Daawo Afhayeenka Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland Mr. Suleiman Xuquuq oo Eedo Culus Huwiyay Gudoomiyaha Wakiilada Somaliland & Baaqa Jaaliyadaha Somaliland ee Ingiriiska SSE

Wareegga Labaad ee Hawlgal Khubaro Caalami ah ku Baadhayaan Xabaalo-wadareedyada Xasquuqii Somaliland oo la Bilaabay

Wareegga labaad ee hawlgal khubaro ajaanib ahi ku baadhayaan xasuuqii nidaamkii Siyaad Barre ee Soomaaliya ka gaystay Somaliland sannadihii sideetamaadkii, ayaa laga bilaabay xabaalo-wadareedyo ku yaal xaafadda Badhka ee degmada Axmed Dhagax ee Koonfurta magaalada Hargeysa.

Baadhitaankan oo ay samaynayaan khubaro ka socota hay’ad magaceeda la yidhaa EPAF oo ku takhasusay baadhitaannada xasuuqyada caalamka ka dhaca iyo dadka sida wadajirka ah loo laayo, taas oo xukuumadda Somaliland heshiis kula gashay inay muddo shan sannadood ah baadhitaan ku sameeyaan xasuuqii Somaliland uu ka gaystay Taliskii Siyaad Barre, kuwaas oo wejigii hore ee baadhitaankooda ku sameeyey laba xabaal-wadareed oo ku yaal xaafadda Badhka ee Hargeysa sannadkii 2012-dii oo ay ka soo sareen lafaha 38 qof oo ku jiray, waxaannay si rasmi ah wareegga labaad ee baadhitaankooda u bilaabeen shalay.

Bilowga wareegga labaad ee baadhitaanka oo lagaga dhawaaqay xaflad lagu qabtay shalay goobta ay ku taal xabaal-wadareedka saddexaad ee hawlgalkan, waxa ka qaybgalay Wasiirrada Wasaaradaha Caddaaladda iyo Shaqada iyo Arrimaha Bulshada – Md. Xuseen Axmed Caydiid iyo Maxamuud Axmed Barre (Garaad), madaxda xafiiska baadhitaanka xasuuqa Somaliland, culimo ka socday Wasaaradda Diinta iyo Awqaafta Somaliland iyo khubarada baadhitaanka fulinaysa.

Guddoomiyaha Xafiiska Baadhista Xasuuqa Somaliland Mr. Khadar Axmed Like oo ugu horreyn halkaasi ka hadlay, ayaa sheegay in wareeggan labaad ee baadhintan ay samaynayaan khubarada ka socda hay’adda EPAF laga fulin doono xabaashii saddexaad ee ay ku jiraan dadkii xasuuqa loo gaystay, isla markaana ay hayaan warbixintii labadii xabaal-wadareed ee hore.


Wasiirka Wasaaradda Cadaalada Md. Xuseen Axmed Caydiid, ayaa isna sheegay in ujeeddada baadhitaankani tahay sidii adduunku u ogaan lahaayeen xaqiiqda dhabta ee xasuuqii Somaliland loo gaystay oo ah mid aannu shaki ku jirin.

“Hawlgalkan oo laga fulinayo xabaal-wadareedkan ka mid ah kuwa badan oo Hargeysa ku yaal, kana sii mid ah uun xabaal-wadareedyo fara badan oo guud ahaan dalka ku jira, in khubaradan nooga timi caalamku inay baadhaan oo ay xaqiijiyaan sababtii dadkaasi u dhinteen,” ayuu yidhi Wasiir Xuseen.

Sidoo kale, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Shaqada iyo Arrimaha Bulshada Md. Maxamuud Axmed Barre (Garaad), ayaa isna ka warramay dhacdooyin uu goob-joog u ahaa oo lagu xasuuqay dad badan oo Somaliland u dhashay, isagoo sheegay in si gaar ah loola bartilmaameedsanayey beel ka mid ah kuwa Somaliland

Qaar ka mid ah culimada waaweyn ee Somaliland oo iyaguna halkaasi ka hadlay ayaa sheegay in sida diinta Islaamku dhigayso dadka la xasuuqay xaq u leeyihiin in si sharaf leh loo aaso, iyagoo halkaasina uga duceeyey maytida ku jira xabaal-wadareedyada baadhitaanka laga samaysanayo.

Morocco: Abuse of Sub-Saharan Migrants

Nador, Morocco, November 2012 – A migrant from Mali lying down in a cave used as shelter. In the forests and mountains that surround Nador, groups of Sub-Saharan African migrants survive and wait for the right moment to attempt to cross the border between Morocco and the city of Melilla, a Spanish enclave on Morocco’s north coast.       © 2012 Gianfranco Tripodo/contrasto/Redux

Nador, Morocco, November 2012 – A migrant from Mali lying down in a cave used as shelter. In the forests and mountains that surround Nador, groups of Sub-Saharan African migrants survive and wait for the right moment to attempt to cross the border between Morocco and the city of Melilla, a Spanish enclave on Morocco’s north coast.

© 2012 Gianfranco Tripodo/contrasto/Redux

Ill-Treatment Persists in Moroccan, Spanish Border Operations Despite Rabat’s Reforms

Moroccan security forces commonly beat, otherwise abuse, and sometimes steal from sub-Saharan migrants in the northeastern part of the country, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. These abuses persist despite some improvements in the treatment of migrants since the government announced a new migration and asylum policy in September 2013. Since that time, the practice of summarily expelling migrants at the border with Algeria appears to have stopped.

The 79-page report, “Abused and Expelled: Ill-Treatment of Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Morocco,” found that these abuses occurred as the security forces took custody of sub-Saharan migrants who had tried unsuccessfully to reach the Spanish enclave of Melilla, or – prior to September 2013 – as they were rounding up migrants without any semblance of due process to expel them toAlgeria. However, research in late January and early February 2014 in Oujda, Nador, and Rabat indicates that Moroccan security forces are still using violence against migrants expelled from Melilla.

“Morocco should make clear to its security forces that migrants have rights,” said Bill Frelick, refugee program director at Human Rights Watch. “Morocco needs to call a halt to beatings and other abuse of migrants.”  

Spanish security forces also use excessive force when they summarily expel migrants from Melilla, Human Rights Watch found. Spain should stop all summary returns to Morocco at the Melilla border, and suspend forcible returns to Morocco of migrants reaching Melilla until Morocco demonstrates that they are no longer at risk of beatings and other abuses upon their return and that their rights are protected.

Morocco’s new migration and asylum policy is based on recommendations by the National Human Rights Council (CNDH) and endorsed by King Mohammed VI. The reforms include granting legal residency to migrants whom the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has determined to be refugees. Once processed by the newly reactivated National Office for Refugees and Stateless Persons, the refugees obtain resident cards that give them the right to work and receive certain social services.

Morocco has also put into place an “exceptional” regularization procedure through 2014 to allow undocumented migrants who meet certain criteria to apply for a one-year renewable residency. It is unclear how many of the 25,000 sub-Saharan migrants estimated to be in Morocco will meet the criteria. A brief informal survey indicated that few of those living in makeshift camps in Nador and Oujda would qualify.

The government told Human Rights Watch that it is also drafting new laws on asylum, human trafficking, and migration.

The Human Rights Watch report is based on interviews with 67 sub-Saharan migrants in and around the cities of Oujda and Nador in November and December 2012. Human Rights Watch also interviewed officials, international agencies, and nongovernmental organizations and included in the report the government’s responses to written questions. In January and February 2014 Human Rights Watch interviewed an additional 14 migrants in Nador, Oujda, and Rabat.

Sub-Saharan African migrants leave their countries because of poverty; family and social problems; political upheaval and civil conflict; and, in some cases, fear of persecution. Many in northeast Morocco aim to reach Europe. Many of the migrants interviewed for this report lived in makeshift shelters outside of larger cities, surviving on meager resources, and in constant fear of police raids.

In December 2011, according to reports by nongovernmental organizations, Moroccan authorities stepped up the practice of raiding unofficial migrant camps in forested areas outside of Oujda and Nador. Gendarmes and Moroccan Auxiliary Forces destroyed migrants’ shelters and sometimes stole their valuables during these raids, migrants told Human Rights Watch. The security forces arrested male migrants, bused them to the Algerian border, and ordered them to keep walking, bypassing the administrative and judicial due process requirements for deportations under international and national law.

“Nicolas,” 39, from Cameroon, described being shoved toward Algeria as security forces yelled “Yallah! [Let’s go!].” “They treated me really badly, they kicked me so much that I am peeing blood as a result,” he said. Names of migrants interviewed were changed for their protection.

Interviews Human Rights Watch conducted in northeast Morocco in January 2014 with migrants and nongovernmental organizations working locally said that the summary expulsions to the border with Algeria had ceased and that police raids on migrants living in and around Oujda had eased since October 2013. However, police are still conducting raids in the Nador area. Migrants described raids that occurred as recently as January 29, 2014, when police destroyed makeshift migrant encampments and arrested and beat people trying to reach Melilla. Authorities rounding up migrants in Nador in recent months bused them to Rabat and other coastal cities, rather than to the Algerian border, as previously, migrants and nongovernmental groups told Human Rights Watch.

In relation to the expulsions documented in the report, the Moroccan government told Human Rights Watch that it did not expel people but rather carried out lawful “returns to the border.” However, the Moroccan-Algerian border remains formally closed, and migrants told Human Rights Watch that Moroccan security officers took them to isolated locations and used force or the threat of force to coerce them to walk toward Algeria.

Expelled migrants who encountered Algerian security forces faced additional abuses. Migrants said that some Algerian border authorities forced them back into Morocco, sometimes violently, after robbing them of their valuables.

Each expelled migrant interviewed who had managed to return to Oujda or Nador described expulsions that ignored basic due process requirements.

Article 23 of Morocco’s immigration law provides for the right to request a lawyer or an interpreter prior to expulsion. Article 22 of the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families, to which Morocco is a party, provides for an expulsion decision in writing and the opportunity to challenge that decision.

While noting positive features of Morocco’s new migration policy, Human Rights Watch remains concerned by new reports of police violence against migrants near the border with Melilla. The Moroccan government should ensure, as part of its reforms, that the security forces refrain from using excessive force toward migrants and respect the due process rights of every migrant they take into custody.

The Spanish government should stop summarily returning migrants who enter Melilla to Morocco. Spanish law requires security and border forces to follow deportation procedures in removing migrants who enter Spain illegally. These returns also violate international and European Union (EU) law, which prohibit countries from forcibly returning anyone to a place where they would face a real risk of being subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment. Spanish authorities should also ensure diligent investigations of allegations of excessive use of force by its own forces and exert pressure on Morocco to end the use of unwarranted force against migrants.

Human Rights Watch examined the treatment of migrants in Morocco in relation to the EU’s avowed goal of controlling its borders through the help of third countries neighboring the EU. Morocco and the EU have embraced a joint policy of preventing undocumented migration toward the EU, through financial cooperation, for example. Human Rights Watch urged the EU to ensure that it does not provide support for any programs or Moroccan forces that violate the rights of migrants as guaranteed by international human rights law.

“Morocco has apparently stopped dumping migrants at the Algerian border, but that’s not enough,” Frelick said. “Morocco needs firm procedures to make sure that the migrants’ due process rights are respected and to allow them to apply for asylum.”

For details about the January 2014 interviews, please see below. 

Additional information from 2014 interviews 
Two Human Rights Watch researchers conducted  individual interviews with nine migrants in Gourougou, Nador and five in Rabat. All of those interviewed were men – ten from Cameroon, two from Mali, and two from Gabon. Names of the migrants were changed for their protection.

In interviews with Human Rights Watch in Nador on January 29 and 30, and in Rabat on February 3, migrants said that security forces still frequently carry out raids on their camps in Gourougou, the forested mountain outside of Nador, overlooking Melilla, during which they destroy and burn migrants’ property and makeshift shelters.

Nador is a jumping-off point for many migrants trying to reach Melilla, either by inflatable boat or by climbing the fences surrounding it in large groups, sometimes several hundred migrants at once. Migrants who managed to enter Melilla said that Spain’s Guardia Civil summarily removed most of them and handed them over to Moroccan border patrols at the border. They said Moroccan authorities frequently beat the border crossers, including children, who were in their effective custody, and not resisting or attempting to flee.

At the Melilla border
Human Rights Watch interviewed five migrants in Rabat, who said that during an attempt to scale the Melilla perimeter fence in the early hours of February 2, the Spanish Guardia Civil and the Moroccan Auxiliary Forces employed excessive force against them.

Joseph, 31, from Cameroon, who limped and had a swollen eye, said:

We went toward the fence to go into Melilla and we tried to get in. A few of us managed to enter Melilla but the Guardia Civil stopped us. They hit us with clubs. They hit us very hard for 5 to 10 minutes. They handcuffed us [with plastic restraints], and then they opened the gate in the fence and handed us over to the [Moroccan] Auxiliary Forces.

The Auxiliary Forces hit us with clubs. While they hit us, they also searched us. They stole 250 dirhams [US$30] from me along with my mobile phone. They made us lie face down on the ground, still handcuffed. We stayed on the ground for an hour while they hit us. They hit me on the eye with a stick. They only stopped hitting us when more senior officers came.

Martin, 22, from Cameroon, said:

We arrived to the fence and sirens started wailing… I could see my friends who were inside [Melilla]. TheGuardia Civil hit my friends with big sticks. Not police clubs, but sticks. They hit you until you faint… I retreated back to the Moroccan side. When I came back down, they [Moroccan Auxiliary Forces] hit me. They handcuffed me, and then made me lie down on the ground, face down. They searched me and stole my money, my phone, and even my shoes.

William, 24, from Cameroon, said:

In the night of December 24 [2013], there were 15 of us advancing toward the fence. As we were coming toward the fence, the Alit [Moroccan Auxiliary Forces] saw us and started throwing rocks and sticks at us. Nine Alits grabbed us; they took me to a hidden corner and hit me and other migrants there for 30 to 40 minutes, and then they took us to the commissariat. I was able to go to the hospital instead. I got medical attention for my injuries and came back the next day to Gourougou, with the help of NGOs [nongovernmental organizations].

Ahmed, 22, from Cameroon, was also part of this group:

We were all intercepted and arrested at the first fence. My feet were bleeding from the barbed wire and the auxiliary forces arrested me. They attached my hands behind my back with a cord and beat me everywhere on my body with batons. Some of them were jumping on my back to force me to lie on my stomach. At 8 a.m. they drove us to the police station in Nador. They didn’t ask us to provide any documents. They only asked us, as always, our names and nationality. They refused to take me to the hospital although I was bleeding. In the evening, they drove us in a bus to the bus station of Rabat.

WARKA SALEEBAAN XUQUUQ

MAWQIFKA DIFAACAYAASHA XUQUUQDA AADAMIGA SOMALILAND EE MARXALADA DALKU MARAYO IYO QALALAASAHA GOLAHA WAKIILADA SOMALILAND

Ku:         Mudanayaasha Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland - Xarunta Baarlamaanka

Og:         Mudanayaasha Golaha Guurtida Somaliland  - Xarunta Baarlamaanka

Og:         Mudane Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud 'Siilaanyo'

                Madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyada Somaliland 

UJEEDO:

MAWQIFKA DIFAACAYAASHA XUQUUQDA AADAMIGA SOMALILAND EE MARXALADA DALKU MARAYO IYO QALALAASAHA GOLAHA WAKIILADA SOMALILAND

Damiirka Aadaminimo iyo kan muwaadinimo ayaa nagu khasbaya in aanu u soo bandhigno Madaxwaynaha, Mudanayaasha Golayaasha  Sharci Dajinta iyo Shacabka Somaliland xogaha qarsoon ee ku lamaan qalaasaha ka oogan aqalka hoose ee baarlamaanka Somaliland.

Anagoo ah Difaacayaasha Madaxabanaan ee Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland oo ka kooban qaybaha kala duwan ee ururada bulshada oo ka dhisan guud ahaan gobolada dalka Somaliland. 

Anagoo si taxadar badan leh ula socona guud ahaan dhacdooyinka dhaqaale, siyaasadeed iyo bulsho ee dalkeena gudihiisa iyo dibadiisaba ka, isla markaana xogogaal u ah xaalada iyo duruufaha u gaarka ah ee dalkeenu uu la nool yahay dhinaca xidhiidhka caalamiga ah ee hoos taga nidaamka Qaramada Midoobay iyo kuwa qaaradeed ama goboleed (AU, IGAD).

Kuna baraarugsan marxalada haatan dalkeenu marayo, qabyada jirta iyo wuxuu daaran yahay qalalaasaha ka oogan Aqalka Hoose Ee Sharci Dajinta.

Difaacayaasha xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland waxay si xoogan uga walaacsan yihiin in ay ogaadaan ilaa xad heerka Khatarta badan leh ee Qalalaasaha Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland uu si toos ah ugu gaystay mustaqbalka iyo danaha qaran ee dalka Somaliland. Taasi oo ah tan maanta aanu qaylo dhaantan u jeedinayno. Natiijooyinka uga soo baxay baadhitaano ay sameeyeen Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Bulshada Rayidka ah ee Somaliland waxa aanu ku ogaanay in Qalalaasaha Wakiiladu in uu ka gun dheer yahay mid ku kooban tartan dhinaca awooda ah oo u dhexeeya Axsaabta Qaranka

BILOWGA QALALAASAHA WAKIILADA IYO WAREEGII 5AAD EE WADAHADALA SOMALILAND & SOMALIA

Dhinaca Somaliand dhawr arimood ayay kaga kaga duwanaayeen wadahadaladii ugu dambeeyay ee magaalada Istanbul ku dhexmaray ergooyin ka kala socday Somaliland iyo Somalia 16-19 Janaury 2014. Ergada Somaliland waxa aan la soconin Madaxda 2da Xisbi Mucaarid, dhinaca kale xubnaha Ergada Somaliland oo ay ka wada muuqdeen beelaha Somaliland ayaa dhinacyada farsamada iyo diyaargarowgaba ka horumarsanayd marka loo eego wareegyadii hore.  

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxanu aaminsan nahay in Wadahadalada Somalia iyo Somaliland ay la mid yihiin Wadahadaladii badhtamihii sanadkii 1959 magaalada London ku dhexmaray Boqortooyada Ingiriiska iyo Ergo ka socotay Maxmiyadii Ingiriiska ee Somaliland Protectrate ku waasi oo kala ahaa - RABI NAXARIISTIISA JANO HAKA WARAABIYO DHAMAANTOODE:

Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, Garad Ali Garad Jama, Ahmed Hajji Duale (Keyse), Hajji Ibrahim Nur, U fiirso ergadaasi waxay ka koobnaayeen dhamaan beelaha wada dega dalkeena.  Ergadan oo London u tagay in ay soo dhiraandhiriyaan Xoriyad Maxmiyada ka hesho gumaysigii Ingriiska, way ku soo guulaysteen.

55 Sanadood kadib  Duruufo aan laga sheekayn karin kadib waxa haatan socda Wadahadalo Siyaasi ah oo la miisaan ah Wadahadaladii sababay xoriyadii ay Somaliland ka heshay boqortooyada Ingiriiska.

BALSE NASIIBDARADA INAGU DHACDAY AYAA AH: In wareegii ugu dambeeyay markii uu ka socday Istanbul ergooyinkii Somalia iyo Somalialnd oo miiskii wadahadalka wada fadhiya in Gudoomiyaha Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland ahna Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga mucaaradka ah ee WADANI uu soo hor dhigay golaha mooshin dhabarka lagaga tooganayo xubno ka mid ah Ergada u matalaysay Umada Somaliland wadahadalada ujeedkoodu yahay Xidhiidhka Mustaqbalka ee Somaliland iyo Somalia ay wada yeelan doonaan. Gudoomiye K/xigeenka Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland Darwiish Mudane Baashe Maxamed Farax oo ka mid ahaa xubnaha ugu miisaanka culus ergada Somaliland dhinaca wadajirka iyo midnimada beelaha Somaliland ayuu Gudoomiye Ciro mooshin lagu sadqaynayo golaha wakiilada duuduub kaga ansixiyay.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay u arkaan talaabadaasi Gudoomiyaha Wakiilada iyo Xisbiga WADANI Falaadh uu la bartilmaameeday Aayaha iyo mustaqbalka Qaranimada Somaliland. Anaga (Bulshada rayidka ah ee Somaliland) waxa aanu si xoogan u aaminsanahay miisaanka culus ee Gudoomiye K/xigeenka Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland Mudane/Darwiish Baashe Maxamed Farax ay u lahayd ergada Somaliland taasi oo la mid ah MIISAANKII iyo DOORKII Rabi naxariistiisa jano haka waraabiyee Marxuunkii/Darwiish Garad Ali Garad Jama, uu ku lahaa ergadii 54 sano ka hor bishii May 1960 Mustacmarkii Ingiriis wadahadaladii xoriyada Somaliland ku yeelatay magaalada London .

Dhinaca kale, Ergadii ka socotay Xukuumada Federaalka Somalia iyagoo miiskii wadahadalada fadhiya ayaa Dawlada Federaalka Somalia xilal cusub u magacowday qaar ka mid ah ergadoodii oo labo (2) ka mid ah u magacaabeen xilal wasiiro ah. Halka xubno ergada Somaliland kuwii ugu Miisaanka culus aa golaheena wakiiladu ay dhabarka ka tooganayeen.

Talaabadaasi Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay u arkaan fariin nacayb ah oo Gudoomiyaha Wakiilada Somaliland ku kala fogaynayo bulshada wada leh Qarankan isla markaana uu ku mijo xaabinayo wadajirka is aaminka shacabka iyo beelaha Somaliland wada dega.

Xogta taasi ka sii yaab badan ee aanu shacabka u sheegayno ayaa ah mid ka dhexmuuqata wax ka bedelka xeer hoosaadka iyo isku shaadhaynta gudi hoosaadyada Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland, Gudoomiyaha Wakiilada Somaliland  wuxuu u magacaabay gudiyada ugu miisaanka culus gudihoosaadyada Wakiilada,gaar ahaan gudoomiyaha gudida joogtada ah  Xildhibaan Mahdi Buubaa oo la dhashay Ismail Buubaa oo ka mid ah Ashkhaasta farokutiriska ah ee Dalka iyo Umada iyo Distoorka Somalilandba KHIYAAMEEYAY hadh iyo habeena DHAGARAHA u soo maleegaya.

DHAQAN KU CUSUB DALKA

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay xogogaal u noqdeen rag Muqdisho dhexdeedana todobaado ka hor kaga jiray olole ay ku rabaan xilal in ay u magacawdo Xukuumada Federaalka Somalia, markii ay ku soo hugoobeena maalmahan u dambeeyay Caasimada Somaliland Shirar Jaraa'id ku qabanayay oo ku goodiyay in dhiig sokeeyo ay ku daadan doono.

Falalka noocaasi ah dhaliisheeda waxa iska leh Xukuumada Madaxwayne Siilanyo gaar ahaan Wasaarada Arimaha Gudaha iyo hay'adaha sharci fulinta.

Sidoo kale Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay bulshada caalamka iyo dalalka ka taageera dimuquraadiyada dalkayaga Somaliland in caqabada ugu wayn ee soo foodsaartay haatan geedi socodka nidaamka dimuquraadiyada Somaliland ay ka mid yihiin Rag beelaha dhexe ee Somaliland u yaqaanaan Mujaahidiin kana mid ah koox la baxday Madasha WadaTashiga  iyo Toosinta Qaranka kuwaasi oo sida difaacayaasha xuquuqda aadamiga Somaliland ku diiwaangaliyeen dhagaysiyo dacwado argagixiso oo Maxkamadaha Somaliland ka garnaqayeen oo lagu soo bandhigay cadaymo muujinaya shir qarsoodi ah oo dhexmaray Ibraahim Dhagawayne iyo wakiilo dhinaca Mirataniga ah oo ka tirsan Xarakada Alshabaab ujeedkooduna ahaa Inqilaab lagu afgabiyayo xukuumadii tan maanta jirta ka horaysay oo shacabka Somaliland si dimuquraadidga ah ay u soo doorteen.

Waxa kale oo aan la yaraysan karin soo galitaanka Siyaasada Somaliland ay ku soo biireen kooxo ka mid ahaa Maxaakiimtii Islaamiga ahaa ee sanadkii 2006 qabsaday koonfurta iyo badhtamaha Somaliland, xogtan oo aanu ka soo xiganay warbixin ay qoreen  koox ka tirsan Kormeerayaasha Caalamiga ah ee Doorashadii ugu dambaysay ee Golaha Deegaanka Somaliland kuwaasi oo kormeer hordhac ah oo ay ku qiimaynayeen diyaargarow doorashadaasi ku yimi Somaliland ka hor doorashadii golayaasha Deegaanka ee dabayaaqadii sanadkii hore dalka ka qabsoontay.

Warbixintaasi waxay hoosta ka xariiqday in urur siyaasadeedkii kali ahaa ee islaamiga ahaa oo doorashii deegaanka ku hadhay uu la midoobay XISBIGA WADANI.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland ayaa diiwaangaliyay badhtamihii sanadkii 2006 ashkhaas iyo kooxo isugu jiray ururada diinta ee xagjirka ah iyo hogaamiye dhaqameedyo ay samaysteen ayaa dalka ka waday dhaqdhaqaaqyo xoog u abaabulan oo ku baaqaya in isku xukunka shareecada islaamka lagaga dhaqmo Somaliland dadkaasi oo shirar abaabulan u qabanayay beelaha Somalialnd dalka ka kiciyay duufaano lagu khalkhalinayo nidaamka kala dambaynta iyo distoorka Dimuqraadiga ah ayaa haatan ka mid ah Xisbiga WADANI.

SAAMAYNTA XUN EE NIDAAMKA DAWLADNIMO DOORASHOOYINKA UU KU LEEYAHAY KHILAAFKA XISBIGA KULMIYE DHEXDIISU

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay u arkaan mushkilad qaran khilaafka ka jira gudaha xisbul xaakimka Somaliland ee KULMIYE ilaa xad waxanu dareensanahay in khilaafka Xisbiga KULMIYE uu caqab wayn ku yahay socodsiinta hawlaha qaran ee ay Xukuumada dalku qaranka u hayso iyadoo dalku marayo marxalad xaasaasi ah oo u baahan in nidaamka dawladnimo uu si buuxda u shaqeeyo ayaa khilaafka KULMIYE oo gaadha in uu markasta dibada iyo warbaahinta u soo baxo taasi oo curyaamin karta habsami u socodka hawlaha qaranka.

Sidoo kale waxa uu gaadhay in uu markii ugu horaysay Khilaafka Xisbiga KULMIYE fursado siiyo cadowga Somaliland iyo in Wakiiladii Somaliland meel mariyaan Mooshino dhabarjab ku ah qaranimada Somaliland.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay ugu baaqayaan Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga KULMIYE Mud. Muuse Biixi Cabdi iyo Madaxwaynaha Somaliland Mud. Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud 'Siilaanyo" in ay sida ugu dhaqsaha badan u qaadaan talaabooyin degdeg ah oo lagu soo afjarayo Khilaafka Xisbiga KULMIYE ragaadiyay oo haddii xal kama dambays ah ay u heli waayaan saamayn fool xun ku leh qaranka Somaliland.

DIIWAANGALINTA MUWAADINIINTA IYO TAN CODBIXIYAYAASHU LABO ISKU CADOW AH.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland oo ka faaiidaysanaya waayo aragnimadii Somaliland ka heshay diiwaangalintii muwaadinimada iyo tii codbixiyayaasha oo hore hal mar looga wada qabtay dalkeena taasi oo fashilaad ku dhamaatay.

Isla markaasina anagoo og muhiimada aan la qiyaasi karin oo ay dalka Somaliland u leedahay sugida diiwaangalinta muwaadiniinta u dhalatay dalka oo si habsami ah u qabsoonta kana wada hirgasha dhamaan deegaanada Jamhuuriyada Somaliland.

Xogogaalna u ah Kaalinta wax ku oolka ah ee suurtogalinta diiwaangalinta muwaadiniinta Somaliland ay u leedahay dhinacyada dhaqaalaha, amaanka iyo horumarka arimaha bulshada caafimaadka, waxbarashada iyo maalgashiga

Waxanu ugu baaqaynaa Xukuumada Somaliland, Xisbiyada Siyaasada, Dalalka iyo Ururada caalamiga ah ee inaga taageera hawshan, golayaasha qaranka iyo dhamaan muwaadiniinta Somaliland in loo hawlgalo sidii ay u kala madaxbanaan lahaayeen Diiwaangalinta Muwaadiniinta iyo Diiwaangalinta Codbixiyayaashu, oo haddii hal mar la wada qabto sida ay dhawaan dhinacyada arimahani khuseeyaan ku heshiiyeen aan lagu guulaysan doonin in la sameeyo diiwaangalimo sax ah oo muwaadinimo iyo mid codbixiyeyaal.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay waxay rumaysan yihiin in Axsaabta Siyaasada Somaliland aanay danaynaynin Ahmiyad Culus ee diiwaangalinta Muwaadiniintu u leedahay dalka iyo dadka Somaliland balse taasi lidigeeda ay danaynayaan kaliya sidii doorsho ay talada dalka ugula wareegi lahaayeen.

Hadii hal mar la wada qabto Diiwaangalinta Muwaadiniinta iyo tan Codbixiyayaasha Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay ka digayaan in natiijo la aamini karo oo saxi ahi ka soo baxaynin sababtoo ah waxanu aaminsahay in xamaasad iyo olole gobalaysi, deegaan iyo mid qabyaaladeedba xisbiyada Siyaasada Somaliland galin doonaan hawshaasi sidaana tacab wakhti iyo miisaaniyad badani kaga khasaari doonto Qaranka Somaliland.

Suleiman ismail Bolaleh

Afhayeenka Difaacayaasha Madaxabanaan Ee Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland 

ANALYSIS: Investing in a Country That Doesn't Exist - Somaliland's Hard Sell

Photo: Somaliland troops march past during a parade to mark the 22nd anniversary of Somaliland's self-declared independence from the larger Somalia, in Hargeisa May 18, 2013. REUTERS/Feisal Omar.

By Simon Allison,

Somaliland, the self-declared republic, is desperate for someone to find vast mineral reserves under its soil. But without international recognition - and the probability of legal battles in the future - it's a big risk for any country to take.

Somaliland too should be careful. Having dodged the aid curse, will they fall victim to the resource curse instead? 

At the recently concluded Mining Indaba in Cape Town, Somaliland's energy minister Hussein Abdi Dualeh had possibly the hardest sell of all. It was his job to convince the assembled mining bigwigs that his country was a viable, risk-free environment in which to invest millions and millions of dollars - all on the hope that there might be base and precious metals hidden somewhere under its drab scrubland.

He tried hard. "We have also a unique geographical location," the minister said in his speech at the conference. "If you have a mineral deposit and if you exploit it, it will be very cheap to take to market... it's definitely much less costly than a really getting fantastic deposit the middle of continent, which will cost you really huge amount of money to export it ... even the small deposit is commercially viable considering the logistics involved in taking the minerals to market.”

It was a good effort, but will it be enough? There are, after all, a few other factors which mitigate against Somaliland becoming Africa’s next mining hotspot.

The biggest problem is that Dualeh’s country is not actually a country. Officially, legally, Somaliland is a territory of the Republic of Somalia. A rogue territory at that, one which refuses to answer to the writ of the central government in Mogadishu. It considers itself independent, and operates accordingly, with all the trappings of sovereignty: the flag, the currency, the national anthem. Dualeh himself is part of Somaliland’s government, which is chosen in free and fair elections every five years (some say Somaliland is the most functional democracy in the Horn of Africa, and there’s substance to this description).

This de facto autonomy is no bad thing: while Somalia proper has been mired in civil war and violence for the last two decades, Somaliland has been stable, secure and relatively prosperous; its self-declared independence a conscious attempt to isolate itself from Somalia’s chaos which, by and large, has worked.

But as Somaliland seeks to develop, this independence – not formally recognised by anyone else in the world – is also holding it back. As miners contemplate entering Somaliland, they have to first ask and answer some tough questions about whether the government in Hargeisa has the authority to grant exploration licenses in the first place; and, once granted, if those will be honoured if and when Mogadishu is in a better position to assert rights of its own.

Already, these problems have crippled Somaliland’s oil sector. For years, oil exploration was dormant as companies fought over ‘legacy contracts’ (those granted in the late 1980s by dictator Siad Barre’s Mogadishu-based regime) and new contracts issued by the Somaliland government. Exploration has now started, but getting to this point was a long and complicated process.

Minister Dualeh claims there are no legacy contracts that could influence the mining sector – but that doesn’t mean there won’t be problems in the future between the two competing centres of power.

Somaliland’s lack of formal independence has also cut it off from another lucrative source of income: aid money. Almost all international aid to Somalia is all channeled through Mogadishu. With the exception of a few minor United Nations programmes, Hargeisa gets nothing.

Not that Hargeisa minds. Dualeh argues that the lack of aid has actually worked in Somaliland’s favour. “That is a blessing in disguise. Aid never developed anything,” he told Reuters’ Ed Stoddard on the sidelines of the conference. “Aid is not a panacea, we'd rather not have it... How many African countries do you know that developed because of a lot of aid? It's a curse. The ones that get the most aid are the ones with the problems.”

Intrigued by this counter-intuitive position, the Daily Maverick contacted Minister Dualeh and asked him to elaborate. “There wasn’t really any aid opened to us because we weren’t recognised,” Dualeh explained in a telephone interview. “We’re not like Kenya that gets 40% [of its budget from] aid money; tangible aid hasn’t been coming our way because of our political status. Aid comes with strings attached but we don’t have any of that. We don’t owe anything to anyone.”

In practice, Dualeh believes that this leaves Somaliland free to make its own decision, unbeholden to any external backer that might not have the territory’s best interests at heart. “We have our own organic solutions to our problems; we have no outside influence; I think a lot of the good things that have happened to us are because we have found our own solutions.”

As an example, Dualeh cites the original decision to break away from the then-Federation of Somalia in 1991. This, he argues, was Somaliland taking its destiny into its own hands. In Somalia proper, on the other hand, decades of foreign meddling has just made the situation worse. “The difference between us and Somalia is that we sat down under the proverbial big tree and we basically stated our independence and tried to find our own solutions through uniting; we found a solution that has resulted in power right now, with no war or conflict.”

Somaliland may have avoided the aid curse, but as Dualeh seeks to drum up investment in the mining sector he would do well to recall the lessons of other African countries, where the curse of vast mineral wealth has proved just as devastating. Dualeh dismisses these concerns. “The resource curse is just a cliché. We’re not taking it lightly, we are trying to avoid it by making sure that we have good governance and good legal regimes to make sure that everything gets sorted ahead.”

In the Horn of Africa – a part of the world not famed for good governance or tight legal regimes – this might just be the one thing that Somaliland has going for it.  DM

Somalia

Plans for German Troops to Help Train Somali Forces

There are plans for German troops to take part in the EU training mission in Somalia, a German magazine has reported. … see more »

Source: dailymaverick.co.za

Germany debates mooted Somalia deployment

Military

Opposition parties in Germany have criticized a proposal that German army trainers be sent to Somalia as part of an EU mission. It's part of a debate on whether Germany should boost its military engagement in Africa. 

German defense ministry planning for a potential deployment of Bundeswehr military trainers to Mogadishu prompted demands on Monday from opposition parties that the question be debated in parliament.

The opposition Left party's foreign relations spokesman Stefan Liebich said "for weeks" planning had apparently been taking place on the "implementation of a political doctrine of more Bundeswehr in Africa" - without consulting parliament.

Germany's national lower house of parliament, the Bundestag, has the final say on deployments abroad.
The opposition Greens' security spokeswoman Agnieszka Brugger said Chancellor Angela Merkel's grand coalition needed to explain "why the government had changed its opinion on the security situation [in Somalia]."

"Then we will examine the mandate," Brugger told the Berliner Zeitung newspaper.

'Self-help' mission

The chairman of parliament's defense committee, Hans-Peter Bartels of the Social Democrats (SPD), who are partners in Merkel's coalition, said: "It is in any case appropriate to train Somali military personnel."

"Our approach is helping [people] to help themselves," Bartels told the Mitteldeutsche Zeitung newspaper.

SPD defense expert Rainer Arnold said Germany could not opt out when "our other European partners" were involved. "We're not talking about combat operations, but instead about training," Arnold said, adding that German intentions for Africa involved "small, temporary modules."

EU mission relocated to Mogadishu

Until December, some 20 German military personnel were located in Uganda to train Somali soldiers as part of the EU Training Mission (EUTM).

In January that mission was relocated to Mogadishu, where Islamist insurgents often try to disrupt reconstruction efforts. The Somali capital has been guarded since 2011 by African Union troops, serving with a UN mandate.

The German news magazine Spiegel reported on Sunday that the German Defense Ministry intended to finalize the number of trainers intended for Somalia by early March. After that the proposal would be submitted to the German parliament.

Last week, Germany's new Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen of Merkel's conservative Christian Democrats (CDU) visited German military trainers and logistics personnel involved in an EU mission in western Africa to overhaul Mali's army.

Her recent remark that Germany should boost its international military engagement in the world's trouble spots "within the framework of our alliances" triggered debate in a country still doubtful about its post-World War Two role.

Survey shows Germans doubtful

A survey conducted for the German news agency DPA in late January showed that 45 percent of Germans believed the country's military was already too active abroad, while an additional 30 percent thought the current extent of foreign deployments was just right.

Only 12 percent of those polled thought that Germany's military was not doing enough abroad.

Those results were published shortly after a Berlin visit by UN chief Ban Ki-moon who urged Germany to show more global leadership.

At January's Munich Security Conference, German President Joachim Gauck said Germany should consider the use of military force only as a measure of last resort and under UN authorization when crimes against humanity took place.

Germany currently has nearly 5,500 personnel abroad, mainly in Afghanistan, Kosovo and in naval patrols off Syria and the Horn of Africa.

ipj/msh (AFP, AP, dpa)

Source: dw.de

URGENT NEWS: Thousands of Barclays customer files stolen and sold to scammers – report

Details of 27,000 people who consulted bank’s advisers were allegedly copied from database to be sold on to rogue traders

Investigations have been launched after a report that thousands of confidential files with Barclays Bank customers details had been stolen and sold.

The Mail on Sunday said an anonymous whistleblower had handed it a memory stick with the personal data of 2,000 Barclays customers, saying information on a further 25,000 was also available.

The files are said to hold passport and national insurance numbers, as well as money and health information.

Barclays said it was investigating.

 “Start Quote

"This appears to be criminal action and we will co-operate with the authorities on pursuing the perpetrator” Barclays spokesman

The report said the data, which also contained the individuals' attitude to risk, had been sold to "rogue City traders" and was "worth millions on the black market because it allowed unsuspecting individuals to be targeted in investment scams".

Bank 'grateful'

The files date from 2008. The customers in question had originally contacted the bank seeking financial advice from Barclays Financial Planning.

That division was shut down in 2011.

The Information Commissioner's Office said it would be working with the newspaper and police who were seeking more details.

The maximum fine for losing personal data is £500,000.

Financial commentator, David Buick, said the report was alarming: "It's the breach of trust... you as an individual actually knowing that your personal details about your life has been passed on to potentially an unscrupulous individual who will try and behave like a maverick and capitalise on your life.

"If this is proven it is absolutely disgraceful."

Barclays said it had contacted regulators as soon as it had been made aware, adding that it was grateful to the Mail on Sunday for bringing this to its attention.

''We will take all necessary steps to contact and advise those customers as soon as possible so that they can also ensure the safety of their personal data," a Barclays spokesman said.

He said protecting customers' data was a "top priority", adding: "This appears to be criminal action and we will co-operate with the authorities on pursuing the perpetrator."

AU Published the African Union Handbook 2014: Download for References

African Union Handbook 2014

Addis Ababa - The African Union Commission and New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade recently published the African Union Handbook 2014.  This nearly 200 page document provides a detailed description of the organs of the African Union.  It begins with a history of the OAU and AU and has the following sections:

--Assembly
--Executive Council
--Specialized Technical Committees
--Peace and Security Council
--African Union Commission
--Pan-African Parliament
--Judicial and Human Rights Institutions
--Financial Institutions
--Permanent Representatives Committee
--Economic, Social and Cultural Council
--New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD)
--African Peer Review Mechanism
--Regional Economic Communities
--African Development Bank
--UN Economic Commission for Africa
--Other Bodies Related to the AU
--External Partnerships
--Budget

Jihad, Then and Now - Al-Shaba’ab [in Somalia] was created by the Arab Afghans, were they not?

The son-in-law of Abdullah Yusuf Azzam and a former comrade of Osama Bin Laden reflects on the differences between the struggle in Afghanistan in the 1980s and in Syria today

Abdullah Anas speaks with The Majalla. (The Majalla/Tam Hussein)

The Majalla speaks to Abdullah Anas

As the situation in Syria grows worse and simultaneously more complicated day by day, the fears of observers of the conflict have become more focused on the foreign jihadists who have travelled to the war-torn country to take part in the fighting. With the chaos unleashed by some of the “Arab Afghans” who joined the struggle against the former Soviet Union’s presence in Afghanistan in the 1980s still fresh in the minds of the world’s intelligence and security services, it is worth looking back once more at the experiences of the members of this group. Few are more familiar with the Arab Afghans and their struggle than Abdullah Anas.

The son-in-law of Abdullah Yusuf Azzam—who became Osama Bin Laden’s mentor when he arrived in Afghanistan—Anas was second-in-command at the Bureau of Services office in Peshawar that supported the Arab Afghans and Afghan Mujahideen. Today, Anas remains proud of the decade he spent involved in the Afghan struggle, and counts Ahmad Shah Massoud and Osama Bin Laden as former comrades in arms.

Before meeting Azzam, Anas was already a founder of the Islamic movement in southern Algeria and worked with Algeria’s leading Islamists Mahfoudh Nahnah and Abbas Madani. He remains a part-time imam and a teacher of the Qur’an, having studied in Saudi Arabia and Algeria. Following his religious studies he took a degree in international politics in the UK. His journey to Afghanistan began when he came across a legal opinion written by Azzam, who argued that it was obligatory for Muslims to fight in Afghanistan. By chance he later met Azzam in Mecca and was invited to travel to Afghanistan with him.

After the departure of the Soviets from the country and the assassination of Azzam in 1992, Anas grew disillusioned by the takfirist ideas that had become increasingly prominent thanks to new arrivals such as Ayman Al-Zawahiri, the current leader of Al-Qaeda. Anas’s role had been to focus on the logistical needs of the Afghan Mujahideen, while the organization that came to be known as Al-Qaeda had a larger agenda, which would become infamous in the years that followed. As infighting broke out among the Afghan Mujahideen, Anas left for Algeria, though his affiliation to the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and the subsequent military crackdown that followed its election success in 1992 forced him into exile in France and then the UK.

Today, Anas says he is in the process of writing his memoirs, running a TV channel and working with young people.

The Majalla: Why did the Arab Afghans get along with their local comrades so much more successfully than the foreign fighters in Syria do today?

Abdullah Anas: We realised it was not about carrying Kalashnikovs and calling for fighters. I remember when I came back from my first trip to Mazar-i-Sharif in 1984, and writing a report to Sheikh Abdullah Azzam saying we needed a hundred Muslims with the following skills: aid worker, political [operative], mentor and proselytizer, in addition to being a bridge between the Afghans and the outside world. These men were to be like ambassadors in the twenty-nine provinces of Afghanistan. Unfortunately, we failed in this, otherwise the outcome might have been different.

Q: In what ways were the Arab Afghan fighters different from the ones now in Syria?

The difference is that most are going over [to Syria] just to be martyred. I went to Afghanistan to see it liberated—or to achieve martyrdom. This idea was shared by Sheikh Azzam, Massoud and Bin Laden. We made a positive and constructive contribution to struggle. We didn’t go there just for martyrdom.

Q: How did you deal with prisoners? Did you behead them like we see on YouTube videos from Syria these days?

Prisoners have full rights. We fed them the same food, gave them the same clothes and the same quality of life. After several months, many of the Soviet troops started to believe that they weren’t prisoners because we were on such good terms with them. Through our conduct we showed them we were not bloodthirsty people. Some of them became Muslims, others remain our friends to this day.

The argument that God will forgive you if you execute prisoners because of the dangers is not acceptable. Killing prisoners is a big responsibility. They [the perpetrators] need to stand trial and judgment—without understanding their case one cannot decide if someone deserves to die or not. Unfortunately, this culture has disappeared now. I think the number-one responsibility for this falls on Al-Qaeda.

Q: A lot of people justify the atrocities because they are a result of the trauma of war. Do you agree?

I have heard the argument that we should understand fighters when they commit atrocities because war does that to you. This is inexcusable. I am a fighter of eight years’ experience, I know hundreds of fighters; some of them destroyed 300 tanks, but they never behaved in such a way. They don’t experience post-traumatic stress; they remain serene, forbearing and experience no nightmares. I don’t believe in it. The companions of the Prophet never experienced it.

Q: Some analysts blame the Arab Afghan for all the consequences that we are seeing now. Do you agree with this assessment?

No. Before 9/11 Al-Qaeda used to be known as the Arab Afghans. I am the founder of the Arab Afghans, and of the 3,000 to 4,000 people [there] only 300 people were permanently fighting. The majority of them were in Peshawar, driving, teaching, administrating and so on. In the eyes of our parents or the media you are a mujahid! In Peshawar there are Americans, Brits, international consulates and aid organizations, and we worked with them. Arab Afghans were misrepresented because regimes like that of [former Egyptian President Hosni] Mubarak didn’t want to give people human rights and they cited us as a security risk.

Q: Al-Shaba’ab [in Somalia] was created by the Arab Afghans, were they not?

We have to divide the period into three different eras. Afghanistan from 1979-1992 saw legitimate jihad. From 1996–2001 it was civil war, and from then on up to now is the third era—a civil war. Afghanistan was not under occupation from any foreigners. In situations of civil war, God commands us to resolve the crisis, otherwise we must not be part of it.

Q: Could you explain the ideological differences between Azzam’s vision and Al-Qaeda’s?

Sheikh Azzam would never accept the things that are going on today. He said when any Western journalist, aid worker, official or non-official came to Afghanistan with a letter of invitation it was a trust that had to be honored. There were many Western and Arab governments in Peshawar and Sheikh Azzam told us never to bother them, that they were there to help the Afghans and so were we. Even the communist consulates were never touched in Pakistan because the battle was in the trenches. Houses, cars, women outside of the battlefield, were safe and secure. Unfortunately this is not the case with Al-Qaeda.

Q: Is Azzam’s name being misused?

Everyone who uses Azzam for recruitment will answer for it in the hereafter. They are being selective with his message. I saw a clip on the Internet where Azzam says: “Yes, if defending your homeland is terrorism, then yes, we are proud to be terrorists.” I was there at that lecture in a village in Panjshir [a province in Afghanistan]. The Soviets were calling us terrorists for defending Afghanistan and he was responding to that in his one-hour lecture. This line was taken out of context and applied to all acts of terrorism that are being committed today. It breaks my heart to see one’s best moment being hijacked. However, we must also remember that the political circumstances all over the world support [Al-Qaeda’s] message.

Q: Many who join Al-Qaeda now do so because of Azzam’s example, but do his views apply now?

If someone told me that he wanted to fight in Somalia, Syria or Waziristan now, I would discourage him. I went to Afghanistan when the circumstances were safe. The leadership in Afghanistan had one enemy, the Soviets. We were friends with the West, the Afghan Mujahideen had offices in all the capitals of the West and the Gulf. The jihad was focused. The philosophy of hatred and bloodshed did not exist. Azzam was recognized as the Emir of the Afghan Arab Mujahideen every year he visited the US and Europe and participated in fundraising. He never ever thought about hijacking [planes] or blowing himself up. These circumstances no longer exist. So I fear that young Muslims going to Syria will not be safe, and focused on removing President Bashar Al-Assad. There are intelligence services playing with their noble intentions and Al-Qaeda does not have the same methodology it started off with. Why are they blowing up people in the UK, when jihad does not mean spreading hatred? In the past people would go and fight, and if he was not martyred he would return to normal civilian life without hatred. Now there’s brainwashing, yes, blowing oneself up outside the battlefield.

Q: What is the future of international jihad?

As the Prophet—peace be upon him—says, “Jihad will continue till the end of time,” but the Jihad needs the right context. As Ibn Qayyum says, jihad is divided into fourteen categories, including the jihad of speaking the truth, of studying, of the pen and military jihad. The jihad of the Muslim Ummah [community] is in many of these fields, they want to be rid of dictatorial regimes, to exist in dignity among other nations. This idea of being armed against your government before we start discussing whether it is permissible or not—it has failed already. If you study the past twenty years, all these armed groups, except for jihad in Afghanistan, have failed.

Q: Is armed struggle allowed if governments shut down the democratic process, as happened to the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) in Algeria?

Thirty years ago, [Egyptian] Islamic jihad, under the leadership of Seyyed Iman [Al-Sharif], argued that change can only be achieved through arms. But the Arab Spring has shown that people want change peacefully. This is the jihad of the word, and I am in that camp.

Q: Why does this not apply in Syria?

When you are compelled to defend yourself, it is totally different from believing in [armed struggle] as a methodology for change. Assad has admitted that for six months the demonstrations were peaceful. This means that the Syrian revolution was a started by civilians. Fighters such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria don’t have the same agenda.

Q: A lot of Al-Qaeda followers refer to Bin Laden as a sheikh. Was he religiously qualified?

Osama never thought he was a religious sheikh. Sheikh Azzam had three imams to lead the prayer if he wasn’t there. One was Abu Hajir Al-Iraqi, the second Abu Ibrahim Al-Iraqi, and when neither of them could lead; I would step in. Osama never led prayers or gave sermons. That didn’t mean that in Saudi Arabia he didn’t give eloquent speeches full of poetry, but that was to raise awareness about Afghanistan.

This article was originally published in The Majalla.