Ethiopia sacks the president of Somali Region

The Ethiopian federal government has sacked the president of the Somali regional state according to reports in the regional administrative capital Jigjiga.

The ouster of Abdi Mohamud Omar comes on the heels of growing local, regional and international accusations of widespread abuses in the region.

Mr Omar has been accused of torturing, killing and the disappearance of hundreds of Somali civilians in the restive region in eastern Ethiopia.

He is said to have been using the notorious and often lawless paramilitary Liyu Police and until recently no evidence of the abuses has reached the outside world. The Liyu police operate in the same manner as Sudan’s janjaweed militia who are said to be responsible for much of Darfur’s unrest.

Swedish Television released last month video evidence smuggled out of Ethiopia documenting and revealing gruesome human disaster of staggering proportions. Many villages in the Dagahbur district were leveled to the ground during 2010 operations.

This year the Liyu police also carried out summary detentions and execution of civilians in Gashaamo, Harshin and Baligubadle towns. Human right groups said, more than 50 civilians have been executed by the group led by Mr Omar.

The international court of justice has not so far issued a warrant for his arrest for his roles to known and well documented abuses despite new evidences.

According to reports in the region, the Ethiopian government equally plans to scrap up the Liyu Police militia and replace them with the regular federal army.

The exact motives behind the sacking of the Somali State premier is not clear but he was recently summed up to Addis Ababa.

The Ethiopian government fears the growing anger over Abdi’s rule and his militia might further fuel reprisals and help create new armed groups in the conflict-ridden region. Since his appointment the conflict spread into new regions that was relatively stable prier to his appointment two years ago.

This is some what a damage control for the government under its new leadership. No one has been appointed so far but his deputy, Abdifatah Mohamud Hassan is the acting state regional president.
All the leaders of the region has been ousted by Addis Ababa even before completing their terms unlike the other federal states in Ethiopia.

The latest effort to bring the government and the rebel ONLF group to a round table collapsed last week in the Kenyan capital. The Ogaden group accused Addis Ababa of blocking negotiations by urging them to accept the Ethiopian federal constitution as precondition for further mediation.

Bordering Somalia and Somaliland, the Somali regional state is one of nine federal states in Ethiopia and is mainly inhabited by ethnic Somalis.

The footage below shows Abdi Mohamud Omar visiting villages where hundreds have gone missing just hours before and after his visit. People who spoke against his crimes have disappeared all together and relatives of the missing civilians have urged the international community to arrest Mr Omar. They say they deserve justices and their voice should be listened to like the people of Libya, Syria and South Sudan who for many years lived under repressive regimes.

Gabagabada Wajiga Kowaad Baadhitaanka Xabaalo-wadareedyo Somaliland laga waday

Baadhitaan urur caalami ah ku waday xabaalo-wadareedyo laga aasay dad badan oo ah shacab u dhashay Somaliland oo ay laayeen ciidammadii taliskii Siyaad Barre sannadihii siddeetamaadkii, ayaa laga soo saaray shalay warbixin lagu caddeeyey tirada lafaha dadka la xasuuqay iyo qaabkii loo laayey.

Baadhitaankan oo ay fulinayaan khubaro ka tirsan ururka caalamiga ah EPAF oo qorshuhu yahay inuu socdo ilaa shan sannadood, ayaa soo gebagabeeyey qoditaanka laba xabaal-wadareedkii ugu horreeyey oo ku yaal xaafadda Badhka ee caasimadda Hargeysa, kuwaas oo laga soo saaray lafaha 38 qof oo si axmaqnimo ah loo xasuuqay, kadibna lagu guray godod loo diyaariyey, iyadoo warbixinta baadhitaannadaas laga soo saaray tilmaantay astaamihii dadkaasi kala laayey iyo siyaabaha xabbadda loola dhacay.

Masuuliyiinta Guddiga Dabagalka Xasuuqii Somaliland iyo khubarada ururka EPAF ee baadhitaannadan samaynaya, ayaa hudheelka Adam’s Inn oo magaalada Hargeysa ugu soo bandhigay warbaahinta shalay lafaha, maryaha iyo waxyaabo ay siteen dadkii lagu aasay labadaas xabaalo-wadareed oo inta qof walba lafihiisii iyo xubnihiisii gaar loo habeeyey la doonayo in lagu sameeyo baadhitaan buuxa oo qalab loo adeegsanayo, waxaanay faahfaahin ka bixiyeen warbixin hordhac ah oo iftiiminaysa xogaha ay heleen iyo tallaabooyinka cusub ee u qorshaysan.

Guddoomiyaha Guddiga Dabagalka Xasuuqii Somaliland Mr. Khadar Axmed Like, ayaa faahfaahin ka bixiyey natiijada uga soo baxday baadhitaannada lagu sameeyey labadaas xabaalood, waxaannu yidhi, “Hawlgalkii aannu ku baadhaynay labadii xabaalo-wadareed ee Badhka ee aannu wadnay ayaannu maanta oo ah 17 Oct. 2012  doonaynaa in aannu gebagebadii halkan ku soo bandhigo.

Halkaas waxa laga helay 38 qof, kuwaas oo qoladan inala joogta ee khubaradu caddeeyeen sidii loo dilay inay ahayd xasuuq, si naxariis-darro ahna rasaas loogu furay kadibna loo duugay, iyadoo si aan dan laga lahayn dadkaasi la isugu dul tuulay.

Waxa kale oo ay muujiyeen qof kasta intii rasaas ahayd ee ku dhacday iyo sidii loo dilay, waxaanna ka mid ah qofkii gashanaa safaarigaas (surwaalka iyo shaadhka safaariga loo yaqaan oo mid ka mid ah dadka la laayey xidhnaa) waxa laga tiriyey 25 xabbadood inta ku dhacday. 

Waxay inoo caddeeyeen khubaradu in dilka noocaas ah xasuuq ahaa, sidaa naxariis-darrada ah ee loo laayeyna ay iyagu caddayn doonaan. Xabaalihii waa laga soo wada qaaday wixii laga helay oo qof walba lafihiisii gooni baa la isugu geeyey oo loo habeeyey. Sidaas ayaa lagu caddayn karaa in qof waliba siduu u ekaa iyo sida looga qaadayo baadhitaannada dheeraadka ah.”

Waxa kaloo Mr. Like uu sheegay in baadhitaankan xasuuqa ay ka faa’iidaysteen qaar ka mid ah ardayda jaamcadaha dalka, kuwaas oo cilmi fara badan ka faa’iidaya khubaradan caalamiga ah, isla markaana aqoontoodu hanti u noqon doonto dalka.

Madaxa qiimaynta baadhitaannada laabarotoriga ee khubarada caalamiga ah Mr. Franco Mora, ayaa sharraxay baadhitaannada ay ku samaynayaan qalfoofyada la soo saaray, isagoo tusaale ku bixiyey lafaha saddex qof oo miisaas dhaadheer dushooda la isugu hagaajiyey sidii lafuhu isu lahaayeen, kadibna tilmaamay meelaha xabbadaha laga dhuftay iyo astaamaha lafaha ama ilkaha ay kala lahaayeen iyo weliba da’dooda.
“Waxaannu helnay tilmaamo muujinaya in dadkan laga toogtay qaybta hoose, gaar ahaan lugaha iyo qaybta sare, halka kuwa kalena rasaasta lagaga dhuftay madaxa,” ayuu yidhi Franco.

Mr. Franco Mora oo weriye ka tirsan Jamhuuriya waydiiyey da’da ay u badnaayeen dadka la laayey iyo inay wax dumar ah ku jiraan 38ka qof ee lafahooda la baadhay, waxa uu ku jawaabay; “Weli maannu dhammayn warbixinta baadhitaankooda. Waxaannu eegnay tiro kooban, laakiin sannadka dambe ayaannu dhammaystiraynaa warbixinta oo dhammaystiran, balse qofkani (qalfoof isku dhan oo miis la saaray) qiyaastii da’diisu waxay u dhexaysaa 30 ilaa 40 jir, waxaannuse aragnay dad yaryar sida 13 jir iyo kuwo 15, 16 iyo 17 sanno jir ah. Weli ma hayno wax dumar ah ilaa toban ka mid ah oo aannu baadhnay.”

Mar uu ka jawaabayey inay u qorshaysan tahay inay warbixinahooda u gudbin doonaan beesha caalamka sida ururrada xuquuqda aadamaha iyo Maxkamadda Dambiyada Dagaalka si loo aqoonsado xasuuqii ka dhacay Somaliland, waxa uu yidhi; “Waxaannu xog badan ka haynaa taariikhda Somaliland. Waxaannu ognahay in dhammaan dhibbanayaashu ka mid ahaayeen qabiilka Isaaq, sidaa darteed haddii aannu ogaanno in dadkani aanay ku dhiman dagaal ay ku jireen oo loo laayey si badheedh ah waa xasuuq, waana sida uu yahay runtii iminka, waayo marka la eego sida dadkan loo laayey.

Annaga xilkayagu waxa weeye in aannu xaqiijino inuu halkan ka dhacay xasuuq iyo in kale, marka aannu dhammaynayna waanu sheegaynaa.”

Dhinaca kale, dhallinyaro ka mid ah kuwa wax ka bartay jaamacadaha Somaliland oo la shaqaynayey khubarrada si ay aqoon uga bartaan ayaa iyaguna ka warramay waxyaabaha ay arkeena iyo aqoonta u korodhay.

Somaliland oo Laascaanood ku Xirtay Dad Taageeray Ra'iiusl-wasaaraha Cusub

12.10.2012

Ciidamada Somaliland ayaa Laas-Caanood ku qabqabtay dad u badan haween oo soo abaabulay xaflad lagu taageerayay Ra'iisul-wasaare Saacid oo lagu qabtay Laas-Caanood.

Wararka laga helayo Laas-Caanood ee gobolka Sool ayaa sheegaya in ciidamada Somaliland ay maanta qab-qabteen dad ubadan haween ah oo lagu eedeeyay inay soo abaabuleen xaflad lagu taageeray ra'iisul-wasaaraha cusub ee Soomaaliya, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon Saacid.

Xafladdan lagu taageeray ra'iisul-wasaaraha cusub ee Soomaaliya ayaa waxay magaalada Laas-Caanood ka dhacday maalintii Arbacada, hasse yeeshee ciidamada Somaliland ayaa markii ay warbaahinta ka ogaadeen dadka soo abaabulay xafladaasi, waxay xalay iyo maantaba magaalada ka bilaabeen howlgal, waxayna soo qab-qabteen dad u badan haween oo ay ku tilmaameen inay soo agaasimeen xafladdaasi lagu taageeray ra'iisul-wasaaraha Soomaaliya.

Haweenka la soo qab-qabtay ayaa lagu sheegay inay ku jiraan kuwo da'doodu weyn tahay.

Maamulka ka dhisan Laascaanood ee hoos yimaada Somaliland ayaan ilaa imika ka hadlin dhacdadan.

Djibouti: ARTICLE 19's Submission to the UN Universal Periodic… · Article 19

Issued by ARTICLE 19 on 10 Oct 2012

Executive summary

In this submission, ARTICLE 19 outlines its concerns that, over the last four years, there has been an escalation in violations of the right to freedom of expression and information, and the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in Djibouti. In particular:

• Journalists and opposition activists continue to be harassed and intimidated, and in the worst cases have been arbitrarily detained and tortured.

• Peaceful assemblies have been brutally suppressed, with the right to freedom of peaceful assembly suspended entirely during election campaigns.

• The Criminal Code and Communications Law retain criminal prohibitions on false news and defamation that continue to threaten the right to freedom of expression and information.

• The Organization Act No. 2-AN-92 continues to place substantial restrictions on the operations of the media despite recommendations for reform at Djibouti’s first UPR.

• Djibouti does not have legislation to implement the right of access to information, and therefore this right cannot be practically exercised.

• Internet access in the country remains available to only 7% of the population, severely limiting the right to freedom of expression and information.

• Djibouti has continued to fail in its obligations to report on the implementation of international human rights treaties to which it is party.

• Djibouti has failed to issue invitations to any UNHRC appointed Special Mandate, including the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression and the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

Arbitrary arrests and torture of journalists

During its last UPR, Djibouti rejected the recommendation to cease the intimidation of journalists and promote a climate of tolerance so that opinions from opposition politicians can be freely expressed. ARTICLE 19 has observed that a climate of intolerance towards freedom of expression persists, and that practices of intimidation against journalists continue. This includes instances of arbitrary detention and torture.

In August 2012, Houssein Ahmed Farah, a contributor to the Europe-based news website La Voix de Djibouti (“The Voice of Djibouti”) was arrested and jailed for a week without being charged or given access to a lawyer or family. Houssein was accused of selling membership cards of the banned opposition party, the Movement for the Renewal of Democracy and Development (MRD), which was banned by President Ismail Omar Guelleh in 2008. He accused the MRD of supporting neighbouring Eritrea in a plot to invade Djibouti.

In November 2011, two journalists working with "La Voix de Djibouti," Farah Abadid Hildid and Houssein Robleh Dabar, were arrested and tortured for four days before they were conditionally released, subject to judicial control. The two were charged with encouraging an illegal demonstration and insulting the president.

The same journalists had also been arrested in February.

In February 2011, six journalists working for “La Voix de Djibouti” were among the demonstrators arrested during antigovernment protests. These included; Farah Abadid Heldid, Houssein Robleh Dabar, Houssein Ahmed Farah, Abdillahi Aden Ali, Joustapha Abdourahman Houssein, and Mohamed Ibrahim Waiss. The six were charged with insurrection and held for four months before being released in June, pending trial.

These instances constitute clear violations of Djibouti’s obligations under international human rights law; most notably of the right to freedom of expression and information, as well as the prohibitions on arbitrary detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. These violations must be promptly and thoroughly investigated and adequate redress provided to victims.

Lack of media diversity and pluralism

The Organization Act No. 2-AN-92 regulates the media in Djibouti. Following its last UPR, Djibouti rejected recommendations to reform this Act to bring it into compliance with the protection for the right to freedom of expression under Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (the ICCPR).

Article 13 of the Organization Act No. 2-AN-92 on Freedom of the Press and Communication provides for “the right of everyone to create and use freely the media of their choice to express their thoughts by imparting them to others and to gain access to the expression of the thoughts of others.”

ARTICLE 19 observes that people in Djibouti are not free to establish their own media or use it freely to seek, impart or receive information. The state continues to dominate the media in Djibouti. Through the Radio Television of Djibouti (RTD), the Ministry of Culture and Communications runs 2 national FM stations and 2 national AM stations. It also runs the sole national TV national station. The ministry oversees media licensing including accreditation of foreign journalists and the RTD holds near monopoly of the airwaves.

The sole news service, Agence Djibouti d’information, and the two main newspapers, French-language La Nation and Arabic-language Al Qarn, are government owned. La Nation was inherited from the French colonial Government at independence in 1977 and continues to be tightly controlled by the state. All the state-owned media outlets, editors and managers enjoy little if any editorial independence. The only other national print newspaper is Le Republique, which is owned by and affiliated to the opposition.

Restrictive media laws

A number of laws restrict media freedom, contradicting the guarantee for freedom of opinion and expression in Article 15 of the 1992 Constitution and the regional and international instruments to which Djibouti is party.

The prohibitions on publication of false news (Criminal Code, Article 425) and prohibitions on Criminal Defamation (Law on Communication, Article 425) may both be abused to suppress dissent and imprison those who express views contrary to those held by the government. Both provisions violate international standards on the right to freedom of expression. In particular, the African Commission stated in Resolution 169 of 2010 that criminal defamation laws “constitute a serious interference with freedom of expression and impedes on the role of the media as a watchdog, preventing journalists and media practitioners to practice their profession without fear and in good faith”.

The Organization Act No. 2-AN-92 imposes a number of illegitimate qualifying criteria on those seeking appointment to senior positions in media organisations. These provisions give significant discretion to the government to control media ownership and management, in violation of their duty to promote an independent and pluralistic media. These provisions include:

• Article 14 requires participants in the financial management of any press body to be citizens of Djibouti;

• Article 17 requires the director and vice-director of any media outlet to be a resident of Djibouti; and 

• Article 47 requires any director of an audiovisual outlet to be at least 40 years old.

Entry requirements for the journalist’s profession, even for senior positions, are inconsistent with international law; they fail to recognise that the right to express oneself through the mass media belongs to everyone, not only persons who the government considers particularly qualified or suitable. They also deprive the general public of the right to receive information and ideas from diverse sources of their own choice.

ARTICLE 19 notes that following its last UPR, Djibouti rejected a recommendation that it repeal Articles 14, 17 and 47 of the Organization Act No. 2-AN-92.

The right to freedom of peaceful assembly

The government has continued to intimidate and harass political opponents and their supporters. The most notable examples include blanket bans on assemblies, as well as the brutal suppression of opposition rallies, both of which violate the right to freedom of expression and the right to freedom of peaceful assembly:

• February 18 2011: Security forces used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse young protestors who remained following a peaceful demonstration. One civilian and one police officer were killed, and numerous demonstrators were injured. The subsequent security crackdown resulted in numerous arrests, detentions, and criminal proceedings against demonstrators.

• March 25 to April 8 2011: During the campaign period for elections, the government imposed a blanket ban on opposition rallies.

As well as violating international human rights standards, these incidents also violate Article 15 of the Djiboutian constitution, which guarantees the right to freedom of expression.

Internet access

Internet penetration levels in Djibouti remain incredibly low; the telecommunications infrastructure is severely underdeveloped and access is prohibitively expensive. The International Telecommunications Union has reported that only 7% of people in Djibouti use the Internet.

Djibouti is served by a single Internet Service Provider, which is overseen by the Ministry of Culture and Communications. There are concerns that this control may be exploited by the government to monitor the content of Internet communications and restrict access to content it finds unfavourable.

Right of access to information

ARTICLE 19 observes that Djibouti has not adopted a law to implement the right of access to information. The right of access to information is widely regarded as central to the right to freedom of expression and essential for the exercise of all human rights. Ten countries in Africa have national freedom of Information laws, namely Angola, Ethiopia, Guinea-Conakry, Liberia, Nigeria, Niger, South Africa, Tunisia, Uganda and Zimbabwe. Djibouti should consider the adoption of an access to information law.

Failure to report compliance to treaty monitoring bodies

The government of Djibouti has failed to submit periodic reports on its compliance with international human rights treaties to which it is party. These include:

The Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment: the initial report was due in 2003 and remains outstanding;

The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women “the CEDAW”: the initial report was due in 2000, and remains outstanding;

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“the ICCPR”): the initial was report due 2004 and is outstanding.

Failure to issue any standing invitation to the UN special rapporteurs

Despite mounting pressures, Djibouti has failed to issue any standing invitation to any UN Special Mandate holder to visit the country, including the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression.

Recommendations

In response to these concerns ARTICLE 19 calls upon Member States to put forward clear and strong recommendations to the Djiboutian government, namely:

• The arbitrary detention and torture of opposition activists and journalists must be thoroughly investigated, perpetrators must be prosecuted and victims must be afforded adequate redress.

• Prohibitions on the publication of false news should be repealed.

• Defamation should be decriminalised.

• Articles 14, 17 and 47 of the Organization Act No. 2-AN-92 should be repealed to promote media independence and plurality. 

• Legislation should be adopted to ensure that the right of access to information can be exercised in Djibouti.

• The right to freedom of peaceful assembly must be fully respected; violations of this right should be investigated and victims should be afforded redress. No further blanket prohibitions on assemblies should be imposed.

• Djibouti should comply with its treaty obligations to report on the implementation of international human rights treaties, including the ICCPR, the CAT, and the CEDAW.

• Invitations should be issued to all relevant UN thematic special mandate holders to visit Djibouti, in particular the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression and the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

Djibouti: ARTICLE 19's Submission to the UN Universal Periodic… · Article 19

Somaliland: Abdi – a serious boy | ReliefWeb

Save the Children - by Mark Kaye - 09 Oct 2012

Abdi is one of the most serious boys I’ve ever met. In fact, in the hour we spend together talking, I only see him smile once – when I take his picture.

Abdi is 14 years old and lives near the village of Boodhlay; a small pastoral community we’re supporting in the eastern regions of Somaliland.

Like most people in this village his family are dependent on their livestock to provide them with food, milk and income.

He is one of ten children and the only of his brothers and sisters to go to school. All the rest stay at home and help to look after the family’s animals.

Every day he walks for an hour and a half to get to school and then the same again to come home. He has an appreciation of the power of education that would have shamed my 14-year-old self.

“My education is very important to me,” he tells me. “I don’t think that anything else would matter to me so much that I would make this journey over and over. Nothing is more important. I need to be able to help my family. When I grow up and finish my education I can do this.”

Struggling to recover

Abdi’s village is currently suffering the effects of poor seasonal April to June rains. Pasture for animals to graze on is extremely limited and water for both livestock and human consumption is scarce.

Already vulnerable as a result of last year’s drought, villages like this all over eastern Somaliland are struggling to recover and return to normal life.

“When there is no rain we move a lot,” Abdi says. “We move to different places in search of food for our animals. I worry a lot about having to drop out of school. If my family moves again we might not come back and I will have no chance of finishing my studies.

“One day I hope to be a teacher myself. But if the rains do not come again my family will move and I will have to follow them.

“Things are hard now. It is difficult to get food and sometimes our water is dirty. I never have any food during break time at school and so concentrating in class is hard. Sometimes when I get home there is nothing to eat either so I try to go to sleep so that breakfast comes sooner.

“There is no one else to look after me if my family has to leave. I would have to go with them and drop out of school. I wish we had a school where I could eat and stay. That way no one could ever take me away.”

Little to smile about

Abdi is one of the most serious boys I have ever met, and not without good reason. A 14-year-old shouldn’t have to worry about being able to complete his primary education. This is his right.

We’re already on the ground, working in a total of 21 villages across eastern Somaliland where we currently support schools.

We’re trucking in water and rehabilitating local water sources so that families, like Abdi’s, have immediate access to safe water in these difficult times.

Somaliland: Abdi – a serious boy | ReliefWeb

Somaliland: Freedom in the World Report 2012

Freedom in the World Report 2012 

Somalia’s Government Transition Maintains the Status Quo

By Morgan Lorraine Roach
August 20, 2012

Today, the mandate for Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) expired, and parliament met for the first time to begin the selection process for the country’s new president and speaker of parliament.

Though the process to create a new government has been flawed, the Obama Administration and the international community have hailed this development as momentous progress. In reality, there is little reason to celebrate, as the new government will likely mirror the ineffective and corrupt TFG.

A Transition to a Transition

For more than 20 years, Somalia was without a legitimate representative government. The TFG, appointed by the United Nations in a process conducted in neighboring Kenya, lacked democratic legitimacy, was notoriously corrupt, and achieved little in the way of peace and stability.

The TFG was the 14th attempt to establish a permanent government since 1991. This “transitional” government was charged with paving the way toward a permanent government. The U.N. and a handful of TFG actors created a “Roadmap” in September 2011, which mandated the formation of an 885-member National Constituent Assembly (NCA), which then voted on a draft constitution. Afterwards, a technical selection committee was charged with choosing 275 members of the NCA to serve in the parliament. The parliament was supposed to vote for a new president on the same day the TFG’s mandate expires—today.

The process is undemocratic and a poor standard for future governance. Neither the NCA, the parliament, nor the president are elected by the Somali people. Somalia’s draft constitution was supposed to be achieved through public consultations and a popular referendum as mandated by the Transitional National Charter. Instead, it was voted on by the NCA, not the Somali people. The NCA then had a week to review it before approving it on August 1. Despite 96 percent of NCA members voting in favor of the constitution, the process fell short of upholding the openness and transparency called for in the national charter.

So far, the technical committee has selected only 225 members of the parliament. This has not stopped the parliament from holding its first session and starting the selection process for the president and speaker. As a result, not only are members not selected by the Somali people, but the members that will occupy the remaining seats will not be able to vote for the next president and speaker.

Even when the parliamentary selection is complete, its membership is likely to be similar to the former TFG’s representation, as the process is being manipulated through corruption and intimidation. Approximately 70 parliamentary nominees were automatically rejected by the technical committee for past criminal activity. Last week, James Swan, the Obama Administration’s representative for Somalia, reported concerns of “inadequate representation of women and in some cases reports of former warlords…being nominated by their communities.”[1]

Flawed from the Start

The TFG’s inability to establish peace and stability stemmed from its mismanagement, corruption, and outright criminality. According to a recent U.N. report by the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, TFG leaders were “reluctant to fulfill their transitional responsibilities under the national charter and some have proven actively obstructive, calling for a further extension of their term of office.”[2] TFG President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed reneged on his promise to not seek re-election.

Furthermore, the report recognizes that the “prospects for stabilization and effective governance have fallen to political and commercial ‘elites’ who appropriate, privatize and criminalize the core function of the Somali state.”[3] According to a World Bank report in May 2012, nearly 68 percent of TFG revenues in 2009–2010 were unaccounted for.[4] Additionally, Sharif used his authority to facilitate piracy, furnishing well-known criminals with diplomatic passports.

Although it is easy to blame this corruption on Somalia’s lack of development and governance, the U.N. and other countries are complicit in these problems. The international community believes that Somalia’s chaotic state (e.g., terrorism) does not present the conditions that are necessary to establish representative democracy, which would at least have to account to the electorate for its deficiencies. Instead, the U.N. and others hope to ease Somalia into a more democratic process in the years ahead.

U.S. Interests

The Somali people have lost faith in transitional institutions, they are fatigued by the desperate conditions they constantly suffer, and they want their country run by Somalis rather than dictated by international entities. The U.S. shares these concerns.

Somalia’s lack of governance has allowed terrorism and piracy to proliferate. The U.S. and international partners have sought to combat the al-Qaeda affiliate al-Shabaab and pirate gangs by supporting the African Union’s peacekeeping mission in Somalia (AMISOM), Somalia’s National Security Force (NSF), and an international coalition of navies. While AMISOM has pushed al-Shabaab from some of its strongholds and piracy has decreased this year, these problems cannot be solved by military means alone. A commitment to good governance and the rule of law is crucial to future stability.

The U.S. is also one of the largest donors in humanitarian assistance to the region. When famine struck the Horn of Africa last summer, the U.S. was the single largest donor, committing over a billion dollars to the relief process. However, the TFG blocked relief groups and deliveries from starving populations, and the NSF often stole food supplies and committed atrocities against the most vulnerable.

What the U.S. Should Do

Supporting the undemocratic TFG model merely prolongs the status quo in Somalia. Somalia’s leadership should be responsible to the Somali people, not the international community. Until the Somali government has demonstrated a commitment to democracy, the Obama Administration should do the following:

• Withhold bilateral assistance to the new government. The U.S. should not do anything that rewards Somalia’s poor governance. Bilateral aid to Somalia’s next government, which will likely be populated by the same professional criminals that dominated the TFG, should be withheld. This includes aid to the NSF, whose soldiers are infamous for their dubious loyalties and widespread abuse of the civilian population. However, exceptions should be made in humanitarian emergencies—but only when non-government entities are able to provide the necessary services.

• Continue to support AMISOM. U.S. support to AMISOM is provided directly to the African governments participating in the mission and should be continued. AMISOM is not the solution to the crisis in Somalia, but it does stabilize territory that would otherwise be in the hands of terrorists.

• Recognize Somaliland’s provisional independence. Having declared its independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland proves that democratic governance in Somalia is possible. Hargeisa’s connections to Mogadishu are limited to the extent that the Somaliland government is forced to deal with the effects of the TFG’s failures. Somaliland should be rewarded for its commitment to democracy and not be held back by Somalia’s incompetency.

Status Quo Under Another Name

Somalia’s new system of governance is set up for failure. The process by which the government is created is inherently undemocratic, yet the U.N. and other members of the international community expect the system to evolve to representative democracy as conditions on the ground improve. Additionally, one should never underestimate the ability of Somali politicians to undermine democracy. Rather than achieving a significant milestone for governance, Somalia is maintaining the status quo under another name.

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Morgan Lorraine Roach is a Research Associate in the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.

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References in this report

[1]Jason Straziuso, “U.S., U.N. Concerned over Corrupt Somali Transition,” The Washington Times, August 14, 2012, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2012/aug/14/us-un-concerned-over-corrupt-somali-transition/ (accessed August 20, 2012).

[2]U.N. Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, June 27, 2012, p. 11, http://www.somaliareport.com/downloads/UN_REPORT_2012.pdf (accessed August 20, 2012).

[3]Ibid., p. 12.

[4]Bronwyn Bruton and J. Peter Pham at the Atlantic Council report that the TFG was unable to account for 96 percent of bilateral aid. See Bronwyn Bruton and J. Peter Pham, “How to End the Stalemate in Somalia,” Foreign Affairs, September 30, 2011, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/68315/bronwyn-bruton-and-j-peter-pham/how-to-end-the-stalemate-in-somalia (accessed August 20, 2012).

Somalia’s Government Transition Maintains the Status Quo

In Somaliland, what’s the text message everyone waits for?

Imagine tightening your belt so you can set aside a few extra dollars for your kin threatened by famine and conflict, while knowing in the back of your mind that a bank can shut down the transfer service at a moment’s notice.

October 4th, 2012 | by Guest Blogger

In August, Oxfam America’s Scott Paul traveled to Somaliland to research a money transfer system that helps support countless families in the region. A senior humanitarian policy advisor, Paul discusses how remittances provide a lifeline to Somalilanders and people all across the Somali region. 

This is the second in a series of three blogs on the topic.

People wait in crowded lines to receive money transfers in Somaliland. Photo by Scott Paul

On my first day in Somaliland, I traveled to the operations center of Dahabshiil. In case I didn’t drive the point home strongly enough yesterday, Dahabshiil is a significant presence in Somaliland. The operations center now occupies two older buildings, but it’s scheduled to relocate to a new building, which, when completed, will be the biggest in all of Somaliland.

I asked Abdirashid Duale, Dahabshiil’s chief executive officer, what most threatened the free flow of remittances from the US to Somalia. Without hesitation, he replied, “Banks, banks, banks.”
Traditional Islamic money service businesses like Dahabshiil have agents to collect and distribute money transfers, but they can’t actually send money from the US to Somalia themselves – they need banks to do that. But US law requires banks to devote a ton of resources to monitoring the transactions and to subject themselves to additional government scrutiny.

As a result, only a few small banks still work with the Somali money transfer companies. And those banks could decide at any moment to discontinue service – even if the companies go above and beyond their legal obligations.

Many Somali-Americans are scared and frustrated, and I can understand why. Imagine tightening your belt so you can set aside a few extra dollars for your kin threatened by famine and conflict, while knowing in the back of your mind that a bank can shut down the transfer service at a moment’s notice.

It’s no wonder the Somali-American community in the Twin Cities in Minnesota has organized town hall meetings, protests, and boycotts this year in order to force banks and government officials to find a way to keep remittances flowing.

All of this trouble is not necessarily the fault of the banks, though. US law asks them to monitor and regulate systems they may not fully understand and which are widely believed in the industry, rightly or wrongly, to be insecure and risky. For my part, I didn’t fully understand them either. So I decided to see for myself how Somalis receive money from abroad – and how Somali money transfer companies guard against money laundering and fraud.

My good friend Kate, always up for an adventure, agreed to send me $60 from Minneapolis . She presented her driver’s license and phone number, together with my passport number and Somaliland cell phone number, and paid $63 (including $3 commission). Fifteen minutes later and nearly 8,000 miles away, I received a text message on my cell phone: “You have a message from Dahabshiil.”

To millions of Somali families, messages from money transfer companies like this one means the support they need to survive has finally arrived. To me, it meant a window into a poorly understood facet of Somali life was beginning to open.

CJA and EPAF Launch New Blog - Unearthing Evidence of Barre-era War Crimes in Somaliland.docx

This week the Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team, in partnership with the government of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, opened an international forensic training program in Hargeisa, Somaliland.  

Participants in this historic effort will share their experience with updates that will inform and reflect on the search for the missing and disappeared.  This will give readers a window into the process of fact-finding and forensic investigation of human rights violations in Somaliland, a process that will allow access to truth and justice for the families of the victims. 

Click here to read the blog.

From 1969 to 1991, president and military dictator Siad Barre oversaw a campaign of widespread atrocities that decimated Somali civil society.  To quash separatist movements in the 1980s, the Somali Armed Forces targeted civilians in the northwest, modern-day Somaliland, culminating in the bloody 1988 siege of the regional capital Hargeisa, which claimed at least 5,000 civilian lives. 

Just last month, U.S. Federal Judge Leonie Brinkema awarded $21 million in compensatory and punitive damages against former Somali General Mohamed Ali Samantar for his role in the slaughter. This judgment marks the first time that any Somali government official has been held accountable for the atrocities perpetrated under that regime.

The forensic training program will help to determine the universe of missing people through a systematic approach, ante mortem data collection and research of mass and clandestine graves. CJA is sponsoring the project, which runs from September 24 through October 21, 2012.

For more information, please visit CJA’s website: cja.org

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About Center for Justice and Accountability

The Center for Justice and Accountability is an international human rights organization dedicated to deterring torture and other severe human rights abuses around the world and advancing the rights of survivors to seek truth, justice and redress. CJA uses litigation to hold perpetrators individually accountable for human rights abuses, develop human rights law, and advance the rule of law in countries in transition from periods of abuse.

About the Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team

The Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF) is a non-profit organization that promotes the right to truth, justice, and guarantees of non-repetition in cases of forced disappearance and extrajudicial execution. EPAF seeks to contribute to the consolidation of peace and democracy where grave human rights violations have taken place by working alongside the families of the disappeared to find their loved ones, gain access to justice, and improve the conditions affecting their political and economic development.

Milatariga Itoobiya Oo La Wareegay Amaanka Deegaanadii Shacabka Lagu Xasuuqay Iyo Liyuu Booliiska Oo Lagu Amray In Aanay Cagaha Soo Dhigin

Milatariga Itoobiya Oo La Wareegay Amaanka Deegaanadii Shacabka Lagu Xasuuqay Iyo Liyuu Booliiska Oo Lagu Amray In Aanay Cagaha Soo Dhigin