Shabaab’s roots in several closely allied terrorist organizations, including al Qaeda’s East Africa cells, Al-Itihaad al- Islamiya (or AIAI), and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). Both the ICU and AIAI had strong ties to al Qaeda. Shabaab was originally founded as the “youth” wing of the ICU.

Shabaab leaders are, at minimum, ideologically aligned with al Qaeda. They have repeatedly praised al Qaeda and announced that their terrorism is part of the terror network’s global campaign. Several of them were also trained in Afghanistan, most likely in camps affiliated with al Qaeda. Therefore, even if there were no active operational links between these Shabaab leaders and al Qaeda, the group’s ideology and historical roots make it a threat to American interests around the globe.

However, there are operational links between Shabaab and the al Qaeda network headquartered in Pakistan. Several terrorists on the list below were involved in al Qaeda’s 1998 embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. This was al Qaeda’s most devastating attack prior to September 11, 2001. These same terrorists were also responsible for al Qaeda’s 2002 attacks in Mombasa, Kenya. They went on to hold senior positions in Shabaab. There are other operational links as well. For example, one of the alleged terrorists on this list is a mid-level Shabaab operative who served as a liaison to another al Qaeda affiliate, AQAP.

1. Ahmed Abdi Aw Mohamed (aka “Godane”) – Godane is the founder and emir (leader) of Shabaab. Godane, like other Shabaab leaders, has been designated a terrorist by the U.S. Godane does not hide his allegiance to al Qaeda. In early 2010, Godane co-signed a statement saying that his group had “agreed to join the international jihad of al Qaeda.” Like other Shabaab leaders, Godane “trained and fought in Afghanistan” and has longstanding ties to terrorists in South Asia.

2. Aden Hashi Ayro – Ayro was one of Shabaab’s co-founders and military commander until he was killed in an American airstrike in 2008. Ayro received his terrorist training in Afghanistan and was “long identified” by counterterrorism officials “as one of Al Qaeda's top operatives in East Africa." Ayro openly claimed to have turned his militia, the proto-Shabaab, “into the East African franchise for Al Qaeda.” When Ayro was killed, an anonymous U.S. official told The New York Times: “For the Horn of Africa, this is pretty significant. He's certainly considered a leader in Al Qaeda's effort there. This can be chalked up as a success.” Ayro befriended the leader of his clan, Hassan Dahir Aweys, who reportedly arranged for Ayro “to go to Afghanistan to fight with the Taliban against American forces in 2001.”

Shabaab’s official biography of Ayro, released after his death, said that “he fought under the supervision of Al-Qaeda, and with its logistical support and expertise.”

3. Fazul Mohammed (aka Harun Fazul) – In June, Fazul was killed by Somali forces. Fazul’s career demonstrates just how seamlessly a terrorist can work for al Qaeda, the ICU and Shabaab. At the time of his death, Fazul was both a senior Shabaab military commander and the head of East Africa Al Qaeda (EAAQ). Previously, Fazul was the ICU’s intelligence chief and simultaneously served as a top al Qaeda operative. And prior to that, Fazul was an al Qaeda member who reportedly fought in the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu. In November 2009, Osama bin Laden named Fazul the head of al Qaeda in East Africa. Godane, the emir of Shabaab, attended the ceremony where Fazul was named to this leadership position. Prior to his demise, Mohammed was wanted by U.S. authorities for his role in al Qaeda’s 1998 embassy bombings and 2002 attacks in Mombasa, Kenya. According to a Joint Task Force Guantanamo document, Fazul sought out bin Laden’s operational advice in recent years.

4. Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan – Nabhan, Shabaab’s senior military commander, was killed in a US airstrike in September 2009. Prior to his demise, Nabhan was wanted by the U.S. government for his role in the al Qaeda’s 1998 embassy bombings, as well as the 2002 attacks in Mombasa, Kenya. In a video recorded in July 2008, Nabhan praised Osama bin Laden as “the courageous commander and my honorable leader.” The same video shows Nabhan training Shabaab recruits.

5. Mukhtar Robow (aka Abu Mansur) – Robow’s is Shabaab’s spokesman. Like other Shabaab leaders, Robow received his terrorist training in Afghanistan. Robow also does not hide his allegiance to al Qaeda. As cited above, Robow has openly decalred: “Al Qaeda is the mother of the holy war in Somalia. Most of our leaders were trained in Al Qaeda camps. We get our tactics and guidelines from them. Many have spent time with Osama bin Laden.” Robow also encouraged Shabaab’s terrorists to commit the July 11, 2008 terrorist attacks in Kampala, Uganda, killing nearly 80 people. Those bombings closely mirrored al Qaeda’s modus operandi.

6. Abu Talha al Sudani – Sudani, who was killed in 2007, “was al Qaeda's ideological and strategic leader in East Africa.” Sudani was wanted for his role in the 1998 embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania as well as al Qaeda’s 2002 attacks in Kenya. Sudani was reportedly “close” to the aforementioned Ayro. In fact, Nabhan announced Sudani’s death in an online video that also discussed the strike that killed Ayro.

7. Issa Osman Issa – Issa is as a dual-hatted Shabaab and al Qaeda terrorist. Issa was one of three Shabaab leaders sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury Department in November 2008. The other two Shabaab leaders were Godane and Robow. Issa reportedly took part in al Qaeda’s 1998 embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania, as well as the 2002 attacks in Mombasa, Kenya. Leaked Joint Task Force Guantanamo documents reference intelligence reports tying Issa to both al Qaeda and Shabaab. In one such memo, Issa is described as “a mobile commander for al Shabaab forces.”

8. Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys - Sheikh Aweys was co-leader of the Islamic Courts Union. In early 2009, he founded Hizbul Islam, a coalition of four Somali Islamic groups. Although the two organizations cooperated in attacks against their common enemies, Hizbul Islam became a rival of Shabaab after the two unsuccessfully attempted to merge forces. The two clashed in southern Somalia, including in Kismayo. Hizbul Islam was weakened by infighting and Sheikh Aweys eventually merged the group with Shabaab. Aweys is now a Shabaab commander.

Aweys is a longtime ally of al Qaeda and was trained in al Qaeda’s pre-9/11 Afghan camps. He was reportedly involved in the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu, more commonly known as the “Black Hawk Down” episode in which 18 American servicemen were killed. In November 2001, the U.S. State Department added him to its list of Specially Designated Terrorists. Aweys has long advocated suicide attacks, including the use of children as suicide bombers.

According to a leaked Joint Task Force Guantanamo file, Sheikh Aweys “sponsored” Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan in Mogadishu after Nabhan fled there following al Qaeda’s November 28, 2002 terrorist attacks in Kenya.

9. Sheikh Hassan Turki - Sheikh Turki was a leader in the AIAI and then the Islamic Courts Union before forming his own organization, the Ras Kamboni Brigade. Sheikh Turki originally merged the Ras Kamboni Brigade into Sheikh Aweys’ Hizbul Islam, but later broke from Aweys’ group to join Shabaab in early 2010. Shabaab’s spiritual leader, Ahmed Abdi Godane, and Sheikh Turki released a joint statement announcing the merger. The statement read: “We have agreed to join the international jihad of al Qaeda ... We have also agreed to unite al Shabaab and Kamboni mujahideen to liberate the Eastern and Horn of Africa community who are under the feet of minority Christians.” Sheikh Turki operates terrorist training camps in southern Somalia and has trained suicide bombers close to the Kenyan border.

10. Bashir Mohamed Mahamoud – According to the United Nations, Mahamoud is a Shabaab “military commander” and “one of approximately ten members on al Shabaab's leadership council as of late 2008.” The UN notes that Mahamoud and “an associate were in charge of the 10 June 2009 mortar attack against the Somali Transitional Federal Government in Mogadishu.”

A leaked Joint Task Force Guantanamo (JTF-GTMO) file notes that a current detainee, Abdul Malik Bajabu, has admitted to having “a close relationship” with Mahamoud. The same file describes Mahamoud as an “EAAQ member.” Mahamoud “planned to assassinate the Somali Prime Minister and conduct unspecified suicide attacks.”

11. Abdul Malik Bajabu – Bajabu is currently held at Guantanamo and a JTF-GTMO threat assessment summarizing the intelligence on his activities alleges that he was a member of East Africa Al Qaeda (EAAQ) and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), and also “has ties to the al-Ittihad al-Islami (AIAI).” Bajabu has allegedly “admitted that he participated in the planning and execution” of the November 28, 2002 attacks on the Kikambala Paradise Hotel and an Israeli airliner in Kenya.

The details of Bajabu’s career alleged in the threat assessment show a high degree of coordination between al Qaeda members and Shabaab leaders. The file cites intelligence reports that say Bajabu operated out of Mogadishu and conspired with Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, Fazul Mohammed, Issa Osman Issa, and Bashir Mohamed Mahamoud, as well as other terrorists working for al Qaeda, Shabaab, and the ICU.

The JTF-GTMO threat assessment also alleges that a member of a group called the “London Boys” was a “close associate” of Bajabu’s. The “London Boys” allegedly received terrorist training under Fazul Mohammed and may have been recruited by al Qaeda to be “sleeper agents” for future attacks.

12. Ibrahim al Afghani – Al Afghani is rumored to have been killed in a Predator strike in late June. (As of this writing, this report has not been confirmed.) Afghani previously served as Shabaab's regional governor of the Kismayo administration. The Somalia Monitoring Group, in a March 2010 report, said Afghani is one of the group's top leaders. Afghani was listed after Ahmed Abdi Aw Mohamed (aka Godane), Shabaab's emir.

Afghani received his nom de guerre because he waged jihad in Afghanistan for years. A leaked Joint Task Force Guantanamo (JTF-GTMO) threat assessment, dated Aug. 6, 2007, describes Afghani as “an al-Ittihad al-Islami (AIAI) military commander known for his religious knowledge as well as loyalty and support for al Qaeda and the Taliban and for his continuing links to Afghanistan.” The file continues: “[Afghani] was one of the first founders of al Qaeda affiliated AIAI cells and one of the instigators of terrorist attacks in Somaliland.”

13. Ahmed Abdulkadir Warsame – Earlier this month, the Department of Justice indicted Ahmed Abdulkadir Warsame “on charges of providing material support to al Shabaab and al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP).” The DOJ alleges that Warsame “received explosives and other military-type training from AQAP,” “worked to broker a weapons deal with AQAP on behalf of al Shabaab,” and provided explosives training.

Warsame’s alleged role as an intermediary between AQAP and Shabaab is hardly surprising. Multiple recent reports have pointed to collusion between these two branches of the jihadist terror network. For instance, the Washington Post reported in late June that two Shabaab leaders targeted in an U.S. missile strike had “direct ties” to AQAP cleric Anwar al Awlaki.

Shabaab’s Recruits and Al Qaeda

There is extensive evidence that Shabaab’s recruiting in the West is not limited to “nationalistic” aims. While some recruits probably do travel to Somalia to take part in a “local” (civil) war, there is always the potential for these same recruits to become indoctrinated in Shabaab’s al Qaeda-inspired ideology once they arrive there. Indeed, this has been al Qaeda’s strategy, to fold “local” conflicts into an international jihad. Moreover, some Shabaab recruits are clearly radicalized before they even depart American soil.

Consider the case of Mohamoud Hassan, a Minneapolis man who was inspired to join Shabaab in Somalia. Hassan initially supported the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia – the event that some argue was the real driver of radicalization. But over time, Hassan began to change his views. The New York Times has reported that Hassan listened to al Qaeda cleric Anwar al Awlaki’s lectures, which are filled with jihadist ideology. Hassan was also reportedly “incensed” by the U.S. air strike that killed Shabaab leader Aden Hashi Ayro, who is profiled above. It is especially curious that Hassan would lament Ayro’s death because Ayro’s ties to al Qaeda and extremist ideological beliefs were widely known. A friend of Hassan’s made an astute observation in an interview with the New York Times. “They saw it as their duty to go and fight,” the friend said. “If it was just nationalism, they could give money. But religion convinced them to sacrifice their whole life.”

The willingness of some Shabaab recruits to commit suicide attacks, as Shirwa Ahmed did in October 2008, is another important indication that nationalism is not the sole driver of Shabaab’s recruiting. The embrace of martyrdom is a central pillar of al Qaeda‟s ideology that was considered un-Islamic by many Muslim scholars until the last half of the twentieth century. Shabaab itself has carried out more than two dozen suicide attacks inside Somalia. While these suicide attacks have killed some foreigners, the main victims of Shabaab’s suicide terrorism have been Somalis.

Shabaab’s suicide attacks have begun to spill over into the surrounding countries – an unmistakable sign of al Qaeda’s influence. The Shabaab cell that carried out the July 2010 attacks in Kampala, Uganda was named the Saleh Ali Nabhan Brigade. Nabhan, mentioned above, was a terrorist who served both Shabaab and al Qaeda.

Finally, Shabaab’s recruits in the West have received training from senior al Qaeda operatives who are also members of Shabaab. Earlier this month, the Department of Justice agreed to a plea deal with a Minneapolis man named Omar Abdi Mohamed. According to a DOJ press release, Mohamed admitted that he helped Shabaab recruit Somali-Americans. The DOJ explains: “Upon arriving in Somalia, the men resided in al-Shabaab safe-houses in Southern Somalia until constructing an al-Shabaab training camp, where they were trained. Senior members of al- Shabaab and a senior member of al-Qaeda in East Africa conducted the training.”

That is, Shabaab’s Minneapolis recruits were delivered to a senior al Qaeda member for training.

Independence Celebration for the Creation of Southern Sudan

Guests at the new Republic of South Sudan Independence celebrations in Juba, South Sudan, on July 9 2011. (Jenn Warren/USAID)

“Today is a reminder that after the darkness of war, the light of a new dawn is possible. A proud flag flies over Juba and the map of the world has been redrawn... Together, we can ensure that today marks another step forward in Africa’s long journey toward opportunity, democracy and justice.” – President Barack Obama

“Independence presents a new beginning for the people of South Sudan; an opportunity to build a nation that embodies the values and aspirations of its people. The challenges are many, but the South Sudanese people have demonstrated their capacity to overcome great odds.” – Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton

Humanitarian Crisis in the Horn of Africa - US Response to Crisis in the Horn of Africa

Across the eastern Horn of Africa, more than 11 million people are now in need of emergency assistance to survive. Secretary Clinton expressed her concern for the humanitarian emergency after the announcement by the United Nations stating a famine is underway in parts of Somalia. In a statement she said, “The United States -- in close coordination with the international community -- is working to assist more than 11 million people in Djibouti, Ethiopia, KeSouth Sudan – A B eginning Open Government Partnership Smart T raveler iTunes App Keeps Citizens Updated nya, and Somalia, who are in dire need of assistance. To anticipate growing needs, the United States government has worked with our partners over the last year to pre-position food in the region, increase funding for early warning systems, and strengthen nonfood assistance in the feeding, health, water and sanitation sectors. In addition to emergency assistance, this administration’s Feed the Future program is working to break the cycle of hunger once and for all by addressing the root causes of hunger and food insecurity through innovative agricultural advances.”

Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson addressed the crisis situation during a special press briefing and explained, “We have seen the recent reports that Al-Shabaab claims that it will finally allow international humanitarian aid into areas under its control. We are consulting with international organizations that have worked in these areas to verify if there has been any real change in Al-Shabaab’s policies that would allow us and others to operate freely and without taxation imposed for humanitarian deliveries. Al-Shabaab’s current policies are wreaking havoc and are not helping Somalis living in the south central part of that country. ”

Ex-Somali PM 'Mohamed Ali Samantar' to be deposed in war crimes suit

Ex-Somali PM to be deposed in war crimes suit

Published:July 20, 2011, 5:27 PM

By Matthew Barakat

ASSOCIATED PRESS

Updated: July 20, 2011, 5:46 PM

ALEXANDRIA, Va. (AP) - Aziz Deria has waited seven years to confront the former Somali leader he blames for the deaths of his father, brother and thousands of his countrymen. He could have his chance this week.

Somalia's former prime minister Mohamed Ali Samantar is scheduled to begin a deposition Thursday in a federal lawsuit accusing him of war crimes. The northern Virginia resident pulled out of previously planned questioning by citing ill health, but a judge has ordered him to cooperate this time unless extraordinary circumstances arise.

His accuser is skeptical of his efforts to avoid the deposition.

"This man knows what he has done. He will try to do anything to be away from the court system," said Deria, a 47-year-old businessman in Bellevue, Wash.

In 2004, a human rights group helped Deria and another man sue Samantar under a U.S. law that allows civil action against foreign officials responsible for torture or wrongful killings. They allege Samantar, a one-time top lieutenant to dictator Siad Barre, commited war crimes against northern Somalia's Isaaq clan in retribution for what he perceived as efforts to split Somalia in two.

Deria's father is among those who killed in a crackdown on the clan, the lawsuit alleges. The Barre regime collapsed in 1991, and there hasn't been a strong national government there since.
Samantar was once one of the most important men in Africa, a power broker who used Somalia's strategic position on the Horn of Africa to gain alternating favor from the United States and the Soviet Union. He served from 1980 to 1986 as defense minister, building one of most formidable armies in sub-Saharan Africa. He served as prime minister from 1986 to 1990.
He now lives in a split-level in the Washington suburb of Fairfax, surrounded not by presidents and potentates but by large extended family. He is still well-known among Somali diaspora.
His illnesses aren't contrived, says his lawyer Joseph Peter Drennan, explaining that Samantar is on dialysis and has become weaker in recent weeks. He has filed emergency motions with an appeals court seeking to halt the lawsuit. But a judge has ordered that Samantar submit to three days of depositions this month.
For Deria, who is represented by the San Francisco-based Center for Justice and Accountability, the opportunity to question Samantar is the primary reason he has pursued a lawsuit for so many years. The lawsuit was once tossed out by a federal judge who said Samantar had diplomatic immunity, but the U.S. Supreme Court disagreed and reinstated it.
Samantar isn't wealthy, so Deria does not expect to profit financially. Holding him accountable is the real goal.
Yet many Somalis, even those victimized by the Barre regime, don't understand why Deria is pursuing Samantar through the U.S. court system.
"They don't know how to hold people accountable," Deria said, referring to Somalis and others throughout the developing world, where political leaders are typically above the law. "I want my people to learn about accountability."
"For him to pretend he is innocent, and that nobody can touch him, it is insulting to our intelligence," Deria said.
The Somali diaspora has mixed feelings about Samantar and others from the Barre regime, said Ahmed Elmi, chairman of the Somali American Community Association in Silver Spring, Md. Many don't understand the need to dredge up the past when bad conditions in Somalia still need attention, he said. And while most recognize that atrocities occurred under Barre, others also remember years when schools were built and the country flourished.
Elmi said Somali immigrants generally respect surviving elders from the Barre regime.
For his part, Elmi understands and supports victims' desire for justice.
"That's why we have a court," Elmi said. "If he did these things to my family, I would do the same."
The lawsuit is deeply personal to Samantar. In 1988, he was a college student in California when Somalia began to deteriorate. His father, Mohamed Deria Ali, operated a large import-export business and planned to move the family from Hargeisa to the capital of Mogadishu. Before he could, though, the military attacked the town the town where many Issaq clan members lived.
Back in the U.S., Aziz Deria lost contact with his family. He eventually learned that his father and younger brother, Mustafa Deria, were taken from the family home and never seen again.
Still, Deria gives Samantar credit for his role in Somalia's wars against Ethiopia early in his career. He feels sorry for Samantar in some ways and doesn't consider him evil.
"He became ruthless to survive," Deria said. "I don't think he's a bad person at all. It's just the nature of dictators."
Samantar has refused multiple interview requests, but his lawyer said he didn't persecute the Isaaq clan while in power.
"Samantar, above all, is a fervent nationalist who believes all Somalis should live under one flag," Drennan said. "He is proud of his service to his country."
Drennan said the lawsuit is about clan grievances among the Isaaq, many of whom have pursued establishment of an independent state in northern Somalia.
"Certainly, there were human rights abuses under the Barre regime. It was not a democratic regime. But is it worse than al-Shabab?" he asked, referring to the radical Islamic militia that now controls large swaths of the country and is aligned with al-Qaida.

Deria knows that the lawsuit alone won't provide closure. He's also been traveling back to the region surrounding his home city to help provide proper burials for remains from hundreds of mass graves dug during the Barre regime. In the rainy seasons, bones sometimes wash up from the river beds.
"It is so disgusting to see the skeletons come out. Those skeletons could be my father, my brother, my cousins" Deria said. "For me to have any closure, those people need to have a proper burial. ... It bothers me whenever it rains. It really makes my heart sink."

Ex-Somali PM 'Mohamed Ali Samantar' to be deposed in war crimes suit

Aziz Deria has waited seven years to confront the former Somali leader he blames for the deaths of his father, brother and thousands of his countrymen. He could have his chance this week.

ALEXANDRIA, Va.

By MATTHEW BARAKAT

Associated Press

Somalia's former prime minister Mohamed Ali Samantar is scheduled to begin a deposition Thursday in a federal lawsuit accusing him of war crimes. The northern Virginia resident pulled out of previously planned questioning by citing ill health, but a judge has ordered him to cooperate this time unless extraordinary circumstances arise.

His accuser is skeptical of his efforts to avoid the deposition.

"This man knows what he has done. He will try to do anything to be away from the court system," said Deria, a 47-year-old businessman in Bellevue, Wash.
http://www.buffalonews.com/incoming/article495343.ece/BINARY/w620/c836582a0c5747b89c50f595708c0a3b.jpg


In 2004, a human rights group helped Deria and another man sue Samantar under a U.S. law that allows civil action against foreign officials responsible for torture or wrongful killings. They allege Samantar, a one-time top lieutenant to dictator Siad Barre, commited war crimes against northern Somalia's Isaaq clan in retribution for what he perceived as efforts to split Somalia in two.

Deria's father is among those who killed in a crackdown on the clan, the lawsuit alleges. The Barre regime collapsed in 1991, and there hasn't been a strong national government there since.

Samantar was once one of the most important men in Africa, a power broker who used Somalia's strategic position on the Horn of Africa to gain alternating favor from the United States and the Soviet Union. He served from 1980 to 1986 as defense minister, building one of most formidable armies in sub-Saharan Africa. He served as prime minister from 1986 to 1990.

He now lives in a split-level in the Washington suburb of Fairfax, surrounded not by presidents and potentates but by large extended family. He is still well-known among Somali diaspora.

His illnesses aren't contrived, says his lawyer Joseph Peter Drennan, explaining that Samantar is on dialysis and has become weaker in recent weeks. He has filed emergency motions with an appeals court seeking to halt the lawsuit. But a judge has ordered that Samantar submit to three days of depositions this month.
For Deria, who is represented by the San Francisco-based Center for Justice and Accountability, the opportunity to question Samantar is the primary reason he has pursued a lawsuit for so many years. The lawsuit was once tossed out by a federal judge who said Samantar had diplomatic immunity, but the U.S. Supreme Court disagreed and reinstated it.

Samantar isn't wealthy, so Deria does not expect to profit financially. Holding him accountable is the real goal.
Yet many Somalis, even those victimized by the Barre regime, don't understand why Deria is pursuing Samantar through the U.S. court system.

"They don't know how to hold people accountable," Deria said, referring to Somalis and others throughout the developing world, where political leaders are typically above the law. "I want my people to learn about accountability."

"For him to pretend he is innocent, and that nobody can touch him, it is insulting to our intelligence," Deria said.

The Somali diaspora has mixed feelings about Samantar and others from the Barre regime, said Ahmed Elmi, chairman of the Somali American Community Association in Silver Spring, Md. Many don't understand the need to dredge up the past when bad conditions in Somalia still need attention, he said. And while most recognize that atrocities occurred under Barre, others also remember years when schools were built and the country flourished.

Elmi said Somali immigrants generally respect surviving elders from the Barre regime.
For his part, Elmi understands and supports victims' desire for justice.

"That's why we have a court," Elmi said. "If he did these things to my family, I would do the same."
The lawsuit is deeply personal to Samantar. In 1988, he was a college student in California when Somalia began to deteriorate. His father, Mohamed Deria Ali, operated a large import-export business and planned to move the family from Hargeisa to the capital of Mogadishu. Before he could, though, the military attacked the town the town where many Issaq clan members lived.

Back in the U.S., Aziz Deria lost contact with his family. He eventually learned that his father and younger brother, Mustafa Deria, were taken from the family home and never seen again.

Still, Deria gives Samantar credit for his role in Somalia's wars against Ethiopia early in his career. He feels sorry for Samantar in some ways and doesn't consider him evil.

"He became ruthless to survive," Deria said. "I don't think he's a bad person at all. It's just the nature of dictators."

Samantar has refused multiple interview requests, but his lawyer said he didn't persecute the Isaaq clan while in power.

"Samantar, above all, is a fervent nationalist who believes all Somalis should live under one flag," Drennan said. "He is proud of his service to his country."

Drennan said the lawsuit is about clan grievances among the Isaaq, many of whom have pursued establishment of an independent state in northern Somalia.

"Certainly, there were human rights abuses under the Barre regime. It was not a democratic regime. But is it worse than al-Shabab?" he asked, referring to the radical Islamic militia that now controls large swaths of the country and is aligned with al-Qaida.

Deria knows that the lawsuit alone won't provide closure. He's also been traveling back to the region surrounding his home city to help provide proper burials for remains from hundreds of mass graves dug during the Barre regime. In the rainy seasons, bones sometimes wash up from the river beds.

"It is so disgusting to see the skeletons come out. Those skeletons could be my father, my brother, my cousins" Deria said. "For me to have any closure, those people need to have a proper burial. ... It bothers me whenever it rains. It really makes my heart sink."

US Treasury blacklists 2 members of Somali insurgent group al-Shabab

US Treasury blacklists 2 members of Somali insurgent group al-Shabab

Somali man recalls horrors of fleeing famine

By MALKHADIR M. MUHUMED - Associated Press |

DADAAB, Kenya (AP) — When al-Qaida-linked militants learned that Ahmedhashim Mawlid Abdi and his family were planning to flee Somalia's famine, they threw the 40-year-old father of seven in jail for two days.

Over the next 17 days, as they made their escape, a gang of gunmen robbed them of the little food they had, Abdi's pregnant wife was raped in front of him, and his 7-year-old son died of starvation and disease. They were even attacked by a lion.

When they finally made it to the Dagahaley refugee camp in neighboring Kenya, their struggles were far from over. Food rations in the overcrowded camp are "just enough to survive on," Abdi said. And the future is uncertain.

As Somalia's famine unfolds in the middle of a war zone, some 2.2 million people are in peril in an area controlled by the al-Qaida-linked al-Shabab that is inaccessible to aid groups.

In an extended interview conducted in Somali with The Associated Press, Abdi describes the drought-ravaged region he and his family escaped and the plight facing him and tens of thousands of other refugees in camps in Kenya and Ethiopia.

___

Q: What your life was like in Somalia?

A: We were nomads and lived off our sheep and goats and cows. During the rainy seasons we drank their milk, and during the dry seasons we sold some of them and used the money to buy food, milk and sugar from the local market. We were also farmers.

Conditions have changed. Several seasons passed without enough rain. It is God's act, not human's. The current drought in Somalia has affected us in every possible way. It affected our animals and farms and our lives. The ongoing conflict in our country has also added to our problems. When two elephants fight, it's the grass that suffers.

Q: What did you do after you lost all your animals and the rains still did not come?

A: We fled to the nearest town, Afmadow. We have a Somali saying that goes: A town has many ways to give you a new lease on life. But Afmadow was in a completely different situation when we arrived. It was in the hands of al-Shabab. The militants harassed anyone they believed was opposed to them. I did odd jobs, like fetching firewood from the bush and building houses. But when the going got tough, I decided to flee with six children. I left two more children — a 4-year-old girl and a 20-year-old — with relatives.

Q: Did al-Shabab prevent you from fleeing the country?

A: Yes. We sneaked out in the middle of the night and headed to an area far away from our actual direction so the militants couldn't trace us. They put me in jail for 48 hours after they suspected me of leaving the town to head to Kenya.

Their logic is: Kenya is a Christian country and if you go there, you're a Christian. I was released after local elders intervened. They kicked and slapped me on the face. They even dragged me like a corpse. They said to me: 'You are an apostate,' a word that angered me very much.

Q: Tell me about the perils you faced?

A: We faced hunger, thirst, danger and exhaustion. It took us 17 days to arrive here (at Dagahaley refugee camp). One night a lion almost ate me before I scared it away with my flashlight. Along the way, I carried my 5-year-old daughter on my back and 10 kilograms of rice. My wife also carried a 2-year-old daughter on her back. She was four months pregnant. Luckily, we found relatives on the way and they relieved us of the goods by allowing us to offload them on the donkey-pulled cart.

Q: What was the worst thing that happened?

A: The worst experience we faced was when gunmen ambushed. The gang robbed us of the little food we had with us and raped our women in front of us as if they wanted us to witness their horrors. The gang was made up of 15 gunmen and we were five families. They raped all the five women. While some men raped the women, others kept watch over them. That ordeal was the worst I have ever faced in my life. I once thought of looking for ways to get a gun to take revenge.

Only three days after that I lost my 7-year-old boy to hunger, exhaustion and disease. He came down with a severe fever and cold but got no treatment. He died at night as we rested. His mother cried a lot, but I accepted God's will. I didn't cry.

Q: How do you see your life as a refugee here?

A: The refugee life is not easy. What I found here is different from what I was thinking of before I came here. I thought a refugee's life in Kenya was like a paradise. I thought that there will be plenty of food. But the rations we receive are just an amount on which we can survive. Not a satisfactory one, but in fact better than the destitution in Somalia.

Q: How do you see your future now?

A: I have high hopes that things will improve. No condition is permanent. I believe in God and pray that he improves my life. I'm hopeful that my children will also get a proper education and help me in the future.

Q: Are you thinking of returning to Somalia at any time soon?

A: Yes, if — and only if — it becomes safe. I will return to Somalia only if a full peace dominates there. It is my country and the country of my father and grandfathers. But if it remains as it is now, I will go to any other place where I can find peace.

Q: What is your advice to other Somalis still in the country?

A: I say to them: Believe in God and pray a lot to save you from the problems you're currently facing. No place is better than your home country.

Q: Any word for the international community?

A: The world should take the Somali problem seriously. It was dragging on and on without any solutions. The world should help Somalis. They have suffered enough.

Remembering Colonel Doonyaale: The Courage of Honour

A group photo in Leningrad in 1968. Seated military officers are Colonel Doonyaale (at the left), Hassan Farah Matan (the man in the spectacles was a graduate from Sandhurst military academy in Britain; currently living in Dubai) and Soviet Tutors (all are Generals). Standing are Mohamed Aalim, the late Hassan Mohamud Roble and one of their Soviet tutors.

Mohamed Haji (Ingiriis)
Saturday, May 21, 2011
Colonel Ibrahim Rooble Warfaa “Doonyaale” was one of the greatest military leaders in post-independence Somalia. Born in an area between Harardheere and Ada-Kibir – a locality of Adado town in central Somalia – he raised in Eelbuur where his talent surfaced beneath the surface. Soon he emerged to be a self-trained swimmer and trainer.



During the rainy seasons of the 1940s, the city of Eelbuur was known to be carved into two separate quarters by torrential floods. According to some of his peers in the military, the rationale of why Doonyaale was nicknamed ‘Doonyaale’ was his invention of an archaic boat in Eelbuur at the age of 13 in order to craft access to cross the deluge.1



In 1954, Doonyaale enlisted in the first group of Somali cadets to be taken to Italy for military training. Pointing out to their last military ranks, the cadets, consisted of 14 young officers, were:



1. Colonel Mohamed Nuur Mohamed “Baarqab”.

2. Colonel Elmi Nuur Tarambi.

3. Colonel Ibraahim Rooble Warfaa “Doonyaale”.

4. Colonel Hassan Mohamed Sabriye “Gaamuur”.

5. Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed.

6. Colonel Abuukar Gacal Muudeey.

7. Lieutenant General Mohamed Ali Samatar.

8. Brigadier General Mohamed Farah Aideed.

9. Brigadier General Salaad Gabeyre Kediye.

10. Brigadier General Abuukar Xasan Weheliye “Suulaleey”.

11. Major General Cabdalla Mohamed Faadil.

12. Brigadier General Mohamed Jama Xarbi.

13. Brigadier General Nuur Addow Ali.

14. Brigadier General Mohamed Ali Mohamed “Sharmaan”.



Upon three years of military training, Doonyaale and his group returned to Mogadishu in the summer of 1957, travelling by ship from Italy2. In July 1960, General Daa’uud Abdulle Hersi, the father of Somali Armed Forces, instructed Doonyaale to conduct an examination of new Somali cadets to be enlisted in the army. In his close scrutiny - with the help of Salad Gabeyre - Doonyaale selected below officers to be taken to Italy for military training (I point out to their last military ranks as well):



1. Colonel Aweys Jeylaani (a man from Hamarweyne neighbourhood of Mogadishu; he was a number one at that examination). He is now a well-known businessman in Mombasa, Kenya.

2. Lt Colonel Mohamed Ismail Ibrahim known as Sera Sera Sete (777). He currently lives in both Manchester, the UK and Germany3.

3. Colonel Mohamed Ahmed Aalim. He later became Ambassador to Pakistan, currently living in London4.

4. Colonel Hassan Mohamud Roble “Hassan Dheere”. He passed away in Kampala, Uganda, in peacefully.

5. Colonel Mohamed Hassan Barre Tooxow. He was assassinated during the time of Barre.

6. Captain Mohamud Ali Hawiye known as ‘Mohamud Ga’amey’. He once was deputy of Salad Gabeyre in the Military Operations Command. In 1969, he was the head of Military Hospital in Mogadishu, Isbitaalka Xoogga. Nevertheless, Barre sacked him from the military out of clan. He now lives in Venray, the Netherlands.

7. Lieutenant Colonel Mohamud Sheikh Aden, a brother of former Somali Ambassador to Paris, France, Dr Abdi Sheikh Aden, who currently lives in London. However, Mohamud passed away in peacefully.

8. Captain Abdullahi Ahmed Shire nicknamed “Shaxam”. He died in calmly.

9. Colonel Aweys Sheekh Maxamed. He died in peacefully.

10. Colonel Mohamud Sheikh Qaamoow. He currently lives in Qoryooley, Somalia.

11. Colonel Jama Ali Jama, one of the longest political prisoners of Barre. On the night of 21 October 1969, he was sent to lead the unit commissioned to capture Radio Mogadishu. He currently lives in London.

12. Major General Omar Haji Mohamed Masalle. Barre promoted him out of clan nepotism while ‘the Doonyaale’ that registered him in the military was left Colonelship. In the early 1980s he became acting Minister of Defence in Barre regime. Omar currently lives in Liecester, the UK.

13. Major General Yusuf Ahmed Salxaan. One of the aides of Barre, he later became Minister of Tourism. He currently lives in Virginia, America.

14. Brigadier General Yusuf Ahmed Tallan. One of the most talented in his group, he was murdered in Mogadishu during President Abdikassim Salad’s tenure.

15. Brigadier General Abukar Mohamed Mohamud “Aftooje”. Later on his life, he became an intellectual who mastered military history. He was the husband of the ‘phenomenal lady’, Fawzia Yusuf Haji Adam who contested for Somaliland Presidency. He passed away in London in peacefully.

16. Major Abdirashid Sheikh Hussein. He passed away in calmly.

17. Colonel Ahmed Iise Abdi. He was a cousin of Ali Shiddo Abdi, former SYL chairman and Somali Ambassador to Paris, France and Riyad, Saudi Arabia.

18. Colonel Bashiir Yusuf Elmi. He was a member of Barre’s Supreme Revolutionary Council and was killed in an unknown bullet in Mogadishu during the height of the civil war.

19. Captain Abdikadir Iise Ali. He was killed in a bomb explosion in 1967 in Somalia.

20. Lieutenant Colonel Abdi Mohamed “Gaawiido”. This man was allegedly killed by Abdullahi Yusuf in Ethiopia.

21. Captain Muhiddiin Ismaaiil known by his peers “Ina Xabiibo”. He was killed in Ethiopia.

22. Captain Saadak Mohamed. He was killed in a bomb explosion that believed to be intended to assassinate the late President, Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke in 1968.

23. Brigadier General Mohamud Hussein Daa’uud known as Iminka or Hiirane. He currently lives in America. According to him, Barre ordered him in 1965 to write down for him all the clans and sub-clans of Somali Military Officers, claiming that he refused.

24. Colonel Abdiaziz Hassan “Womo”. He now lives in America.

25. Colonel Abdi Warsame Isaak, a long-time aide of Siad Barre. He is currently in severe health condition at hospital in London.

26. Colonel Osman Maye. He died in Somalia in normal way.

27. Colonel Abdikadir Haji Mohamed Masalle, a member of Barre’s Supreme Revolutionary Council and judge in National Security Court – Maxkamadda Badbaadada Qaranka. He was the right-hand man of Barre for many years while his brother (General Omar Haji Masalle) and brother-in-law (Abdirashid Sheikh Ali Sufi) were in prison. He currently lives in London.



This group comprised of three tank officers, two military vehicle officers, three mining operations officers, two communications officers, two financial administration officers, five artillery officers and ten infantry officers. However, General Talan, General Aftooje and Col Abdikadir Haji Masalle were not taken to Italy and left in Mogadishu.

Following the outbreak of war with Ethiopia in 1964, Doonyaale, a Major in the military at the time as well as the commanding officer of Birjeex brigade in Northern Military Sector, was the only officer that crossed what Somalis regarded Xad-beenaadka. Our renowned singer, the late Seynab Haji Ali Siigaale, popularly known as Baxsan, added her voice in praising Doonyaale in a song released on Radio Mogadishu in 1964 “Rooblow... Rooblow... Ma run baa?”

Start from the right: Gen Harbi, Gen Aideed, Col Abdullahi Yusuf, Gen Nuur Addow, Gen Salad Gabeyre, Col Doonyaale, Col Hassan Gaamuur, Gen Abdalla Faadil, Col Elmi Nur, Gen Samatar, Col Baarqab, Col Abukar Gacal, Col Abukar Suulaley and Gen Sharmaan.
Consequently, General Daa’uud promptly accepted a proposal suggesting two stars had to be awarded to Doonyaale (one heroic gold medal and one promotion), thus becoming a Lieutenant Colonel while his peers were Majors at that time. He was the first Somali recipient of those decorations.

In 1965, Doonyaale was sent to Leningrad Military Academy for senior military officer training and modern weaponry. Nonetheless, when Barre staged his coup d’état, Doonyaale was still in Leningrad, studying military logistics. Upon returning to Mogadishu, Barre barred him from the military service. After two years of unemployment from public service, Barre appointed Doonyaale to be the General Manager of Las Qorey Fish Industry. A decree signed by Barre was written in this way:

DECRETO DEL PRESIDENTE DEL CONSIGLIO RIVOLUZIONARIO SUPREMO

1 Settembre 1971, N. 105.5

Nomina del Colonnello Ibrahim Roble Warfa a General Manager dell’Industria di Las-Kore.

IL PRESIDENTE

DEL CONSIGLIO RIVOLUZIONARIO SUPREMO

VISTA la Prima Carta della Rivoluzione;

VISTA la Legge n. 1 del 21 Ottobre 1969;

RITENUTO la necessita di nominare il Col Ibrahim Roble Warfa a General Manager dell’Industria di Las-Kore;

DECRETA:
ARTICOLO UNICO
  Il Colonnello Ibrahim Roble Warfa e stato nominato General Manager dell’Industria del pesce di Las-Kore.
Mogadiscio, li 1 Settembre 1971.
IL PRESIDENTE

del Consiglio Rivoluzionario Supremo

Gen. Div. Mohamed Siad Barre
In spite of this, by 1976, Doonyaale was reregistered in the Army in order to join the Somali-Ethiopian Battle of 1977, notwithstanding that he attested without fear about his steadfast adversary of dictatorial regime. In 1978, Doonyaale was arrested and accused of assisting the abortive coup of Colonel Mohamed Sheikh Osman “Cirro and Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed. Upon his release in 1981, Doonyaale was nominated by Barre to be the Director of ADC. He was again arrested in 1990 for his association of Manifesto Group soon after they wrote a letter demanding dictator’s departure.
Unfortunately, Doonyaale lost his life in what turned out to be a futile attempt to capture Barre. He was assassinated in January 1991. Rumour is still rife in Somalia and beyond that his elimination was orchestrated by either Aideed or Barre.
May Allah rest Doonyaale in peace, aamiin.

Notes:

1. A conversation I had with Ahmed Suleyman Dafle in Garde de Noord, Brussels, at the end of 2004.

2. A conversation I had with Hassan Gaamuur in Minneapolis and in Virginia in 2008.

3. The most staggering man in this group was Sera Sera Sete. I interviewed him more than twice in London. In 1971, he witnessed that some of his peers (captains, like Masalle brothers) were promoted Majors and Lieutenant Colonels, so he wore the military uniform of Lt Colonel without Barre’s approval. When Barre asked him why he wore it, he said, “Didn’t you say on the radio that promotion had to come from the public, thus the people of Xarardheere promoted me to wear this uniform after having considered my hard-work”. He was arrested and then sacked from the military.

4. I am indebted much to Ambassador Aalim who assisted me in compiling this list.

5. Bullettino Ufficiale, supp. N.2 al N. 8, 20/08/1972.
Mohamed Hagi (Ingiriis)
Ingiriis@yahoo.com

The "Letter-of-Death" by General 'Morgan'

January 23, 1987

Following is the famous "Letter-of-Death" as translated into English by Mohamoud Sheikh Ahmed Musa, former President of the Supreme Court, including his explanatory notes as footnotes:1

The report is addressed to the President of the SDR, the Minister of Defence, and the Minister of Interior.  The latter, Major-General Ahmed Suleiman Abdalla, is also a son-in-law of the President, and Third Deputy Prime Minister.  Since President Barre is also the Minister of Defence -- the previous holder of that portfolio, General Mohamed Ali Samatar, having been promoted Prime Minister on January 30, 1987 -- the report is seemingly confined to family members.  This would explain its extreme frankness in specifying certain clans as targets for implemented and recommended punitive action.

The target is the Isaaq Clan Family.  The term "clan family" was first coined by Professor I.M. Lewis, Professor Social Anthropology at the London School Economics, to describe the collective name for each of the several major divisions to which Somali clans traditionally divide themselves.  The Isaaq clan family sub-divides into four main clans.

Top Secret

The Somali Democratic Republic

 The Ministry of Defense

 26th Sector G.H.Q.

 TQ 826/XKT/28-56/87

 Date:  23/01/87

Report

To: The President of the SDR

        Mogadishu

       The Minister of Defence, SDR

        Mogadishu

       The Minister of Interior, SDR

        Mogadishu

Please refer to the report on the state of the defence and security of the 26th Sector's area of control which I transmitted on 17.1.87.2

The security of the North West and Togdheer Regions has deteriorated.  The Ethiopians brought additional troops to the area with the objective of securing a foothold similar to [those of] Balan Balle and Galdogob.3   As you gathered from my previous report, they did not succeed in their joint incursion.  Subsequently we took punitive measures against the positions jointly occupied by Qurmis4 and the Ethiopians resulting in loss to both of them and in the obliteration of villages, including Dibiile, Rabaso, Raamaale, and Garanuugle.5  All our measures were implemented at night and, except for some light injuries, all the troops returned safely to base.

Following their incursions and their consequent losses, Qurmis resorted to appealing to clan sentiment and began to sound a clarion call to action under [the slogan] "On Isaaq clans!".6  Their objective is to present the curfew7 as a persecution of their own people.  Similarly, they directed a propaganda campaign at the people to the effect that they were about to capture the North West Region and Togdheer.

This much can be gathered from the expressions written on the walls of buildings and from the leaflets distributed in Gabiley District, and at Allaybaday village, Lughaya District.8  All this is an indication of a resurgence of anti-State clan sentiment.  They have appealed to their various sections to recruit 2000 persons for Qurmis to be trained in Awaare.<$FAwaare, south of Hargeisa, is deep in Somali-populated eastern Ethiopia, in the area commonly known as the Ogaden.  So far, 400 individuals have joined.  Similarly, 60 Sa'ad Muuse members of the Faraweyne Front9 and a lieutenant who was their commanding officer gave themselves up to the Ethiopians and the Qurmis following the capture of the State-wreckers.  The rest stole into the bush out of fear, but they have now started to return to the village.

Comrade President, Comrades:

 It has been demonstrated to us that, unless Qurmis and its supporters are subjected to a campaign of obliteration, there will come a time when they will raise their heads again.  But, today, we possess the right remedy for the virus in the [body of the] Somali State.  It consists of:

Balancing the well-to-do to eliminate the concentration of wealth [in the hands of the SNM supporters].

The  reconstruction of the Local Council in such a way as to balance its present membership which is exclusively from a particular people; as well as the dilution of the school population with an infusion of children from the Refugee Camps in the vicinity of Hargeisa.10

Rendering uninhabitable the territory between the army and the enemy, which can be done by destroying the water tanks and the villages lying across the territory used by them for infiltration.

Removing from the membership of the armed forces and the civil service all those who are open to suspicion of aiding the enemy -- especially those holding sensitive posts.

We set out below for your information those steps of the planned action already implemented:

Before now the number of buses used as public transport were 337, two-thirds of which were owned by members of one clan (the Sa'ad Muuse).  However, when, on investigation, it became clear that most of the buses were not operating in accordance with security procedures, due to defects in their registration and circulation documents; and when information received revealed that they were sometimes used to carry drugs11 or persons open to suspicion, in secrecy and without notification to the security organisations; and since the number of buses greatly exceed the needs of the city, the following decisions were adopted and implemented:

 (a)       the number of the buses must not exceed 80;

 (b)       every bus must have a serial number for identification purposes;

 (c)       the buses must be evenly distributed amongst the districts of the city, with each bus limited to a particular route and departure and finishing points;

 (d)       a just and balance redistribution of licences regulating bus ownership in such a way as to give preference to persons relating to the Revolution, and to deny those politically opposed to it; six four-wheel drive vehicles were confiscated at Berbera harbour, and similarly, the removal of vehicles in the city is in progress; those found to be serviceable will be mounted with weapons and the others used as transport for reconnaissance purposes and for officers in command of forces in forward positions; we are also engaged in a process of reclassifying transport.

Of the persons detained as suspected supporters of Qurmis, 45 are from Hargeisa, 30 from Burao, while seven are officers.  Most of them are businessmen and well-to-do people, while some are headmen (Nabadoons).12  They are held in Mandhera prison.  However, it is hereby requested that they be transported urgently to Laanta Buur prison, or Bari prison, etc.13 in order to ensure their continued incarceration during the reorganisation of the local prisons which show many defects from a security standpoint.

The Western Somali Liberation Front14 has been remobilized, and 300 men have been stationed at a place near Geed-Deeble.15  According to plan, they will be re-armed and then put amidst those brigades and battalions considered to be capable of furthering the fight against Qurmis.  At the same time they can implement operations inside [Ethiopia] whenever required.

Since it has become evident that the Isaaq were, by act and intent, with the SNM; and since we could not see them giving up the line they have pursued so deceptively for some time; and in order to forestall them; we arranged for the other inhabitants of the North continuous meetings and a mobilization campaign designed to rouse them to action and to raise their level of awareness.  This was intended to strengthen their unity and to surround Somali unity with a defensive wall.  Among those inhabitants are:  the Awdal people, the various sections of Western Somalis, the Las Qorey people, and the Daami people, etc.16 There is no doubt that the unity of these people will restore the balance of the scales which are now tipped in favour of the Isaaq.  If they attack their tasks energetically, their unity will also undoubtedly humble those who arrogantly maintain that they own the North when the reality is otherwise.

We are still engaged in identifying the positions of those people who maintain current accounts at banks in the North West and Togdheer Regions.  The accounts of those recognised as Qurmis supporters will continue to be frozen; the rest will be unfrozen in the near future.

We see the economic strangulation of the people who work for the enemy as serving a useful purpose.  However, it is absolutely essential that this should be accompanied by the strengthening of the economic positions of non-Northerners, with a view to raising the level of their capabilities and their interests in these Regions.  This will enable them to put under pressure those who have grown fat on the opportunities offered by the Government banks, but have revolted against the State, having persuaded themselves to use their acquired capabilities against the State and it Revolutionary Government.

Undoubtedly, those successive steps, taken to cripple Qurmis, will instill anxiety in those in Mogadishu who are related to it.  We hope that these will not be listened to or heeded so that the impetus of the war being waged against it would not drop.

An investigation into the action of Qurmis against the Burao base revealed that a lieutenant and five sakaris (all police) and some civilians had been behind it.  It was implemented by the Habar Je'lo Qurmis.17  When the inquiry is completed, the culprits will be court-martialled.

Comrade President, in order to implement the above-mentioned matters, we need to:

(a)        purge the Somali Police Force, the Security Force, and the Hangash Force,18 the members of all of which are largely recruited locally; this can be done by finding a force to dilute them and by transferring the present members; and

(b)        replace the present members of the Custodial Corps, who -- having assumed the distinctive character of being exclusively from the North -- cannot be entrusted with the task of guarding the prisons, with a force composed of other Somalis.

2.         We also need up to a Division to reinforce the 3rd Division's zone if it is possible to withdraw units from sectors whose areas of control are stable, since the quality of a force in a state of mobilization cannot achieve very much.

3.         We also need the power of the Commercial Bank to give loans and to determine who shall receive them to be transferred to us, so that the past mistakes relating to the economic strengthening of the anti-State people may be rectified and those worthy of it be given a chance.

We propose that those of our forces we consider to be unsatisfactory should send representatives to discuss urgent corrective action.  The reason is that the reaction to the measures we have already taken or will take must be met in advance.  Since the intelligence-gathering organisations are suspect, and since some of them have committed clear offences, it is prudent to take precautionary measures before it is too late.  Up to now we have been walking on ground deliberately strewn with broken glass in an attempt to reduce the momentum of [our] efforts.  It is essential to sweep away the broken glass without leaving a single piece behind.  There is a Somali proverb:  "Oh hyena, you cannot drag away hides without making a sound."19

We are awaiting your guidance and directives.

(signed)

Major General Mohamed Saeed Hirsi (Morgan)

The Commander of the 26th Sector, North West

Translator's Note:

The translation of the text of the above report is from Somali -- the original language of the report.  The footnotes are not part of the report and have been added by me to enhance the clarity of the document.  Accuracy, rather than elegance of style, has been my principal aim in this translation.

I am persuaded, on investigation, that the signature to the report which purports to be that of Major-General Mohamed Saeed Hirsi (Morgan) (Commander of the 26th Sector and de facto governor of the regions covered by the report) is in fact his own, and that the report is genuine.

My aim in translating this remarkable document is to make it available to researchers, lawyers, and human rights officials.  I am not a member or sympathiser of the SNM or SSDF, although I am opposed to the present regime in Somalia.

In my years in Somalia as a legal practitioner, or member and then President of the Supreme Court, I never saw an official document with recommendations so frank in their departure from legality or accepted norms.  Such a document ought not to be allowed to be confined to dissident circles that are privately circulating copies of the original.

This translation was done by me, Mohamoud Sheikh Ahmed Musa, in London on April 27, 1987.

(signed)

 Mohamoud Sheikh Ahmed Musa

Signed before me this 27th day of April 1987 by the above mentioned

(signed)

R. Barnett

113-116 Strand

London WC2