Morocco: Abuse of Sub-Saharan Migrants

Nador, Morocco, November 2012 – A migrant from Mali lying down in a cave used as shelter. In the forests and mountains that surround Nador, groups of Sub-Saharan African migrants survive and wait for the right moment to attempt to cross the border between Morocco and the city of Melilla, a Spanish enclave on Morocco’s north coast.       © 2012 Gianfranco Tripodo/contrasto/Redux

Nador, Morocco, November 2012 – A migrant from Mali lying down in a cave used as shelter. In the forests and mountains that surround Nador, groups of Sub-Saharan African migrants survive and wait for the right moment to attempt to cross the border between Morocco and the city of Melilla, a Spanish enclave on Morocco’s north coast.

© 2012 Gianfranco Tripodo/contrasto/Redux

Ill-Treatment Persists in Moroccan, Spanish Border Operations Despite Rabat’s Reforms

Moroccan security forces commonly beat, otherwise abuse, and sometimes steal from sub-Saharan migrants in the northeastern part of the country, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. These abuses persist despite some improvements in the treatment of migrants since the government announced a new migration and asylum policy in September 2013. Since that time, the practice of summarily expelling migrants at the border with Algeria appears to have stopped.

The 79-page report, “Abused and Expelled: Ill-Treatment of Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Morocco,” found that these abuses occurred as the security forces took custody of sub-Saharan migrants who had tried unsuccessfully to reach the Spanish enclave of Melilla, or – prior to September 2013 – as they were rounding up migrants without any semblance of due process to expel them toAlgeria. However, research in late January and early February 2014 in Oujda, Nador, and Rabat indicates that Moroccan security forces are still using violence against migrants expelled from Melilla.

“Morocco should make clear to its security forces that migrants have rights,” said Bill Frelick, refugee program director at Human Rights Watch. “Morocco needs to call a halt to beatings and other abuse of migrants.”  

Spanish security forces also use excessive force when they summarily expel migrants from Melilla, Human Rights Watch found. Spain should stop all summary returns to Morocco at the Melilla border, and suspend forcible returns to Morocco of migrants reaching Melilla until Morocco demonstrates that they are no longer at risk of beatings and other abuses upon their return and that their rights are protected.

Morocco’s new migration and asylum policy is based on recommendations by the National Human Rights Council (CNDH) and endorsed by King Mohammed VI. The reforms include granting legal residency to migrants whom the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has determined to be refugees. Once processed by the newly reactivated National Office for Refugees and Stateless Persons, the refugees obtain resident cards that give them the right to work and receive certain social services.

Morocco has also put into place an “exceptional” regularization procedure through 2014 to allow undocumented migrants who meet certain criteria to apply for a one-year renewable residency. It is unclear how many of the 25,000 sub-Saharan migrants estimated to be in Morocco will meet the criteria. A brief informal survey indicated that few of those living in makeshift camps in Nador and Oujda would qualify.

The government told Human Rights Watch that it is also drafting new laws on asylum, human trafficking, and migration.

The Human Rights Watch report is based on interviews with 67 sub-Saharan migrants in and around the cities of Oujda and Nador in November and December 2012. Human Rights Watch also interviewed officials, international agencies, and nongovernmental organizations and included in the report the government’s responses to written questions. In January and February 2014 Human Rights Watch interviewed an additional 14 migrants in Nador, Oujda, and Rabat.

Sub-Saharan African migrants leave their countries because of poverty; family and social problems; political upheaval and civil conflict; and, in some cases, fear of persecution. Many in northeast Morocco aim to reach Europe. Many of the migrants interviewed for this report lived in makeshift shelters outside of larger cities, surviving on meager resources, and in constant fear of police raids.

In December 2011, according to reports by nongovernmental organizations, Moroccan authorities stepped up the practice of raiding unofficial migrant camps in forested areas outside of Oujda and Nador. Gendarmes and Moroccan Auxiliary Forces destroyed migrants’ shelters and sometimes stole their valuables during these raids, migrants told Human Rights Watch. The security forces arrested male migrants, bused them to the Algerian border, and ordered them to keep walking, bypassing the administrative and judicial due process requirements for deportations under international and national law.

“Nicolas,” 39, from Cameroon, described being shoved toward Algeria as security forces yelled “Yallah! [Let’s go!].” “They treated me really badly, they kicked me so much that I am peeing blood as a result,” he said. Names of migrants interviewed were changed for their protection.

Interviews Human Rights Watch conducted in northeast Morocco in January 2014 with migrants and nongovernmental organizations working locally said that the summary expulsions to the border with Algeria had ceased and that police raids on migrants living in and around Oujda had eased since October 2013. However, police are still conducting raids in the Nador area. Migrants described raids that occurred as recently as January 29, 2014, when police destroyed makeshift migrant encampments and arrested and beat people trying to reach Melilla. Authorities rounding up migrants in Nador in recent months bused them to Rabat and other coastal cities, rather than to the Algerian border, as previously, migrants and nongovernmental groups told Human Rights Watch.

In relation to the expulsions documented in the report, the Moroccan government told Human Rights Watch that it did not expel people but rather carried out lawful “returns to the border.” However, the Moroccan-Algerian border remains formally closed, and migrants told Human Rights Watch that Moroccan security officers took them to isolated locations and used force or the threat of force to coerce them to walk toward Algeria.

Expelled migrants who encountered Algerian security forces faced additional abuses. Migrants said that some Algerian border authorities forced them back into Morocco, sometimes violently, after robbing them of their valuables.

Each expelled migrant interviewed who had managed to return to Oujda or Nador described expulsions that ignored basic due process requirements.

Article 23 of Morocco’s immigration law provides for the right to request a lawyer or an interpreter prior to expulsion. Article 22 of the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families, to which Morocco is a party, provides for an expulsion decision in writing and the opportunity to challenge that decision.

While noting positive features of Morocco’s new migration policy, Human Rights Watch remains concerned by new reports of police violence against migrants near the border with Melilla. The Moroccan government should ensure, as part of its reforms, that the security forces refrain from using excessive force toward migrants and respect the due process rights of every migrant they take into custody.

The Spanish government should stop summarily returning migrants who enter Melilla to Morocco. Spanish law requires security and border forces to follow deportation procedures in removing migrants who enter Spain illegally. These returns also violate international and European Union (EU) law, which prohibit countries from forcibly returning anyone to a place where they would face a real risk of being subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment. Spanish authorities should also ensure diligent investigations of allegations of excessive use of force by its own forces and exert pressure on Morocco to end the use of unwarranted force against migrants.

Human Rights Watch examined the treatment of migrants in Morocco in relation to the EU’s avowed goal of controlling its borders through the help of third countries neighboring the EU. Morocco and the EU have embraced a joint policy of preventing undocumented migration toward the EU, through financial cooperation, for example. Human Rights Watch urged the EU to ensure that it does not provide support for any programs or Moroccan forces that violate the rights of migrants as guaranteed by international human rights law.

“Morocco has apparently stopped dumping migrants at the Algerian border, but that’s not enough,” Frelick said. “Morocco needs firm procedures to make sure that the migrants’ due process rights are respected and to allow them to apply for asylum.”

For details about the January 2014 interviews, please see below. 

Additional information from 2014 interviews 
Two Human Rights Watch researchers conducted  individual interviews with nine migrants in Gourougou, Nador and five in Rabat. All of those interviewed were men – ten from Cameroon, two from Mali, and two from Gabon. Names of the migrants were changed for their protection.

In interviews with Human Rights Watch in Nador on January 29 and 30, and in Rabat on February 3, migrants said that security forces still frequently carry out raids on their camps in Gourougou, the forested mountain outside of Nador, overlooking Melilla, during which they destroy and burn migrants’ property and makeshift shelters.

Nador is a jumping-off point for many migrants trying to reach Melilla, either by inflatable boat or by climbing the fences surrounding it in large groups, sometimes several hundred migrants at once. Migrants who managed to enter Melilla said that Spain’s Guardia Civil summarily removed most of them and handed them over to Moroccan border patrols at the border. They said Moroccan authorities frequently beat the border crossers, including children, who were in their effective custody, and not resisting or attempting to flee.

At the Melilla border
Human Rights Watch interviewed five migrants in Rabat, who said that during an attempt to scale the Melilla perimeter fence in the early hours of February 2, the Spanish Guardia Civil and the Moroccan Auxiliary Forces employed excessive force against them.

Joseph, 31, from Cameroon, who limped and had a swollen eye, said:

We went toward the fence to go into Melilla and we tried to get in. A few of us managed to enter Melilla but the Guardia Civil stopped us. They hit us with clubs. They hit us very hard for 5 to 10 minutes. They handcuffed us [with plastic restraints], and then they opened the gate in the fence and handed us over to the [Moroccan] Auxiliary Forces.

The Auxiliary Forces hit us with clubs. While they hit us, they also searched us. They stole 250 dirhams [US$30] from me along with my mobile phone. They made us lie face down on the ground, still handcuffed. We stayed on the ground for an hour while they hit us. They hit me on the eye with a stick. They only stopped hitting us when more senior officers came.

Martin, 22, from Cameroon, said:

We arrived to the fence and sirens started wailing… I could see my friends who were inside [Melilla]. TheGuardia Civil hit my friends with big sticks. Not police clubs, but sticks. They hit you until you faint… I retreated back to the Moroccan side. When I came back down, they [Moroccan Auxiliary Forces] hit me. They handcuffed me, and then made me lie down on the ground, face down. They searched me and stole my money, my phone, and even my shoes.

William, 24, from Cameroon, said:

In the night of December 24 [2013], there were 15 of us advancing toward the fence. As we were coming toward the fence, the Alit [Moroccan Auxiliary Forces] saw us and started throwing rocks and sticks at us. Nine Alits grabbed us; they took me to a hidden corner and hit me and other migrants there for 30 to 40 minutes, and then they took us to the commissariat. I was able to go to the hospital instead. I got medical attention for my injuries and came back the next day to Gourougou, with the help of NGOs [nongovernmental organizations].

Ahmed, 22, from Cameroon, was also part of this group:

We were all intercepted and arrested at the first fence. My feet were bleeding from the barbed wire and the auxiliary forces arrested me. They attached my hands behind my back with a cord and beat me everywhere on my body with batons. Some of them were jumping on my back to force me to lie on my stomach. At 8 a.m. they drove us to the police station in Nador. They didn’t ask us to provide any documents. They only asked us, as always, our names and nationality. They refused to take me to the hospital although I was bleeding. In the evening, they drove us in a bus to the bus station of Rabat.

WARKA SALEEBAAN XUQUUQ

MAWQIFKA DIFAACAYAASHA XUQUUQDA AADAMIGA SOMALILAND EE MARXALADA DALKU MARAYO IYO QALALAASAHA GOLAHA WAKIILADA SOMALILAND

Ku:         Mudanayaasha Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland - Xarunta Baarlamaanka

Og:         Mudanayaasha Golaha Guurtida Somaliland  - Xarunta Baarlamaanka

Og:         Mudane Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud 'Siilaanyo'

                Madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyada Somaliland 

UJEEDO:

MAWQIFKA DIFAACAYAASHA XUQUUQDA AADAMIGA SOMALILAND EE MARXALADA DALKU MARAYO IYO QALALAASAHA GOLAHA WAKIILADA SOMALILAND

Damiirka Aadaminimo iyo kan muwaadinimo ayaa nagu khasbaya in aanu u soo bandhigno Madaxwaynaha, Mudanayaasha Golayaasha  Sharci Dajinta iyo Shacabka Somaliland xogaha qarsoon ee ku lamaan qalaasaha ka oogan aqalka hoose ee baarlamaanka Somaliland.

Anagoo ah Difaacayaasha Madaxabanaan ee Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland oo ka kooban qaybaha kala duwan ee ururada bulshada oo ka dhisan guud ahaan gobolada dalka Somaliland. 

Anagoo si taxadar badan leh ula socona guud ahaan dhacdooyinka dhaqaale, siyaasadeed iyo bulsho ee dalkeena gudihiisa iyo dibadiisaba ka, isla markaana xogogaal u ah xaalada iyo duruufaha u gaarka ah ee dalkeenu uu la nool yahay dhinaca xidhiidhka caalamiga ah ee hoos taga nidaamka Qaramada Midoobay iyo kuwa qaaradeed ama goboleed (AU, IGAD).

Kuna baraarugsan marxalada haatan dalkeenu marayo, qabyada jirta iyo wuxuu daaran yahay qalalaasaha ka oogan Aqalka Hoose Ee Sharci Dajinta.

Difaacayaasha xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland waxay si xoogan uga walaacsan yihiin in ay ogaadaan ilaa xad heerka Khatarta badan leh ee Qalalaasaha Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland uu si toos ah ugu gaystay mustaqbalka iyo danaha qaran ee dalka Somaliland. Taasi oo ah tan maanta aanu qaylo dhaantan u jeedinayno. Natiijooyinka uga soo baxay baadhitaano ay sameeyeen Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Bulshada Rayidka ah ee Somaliland waxa aanu ku ogaanay in Qalalaasaha Wakiiladu in uu ka gun dheer yahay mid ku kooban tartan dhinaca awooda ah oo u dhexeeya Axsaabta Qaranka

BILOWGA QALALAASAHA WAKIILADA IYO WAREEGII 5AAD EE WADAHADALA SOMALILAND & SOMALIA

Dhinaca Somaliand dhawr arimood ayay kaga kaga duwanaayeen wadahadaladii ugu dambeeyay ee magaalada Istanbul ku dhexmaray ergooyin ka kala socday Somaliland iyo Somalia 16-19 Janaury 2014. Ergada Somaliland waxa aan la soconin Madaxda 2da Xisbi Mucaarid, dhinaca kale xubnaha Ergada Somaliland oo ay ka wada muuqdeen beelaha Somaliland ayaa dhinacyada farsamada iyo diyaargarowgaba ka horumarsanayd marka loo eego wareegyadii hore.  

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxanu aaminsan nahay in Wadahadalada Somalia iyo Somaliland ay la mid yihiin Wadahadaladii badhtamihii sanadkii 1959 magaalada London ku dhexmaray Boqortooyada Ingiriiska iyo Ergo ka socotay Maxmiyadii Ingiriiska ee Somaliland Protectrate ku waasi oo kala ahaa - RABI NAXARIISTIISA JANO HAKA WARAABIYO DHAMAANTOODE:

Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, Garad Ali Garad Jama, Ahmed Hajji Duale (Keyse), Hajji Ibrahim Nur, U fiirso ergadaasi waxay ka koobnaayeen dhamaan beelaha wada dega dalkeena.  Ergadan oo London u tagay in ay soo dhiraandhiriyaan Xoriyad Maxmiyada ka hesho gumaysigii Ingriiska, way ku soo guulaysteen.

55 Sanadood kadib  Duruufo aan laga sheekayn karin kadib waxa haatan socda Wadahadalo Siyaasi ah oo la miisaan ah Wadahadaladii sababay xoriyadii ay Somaliland ka heshay boqortooyada Ingiriiska.

BALSE NASIIBDARADA INAGU DHACDAY AYAA AH: In wareegii ugu dambeeyay markii uu ka socday Istanbul ergooyinkii Somalia iyo Somalialnd oo miiskii wadahadalka wada fadhiya in Gudoomiyaha Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland ahna Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga mucaaradka ah ee WADANI uu soo hor dhigay golaha mooshin dhabarka lagaga tooganayo xubno ka mid ah Ergada u matalaysay Umada Somaliland wadahadalada ujeedkoodu yahay Xidhiidhka Mustaqbalka ee Somaliland iyo Somalia ay wada yeelan doonaan. Gudoomiye K/xigeenka Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland Darwiish Mudane Baashe Maxamed Farax oo ka mid ahaa xubnaha ugu miisaanka culus ergada Somaliland dhinaca wadajirka iyo midnimada beelaha Somaliland ayuu Gudoomiye Ciro mooshin lagu sadqaynayo golaha wakiilada duuduub kaga ansixiyay.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay u arkaan talaabadaasi Gudoomiyaha Wakiilada iyo Xisbiga WADANI Falaadh uu la bartilmaameeday Aayaha iyo mustaqbalka Qaranimada Somaliland. Anaga (Bulshada rayidka ah ee Somaliland) waxa aanu si xoogan u aaminsanahay miisaanka culus ee Gudoomiye K/xigeenka Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland Mudane/Darwiish Baashe Maxamed Farax ay u lahayd ergada Somaliland taasi oo la mid ah MIISAANKII iyo DOORKII Rabi naxariistiisa jano haka waraabiyee Marxuunkii/Darwiish Garad Ali Garad Jama, uu ku lahaa ergadii 54 sano ka hor bishii May 1960 Mustacmarkii Ingiriis wadahadaladii xoriyada Somaliland ku yeelatay magaalada London .

Dhinaca kale, Ergadii ka socotay Xukuumada Federaalka Somalia iyagoo miiskii wadahadalada fadhiya ayaa Dawlada Federaalka Somalia xilal cusub u magacowday qaar ka mid ah ergadoodii oo labo (2) ka mid ah u magacaabeen xilal wasiiro ah. Halka xubno ergada Somaliland kuwii ugu Miisaanka culus aa golaheena wakiiladu ay dhabarka ka tooganayeen.

Talaabadaasi Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay u arkaan fariin nacayb ah oo Gudoomiyaha Wakiilada Somaliland ku kala fogaynayo bulshada wada leh Qarankan isla markaana uu ku mijo xaabinayo wadajirka is aaminka shacabka iyo beelaha Somaliland wada dega.

Xogta taasi ka sii yaab badan ee aanu shacabka u sheegayno ayaa ah mid ka dhexmuuqata wax ka bedelka xeer hoosaadka iyo isku shaadhaynta gudi hoosaadyada Golaha Wakiilada Somaliland, Gudoomiyaha Wakiilada Somaliland  wuxuu u magacaabay gudiyada ugu miisaanka culus gudihoosaadyada Wakiilada,gaar ahaan gudoomiyaha gudida joogtada ah  Xildhibaan Mahdi Buubaa oo la dhashay Ismail Buubaa oo ka mid ah Ashkhaasta farokutiriska ah ee Dalka iyo Umada iyo Distoorka Somalilandba KHIYAAMEEYAY hadh iyo habeena DHAGARAHA u soo maleegaya.

DHAQAN KU CUSUB DALKA

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay xogogaal u noqdeen rag Muqdisho dhexdeedana todobaado ka hor kaga jiray olole ay ku rabaan xilal in ay u magacawdo Xukuumada Federaalka Somalia, markii ay ku soo hugoobeena maalmahan u dambeeyay Caasimada Somaliland Shirar Jaraa'id ku qabanayay oo ku goodiyay in dhiig sokeeyo ay ku daadan doono.

Falalka noocaasi ah dhaliisheeda waxa iska leh Xukuumada Madaxwayne Siilanyo gaar ahaan Wasaarada Arimaha Gudaha iyo hay'adaha sharci fulinta.

Sidoo kale Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay bulshada caalamka iyo dalalka ka taageera dimuquraadiyada dalkayaga Somaliland in caqabada ugu wayn ee soo foodsaartay haatan geedi socodka nidaamka dimuquraadiyada Somaliland ay ka mid yihiin Rag beelaha dhexe ee Somaliland u yaqaanaan Mujaahidiin kana mid ah koox la baxday Madasha WadaTashiga  iyo Toosinta Qaranka kuwaasi oo sida difaacayaasha xuquuqda aadamiga Somaliland ku diiwaangaliyeen dhagaysiyo dacwado argagixiso oo Maxkamadaha Somaliland ka garnaqayeen oo lagu soo bandhigay cadaymo muujinaya shir qarsoodi ah oo dhexmaray Ibraahim Dhagawayne iyo wakiilo dhinaca Mirataniga ah oo ka tirsan Xarakada Alshabaab ujeedkooduna ahaa Inqilaab lagu afgabiyayo xukuumadii tan maanta jirta ka horaysay oo shacabka Somaliland si dimuquraadidga ah ay u soo doorteen.

Waxa kale oo aan la yaraysan karin soo galitaanka Siyaasada Somaliland ay ku soo biireen kooxo ka mid ahaa Maxaakiimtii Islaamiga ahaa ee sanadkii 2006 qabsaday koonfurta iyo badhtamaha Somaliland, xogtan oo aanu ka soo xiganay warbixin ay qoreen  koox ka tirsan Kormeerayaasha Caalamiga ah ee Doorashadii ugu dambaysay ee Golaha Deegaanka Somaliland kuwaasi oo kormeer hordhac ah oo ay ku qiimaynayeen diyaargarow doorashadaasi ku yimi Somaliland ka hor doorashadii golayaasha Deegaanka ee dabayaaqadii sanadkii hore dalka ka qabsoontay.

Warbixintaasi waxay hoosta ka xariiqday in urur siyaasadeedkii kali ahaa ee islaamiga ahaa oo doorashii deegaanka ku hadhay uu la midoobay XISBIGA WADANI.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland ayaa diiwaangaliyay badhtamihii sanadkii 2006 ashkhaas iyo kooxo isugu jiray ururada diinta ee xagjirka ah iyo hogaamiye dhaqameedyo ay samaysteen ayaa dalka ka waday dhaqdhaqaaqyo xoog u abaabulan oo ku baaqaya in isku xukunka shareecada islaamka lagaga dhaqmo Somaliland dadkaasi oo shirar abaabulan u qabanayay beelaha Somalialnd dalka ka kiciyay duufaano lagu khalkhalinayo nidaamka kala dambaynta iyo distoorka Dimuqraadiga ah ayaa haatan ka mid ah Xisbiga WADANI.

SAAMAYNTA XUN EE NIDAAMKA DAWLADNIMO DOORASHOOYINKA UU KU LEEYAHAY KHILAAFKA XISBIGA KULMIYE DHEXDIISU

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay u arkaan mushkilad qaran khilaafka ka jira gudaha xisbul xaakimka Somaliland ee KULMIYE ilaa xad waxanu dareensanahay in khilaafka Xisbiga KULMIYE uu caqab wayn ku yahay socodsiinta hawlaha qaran ee ay Xukuumada dalku qaranka u hayso iyadoo dalku marayo marxalad xaasaasi ah oo u baahan in nidaamka dawladnimo uu si buuxda u shaqeeyo ayaa khilaafka KULMIYE oo gaadha in uu markasta dibada iyo warbaahinta u soo baxo taasi oo curyaamin karta habsami u socodka hawlaha qaranka.

Sidoo kale waxa uu gaadhay in uu markii ugu horaysay Khilaafka Xisbiga KULMIYE fursado siiyo cadowga Somaliland iyo in Wakiiladii Somaliland meel mariyaan Mooshino dhabarjab ku ah qaranimada Somaliland.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay ugu baaqayaan Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga KULMIYE Mud. Muuse Biixi Cabdi iyo Madaxwaynaha Somaliland Mud. Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud 'Siilaanyo" in ay sida ugu dhaqsaha badan u qaadaan talaabooyin degdeg ah oo lagu soo afjarayo Khilaafka Xisbiga KULMIYE ragaadiyay oo haddii xal kama dambays ah ay u heli waayaan saamayn fool xun ku leh qaranka Somaliland.

DIIWAANGALINTA MUWAADINIINTA IYO TAN CODBIXIYAYAASHU LABO ISKU CADOW AH.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland oo ka faaiidaysanaya waayo aragnimadii Somaliland ka heshay diiwaangalintii muwaadinimada iyo tii codbixiyayaasha oo hore hal mar looga wada qabtay dalkeena taasi oo fashilaad ku dhamaatay.

Isla markaasina anagoo og muhiimada aan la qiyaasi karin oo ay dalka Somaliland u leedahay sugida diiwaangalinta muwaadiniinta u dhalatay dalka oo si habsami ah u qabsoonta kana wada hirgasha dhamaan deegaanada Jamhuuriyada Somaliland.

Xogogaalna u ah Kaalinta wax ku oolka ah ee suurtogalinta diiwaangalinta muwaadiniinta Somaliland ay u leedahay dhinacyada dhaqaalaha, amaanka iyo horumarka arimaha bulshada caafimaadka, waxbarashada iyo maalgashiga

Waxanu ugu baaqaynaa Xukuumada Somaliland, Xisbiyada Siyaasada, Dalalka iyo Ururada caalamiga ah ee inaga taageera hawshan, golayaasha qaranka iyo dhamaan muwaadiniinta Somaliland in loo hawlgalo sidii ay u kala madaxbanaan lahaayeen Diiwaangalinta Muwaadiniinta iyo Diiwaangalinta Codbixiyayaashu, oo haddii hal mar la wada qabto sida ay dhawaan dhinacyada arimahani khuseeyaan ku heshiiyeen aan lagu guulaysan doonin in la sameeyo diiwaangalimo sax ah oo muwaadinimo iyo mid codbixiyeyaal.

Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay waxay rumaysan yihiin in Axsaabta Siyaasada Somaliland aanay danaynaynin Ahmiyad Culus ee diiwaangalinta Muwaadiniintu u leedahay dalka iyo dadka Somaliland balse taasi lidigeeda ay danaynayaan kaliya sidii doorsho ay talada dalka ugula wareegi lahaayeen.

Hadii hal mar la wada qabto Diiwaangalinta Muwaadiniinta iyo tan Codbixiyayaasha Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland waxay ka digayaan in natiijo la aamini karo oo saxi ahi ka soo baxaynin sababtoo ah waxanu aaminsahay in xamaasad iyo olole gobalaysi, deegaan iyo mid qabyaaladeedba xisbiyada Siyaasada Somaliland galin doonaan hawshaasi sidaana tacab wakhti iyo miisaaniyad badani kaga khasaari doonto Qaranka Somaliland.

Suleiman ismail Bolaleh

Afhayeenka Difaacayaasha Madaxabanaan Ee Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland 

ANALYSIS: Investing in a Country That Doesn't Exist - Somaliland's Hard Sell

Photo: Somaliland troops march past during a parade to mark the 22nd anniversary of Somaliland's self-declared independence from the larger Somalia, in Hargeisa May 18, 2013. REUTERS/Feisal Omar.

By Simon Allison,

Somaliland, the self-declared republic, is desperate for someone to find vast mineral reserves under its soil. But without international recognition - and the probability of legal battles in the future - it's a big risk for any country to take.

Somaliland too should be careful. Having dodged the aid curse, will they fall victim to the resource curse instead? 

At the recently concluded Mining Indaba in Cape Town, Somaliland's energy minister Hussein Abdi Dualeh had possibly the hardest sell of all. It was his job to convince the assembled mining bigwigs that his country was a viable, risk-free environment in which to invest millions and millions of dollars - all on the hope that there might be base and precious metals hidden somewhere under its drab scrubland.

He tried hard. "We have also a unique geographical location," the minister said in his speech at the conference. "If you have a mineral deposit and if you exploit it, it will be very cheap to take to market... it's definitely much less costly than a really getting fantastic deposit the middle of continent, which will cost you really huge amount of money to export it ... even the small deposit is commercially viable considering the logistics involved in taking the minerals to market.”

It was a good effort, but will it be enough? There are, after all, a few other factors which mitigate against Somaliland becoming Africa’s next mining hotspot.

The biggest problem is that Dualeh’s country is not actually a country. Officially, legally, Somaliland is a territory of the Republic of Somalia. A rogue territory at that, one which refuses to answer to the writ of the central government in Mogadishu. It considers itself independent, and operates accordingly, with all the trappings of sovereignty: the flag, the currency, the national anthem. Dualeh himself is part of Somaliland’s government, which is chosen in free and fair elections every five years (some say Somaliland is the most functional democracy in the Horn of Africa, and there’s substance to this description).

This de facto autonomy is no bad thing: while Somalia proper has been mired in civil war and violence for the last two decades, Somaliland has been stable, secure and relatively prosperous; its self-declared independence a conscious attempt to isolate itself from Somalia’s chaos which, by and large, has worked.

But as Somaliland seeks to develop, this independence – not formally recognised by anyone else in the world – is also holding it back. As miners contemplate entering Somaliland, they have to first ask and answer some tough questions about whether the government in Hargeisa has the authority to grant exploration licenses in the first place; and, once granted, if those will be honoured if and when Mogadishu is in a better position to assert rights of its own.

Already, these problems have crippled Somaliland’s oil sector. For years, oil exploration was dormant as companies fought over ‘legacy contracts’ (those granted in the late 1980s by dictator Siad Barre’s Mogadishu-based regime) and new contracts issued by the Somaliland government. Exploration has now started, but getting to this point was a long and complicated process.

Minister Dualeh claims there are no legacy contracts that could influence the mining sector – but that doesn’t mean there won’t be problems in the future between the two competing centres of power.

Somaliland’s lack of formal independence has also cut it off from another lucrative source of income: aid money. Almost all international aid to Somalia is all channeled through Mogadishu. With the exception of a few minor United Nations programmes, Hargeisa gets nothing.

Not that Hargeisa minds. Dualeh argues that the lack of aid has actually worked in Somaliland’s favour. “That is a blessing in disguise. Aid never developed anything,” he told Reuters’ Ed Stoddard on the sidelines of the conference. “Aid is not a panacea, we'd rather not have it... How many African countries do you know that developed because of a lot of aid? It's a curse. The ones that get the most aid are the ones with the problems.”

Intrigued by this counter-intuitive position, the Daily Maverick contacted Minister Dualeh and asked him to elaborate. “There wasn’t really any aid opened to us because we weren’t recognised,” Dualeh explained in a telephone interview. “We’re not like Kenya that gets 40% [of its budget from] aid money; tangible aid hasn’t been coming our way because of our political status. Aid comes with strings attached but we don’t have any of that. We don’t owe anything to anyone.”

In practice, Dualeh believes that this leaves Somaliland free to make its own decision, unbeholden to any external backer that might not have the territory’s best interests at heart. “We have our own organic solutions to our problems; we have no outside influence; I think a lot of the good things that have happened to us are because we have found our own solutions.”

As an example, Dualeh cites the original decision to break away from the then-Federation of Somalia in 1991. This, he argues, was Somaliland taking its destiny into its own hands. In Somalia proper, on the other hand, decades of foreign meddling has just made the situation worse. “The difference between us and Somalia is that we sat down under the proverbial big tree and we basically stated our independence and tried to find our own solutions through uniting; we found a solution that has resulted in power right now, with no war or conflict.”

Somaliland may have avoided the aid curse, but as Dualeh seeks to drum up investment in the mining sector he would do well to recall the lessons of other African countries, where the curse of vast mineral wealth has proved just as devastating. Dualeh dismisses these concerns. “The resource curse is just a cliché. We’re not taking it lightly, we are trying to avoid it by making sure that we have good governance and good legal regimes to make sure that everything gets sorted ahead.”

In the Horn of Africa – a part of the world not famed for good governance or tight legal regimes – this might just be the one thing that Somaliland has going for it.  DM

Somalia

Plans for German Troops to Help Train Somali Forces

There are plans for German troops to take part in the EU training mission in Somalia, a German magazine has reported. … see more »

Source: dailymaverick.co.za

Germany debates mooted Somalia deployment

Military

Opposition parties in Germany have criticized a proposal that German army trainers be sent to Somalia as part of an EU mission. It's part of a debate on whether Germany should boost its military engagement in Africa. 

German defense ministry planning for a potential deployment of Bundeswehr military trainers to Mogadishu prompted demands on Monday from opposition parties that the question be debated in parliament.

The opposition Left party's foreign relations spokesman Stefan Liebich said "for weeks" planning had apparently been taking place on the "implementation of a political doctrine of more Bundeswehr in Africa" - without consulting parliament.

Germany's national lower house of parliament, the Bundestag, has the final say on deployments abroad.
The opposition Greens' security spokeswoman Agnieszka Brugger said Chancellor Angela Merkel's grand coalition needed to explain "why the government had changed its opinion on the security situation [in Somalia]."

"Then we will examine the mandate," Brugger told the Berliner Zeitung newspaper.

'Self-help' mission

The chairman of parliament's defense committee, Hans-Peter Bartels of the Social Democrats (SPD), who are partners in Merkel's coalition, said: "It is in any case appropriate to train Somali military personnel."

"Our approach is helping [people] to help themselves," Bartels told the Mitteldeutsche Zeitung newspaper.

SPD defense expert Rainer Arnold said Germany could not opt out when "our other European partners" were involved. "We're not talking about combat operations, but instead about training," Arnold said, adding that German intentions for Africa involved "small, temporary modules."

EU mission relocated to Mogadishu

Until December, some 20 German military personnel were located in Uganda to train Somali soldiers as part of the EU Training Mission (EUTM).

In January that mission was relocated to Mogadishu, where Islamist insurgents often try to disrupt reconstruction efforts. The Somali capital has been guarded since 2011 by African Union troops, serving with a UN mandate.

The German news magazine Spiegel reported on Sunday that the German Defense Ministry intended to finalize the number of trainers intended for Somalia by early March. After that the proposal would be submitted to the German parliament.

Last week, Germany's new Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen of Merkel's conservative Christian Democrats (CDU) visited German military trainers and logistics personnel involved in an EU mission in western Africa to overhaul Mali's army.

Her recent remark that Germany should boost its international military engagement in the world's trouble spots "within the framework of our alliances" triggered debate in a country still doubtful about its post-World War Two role.

Survey shows Germans doubtful

A survey conducted for the German news agency DPA in late January showed that 45 percent of Germans believed the country's military was already too active abroad, while an additional 30 percent thought the current extent of foreign deployments was just right.

Only 12 percent of those polled thought that Germany's military was not doing enough abroad.

Those results were published shortly after a Berlin visit by UN chief Ban Ki-moon who urged Germany to show more global leadership.

At January's Munich Security Conference, German President Joachim Gauck said Germany should consider the use of military force only as a measure of last resort and under UN authorization when crimes against humanity took place.

Germany currently has nearly 5,500 personnel abroad, mainly in Afghanistan, Kosovo and in naval patrols off Syria and the Horn of Africa.

ipj/msh (AFP, AP, dpa)

Source: dw.de

URGENT NEWS: Thousands of Barclays customer files stolen and sold to scammers – report

Details of 27,000 people who consulted bank’s advisers were allegedly copied from database to be sold on to rogue traders

Investigations have been launched after a report that thousands of confidential files with Barclays Bank customers details had been stolen and sold.

The Mail on Sunday said an anonymous whistleblower had handed it a memory stick with the personal data of 2,000 Barclays customers, saying information on a further 25,000 was also available.

The files are said to hold passport and national insurance numbers, as well as money and health information.

Barclays said it was investigating.

 “Start Quote

"This appears to be criminal action and we will co-operate with the authorities on pursuing the perpetrator” Barclays spokesman

The report said the data, which also contained the individuals' attitude to risk, had been sold to "rogue City traders" and was "worth millions on the black market because it allowed unsuspecting individuals to be targeted in investment scams".

Bank 'grateful'

The files date from 2008. The customers in question had originally contacted the bank seeking financial advice from Barclays Financial Planning.

That division was shut down in 2011.

The Information Commissioner's Office said it would be working with the newspaper and police who were seeking more details.

The maximum fine for losing personal data is £500,000.

Financial commentator, David Buick, said the report was alarming: "It's the breach of trust... you as an individual actually knowing that your personal details about your life has been passed on to potentially an unscrupulous individual who will try and behave like a maverick and capitalise on your life.

"If this is proven it is absolutely disgraceful."

Barclays said it had contacted regulators as soon as it had been made aware, adding that it was grateful to the Mail on Sunday for bringing this to its attention.

''We will take all necessary steps to contact and advise those customers as soon as possible so that they can also ensure the safety of their personal data," a Barclays spokesman said.

He said protecting customers' data was a "top priority", adding: "This appears to be criminal action and we will co-operate with the authorities on pursuing the perpetrator."

AU Published the African Union Handbook 2014: Download for References

African Union Handbook 2014

Addis Ababa - The African Union Commission and New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade recently published the African Union Handbook 2014.  This nearly 200 page document provides a detailed description of the organs of the African Union.  It begins with a history of the OAU and AU and has the following sections:

--Assembly
--Executive Council
--Specialized Technical Committees
--Peace and Security Council
--African Union Commission
--Pan-African Parliament
--Judicial and Human Rights Institutions
--Financial Institutions
--Permanent Representatives Committee
--Economic, Social and Cultural Council
--New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD)
--African Peer Review Mechanism
--Regional Economic Communities
--African Development Bank
--UN Economic Commission for Africa
--Other Bodies Related to the AU
--External Partnerships
--Budget

Jihad, Then and Now - Al-Shaba’ab [in Somalia] was created by the Arab Afghans, were they not?

The son-in-law of Abdullah Yusuf Azzam and a former comrade of Osama Bin Laden reflects on the differences between the struggle in Afghanistan in the 1980s and in Syria today

Abdullah Anas speaks with The Majalla. (The Majalla/Tam Hussein)

The Majalla speaks to Abdullah Anas

As the situation in Syria grows worse and simultaneously more complicated day by day, the fears of observers of the conflict have become more focused on the foreign jihadists who have travelled to the war-torn country to take part in the fighting. With the chaos unleashed by some of the “Arab Afghans” who joined the struggle against the former Soviet Union’s presence in Afghanistan in the 1980s still fresh in the minds of the world’s intelligence and security services, it is worth looking back once more at the experiences of the members of this group. Few are more familiar with the Arab Afghans and their struggle than Abdullah Anas.

The son-in-law of Abdullah Yusuf Azzam—who became Osama Bin Laden’s mentor when he arrived in Afghanistan—Anas was second-in-command at the Bureau of Services office in Peshawar that supported the Arab Afghans and Afghan Mujahideen. Today, Anas remains proud of the decade he spent involved in the Afghan struggle, and counts Ahmad Shah Massoud and Osama Bin Laden as former comrades in arms.

Before meeting Azzam, Anas was already a founder of the Islamic movement in southern Algeria and worked with Algeria’s leading Islamists Mahfoudh Nahnah and Abbas Madani. He remains a part-time imam and a teacher of the Qur’an, having studied in Saudi Arabia and Algeria. Following his religious studies he took a degree in international politics in the UK. His journey to Afghanistan began when he came across a legal opinion written by Azzam, who argued that it was obligatory for Muslims to fight in Afghanistan. By chance he later met Azzam in Mecca and was invited to travel to Afghanistan with him.

After the departure of the Soviets from the country and the assassination of Azzam in 1992, Anas grew disillusioned by the takfirist ideas that had become increasingly prominent thanks to new arrivals such as Ayman Al-Zawahiri, the current leader of Al-Qaeda. Anas’s role had been to focus on the logistical needs of the Afghan Mujahideen, while the organization that came to be known as Al-Qaeda had a larger agenda, which would become infamous in the years that followed. As infighting broke out among the Afghan Mujahideen, Anas left for Algeria, though his affiliation to the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and the subsequent military crackdown that followed its election success in 1992 forced him into exile in France and then the UK.

Today, Anas says he is in the process of writing his memoirs, running a TV channel and working with young people.

The Majalla: Why did the Arab Afghans get along with their local comrades so much more successfully than the foreign fighters in Syria do today?

Abdullah Anas: We realised it was not about carrying Kalashnikovs and calling for fighters. I remember when I came back from my first trip to Mazar-i-Sharif in 1984, and writing a report to Sheikh Abdullah Azzam saying we needed a hundred Muslims with the following skills: aid worker, political [operative], mentor and proselytizer, in addition to being a bridge between the Afghans and the outside world. These men were to be like ambassadors in the twenty-nine provinces of Afghanistan. Unfortunately, we failed in this, otherwise the outcome might have been different.

Q: In what ways were the Arab Afghan fighters different from the ones now in Syria?

The difference is that most are going over [to Syria] just to be martyred. I went to Afghanistan to see it liberated—or to achieve martyrdom. This idea was shared by Sheikh Azzam, Massoud and Bin Laden. We made a positive and constructive contribution to struggle. We didn’t go there just for martyrdom.

Q: How did you deal with prisoners? Did you behead them like we see on YouTube videos from Syria these days?

Prisoners have full rights. We fed them the same food, gave them the same clothes and the same quality of life. After several months, many of the Soviet troops started to believe that they weren’t prisoners because we were on such good terms with them. Through our conduct we showed them we were not bloodthirsty people. Some of them became Muslims, others remain our friends to this day.

The argument that God will forgive you if you execute prisoners because of the dangers is not acceptable. Killing prisoners is a big responsibility. They [the perpetrators] need to stand trial and judgment—without understanding their case one cannot decide if someone deserves to die or not. Unfortunately, this culture has disappeared now. I think the number-one responsibility for this falls on Al-Qaeda.

Q: A lot of people justify the atrocities because they are a result of the trauma of war. Do you agree?

I have heard the argument that we should understand fighters when they commit atrocities because war does that to you. This is inexcusable. I am a fighter of eight years’ experience, I know hundreds of fighters; some of them destroyed 300 tanks, but they never behaved in such a way. They don’t experience post-traumatic stress; they remain serene, forbearing and experience no nightmares. I don’t believe in it. The companions of the Prophet never experienced it.

Q: Some analysts blame the Arab Afghan for all the consequences that we are seeing now. Do you agree with this assessment?

No. Before 9/11 Al-Qaeda used to be known as the Arab Afghans. I am the founder of the Arab Afghans, and of the 3,000 to 4,000 people [there] only 300 people were permanently fighting. The majority of them were in Peshawar, driving, teaching, administrating and so on. In the eyes of our parents or the media you are a mujahid! In Peshawar there are Americans, Brits, international consulates and aid organizations, and we worked with them. Arab Afghans were misrepresented because regimes like that of [former Egyptian President Hosni] Mubarak didn’t want to give people human rights and they cited us as a security risk.

Q: Al-Shaba’ab [in Somalia] was created by the Arab Afghans, were they not?

We have to divide the period into three different eras. Afghanistan from 1979-1992 saw legitimate jihad. From 1996–2001 it was civil war, and from then on up to now is the third era—a civil war. Afghanistan was not under occupation from any foreigners. In situations of civil war, God commands us to resolve the crisis, otherwise we must not be part of it.

Q: Could you explain the ideological differences between Azzam’s vision and Al-Qaeda’s?

Sheikh Azzam would never accept the things that are going on today. He said when any Western journalist, aid worker, official or non-official came to Afghanistan with a letter of invitation it was a trust that had to be honored. There were many Western and Arab governments in Peshawar and Sheikh Azzam told us never to bother them, that they were there to help the Afghans and so were we. Even the communist consulates were never touched in Pakistan because the battle was in the trenches. Houses, cars, women outside of the battlefield, were safe and secure. Unfortunately this is not the case with Al-Qaeda.

Q: Is Azzam’s name being misused?

Everyone who uses Azzam for recruitment will answer for it in the hereafter. They are being selective with his message. I saw a clip on the Internet where Azzam says: “Yes, if defending your homeland is terrorism, then yes, we are proud to be terrorists.” I was there at that lecture in a village in Panjshir [a province in Afghanistan]. The Soviets were calling us terrorists for defending Afghanistan and he was responding to that in his one-hour lecture. This line was taken out of context and applied to all acts of terrorism that are being committed today. It breaks my heart to see one’s best moment being hijacked. However, we must also remember that the political circumstances all over the world support [Al-Qaeda’s] message.

Q: Many who join Al-Qaeda now do so because of Azzam’s example, but do his views apply now?

If someone told me that he wanted to fight in Somalia, Syria or Waziristan now, I would discourage him. I went to Afghanistan when the circumstances were safe. The leadership in Afghanistan had one enemy, the Soviets. We were friends with the West, the Afghan Mujahideen had offices in all the capitals of the West and the Gulf. The jihad was focused. The philosophy of hatred and bloodshed did not exist. Azzam was recognized as the Emir of the Afghan Arab Mujahideen every year he visited the US and Europe and participated in fundraising. He never ever thought about hijacking [planes] or blowing himself up. These circumstances no longer exist. So I fear that young Muslims going to Syria will not be safe, and focused on removing President Bashar Al-Assad. There are intelligence services playing with their noble intentions and Al-Qaeda does not have the same methodology it started off with. Why are they blowing up people in the UK, when jihad does not mean spreading hatred? In the past people would go and fight, and if he was not martyred he would return to normal civilian life without hatred. Now there’s brainwashing, yes, blowing oneself up outside the battlefield.

Q: What is the future of international jihad?

As the Prophet—peace be upon him—says, “Jihad will continue till the end of time,” but the Jihad needs the right context. As Ibn Qayyum says, jihad is divided into fourteen categories, including the jihad of speaking the truth, of studying, of the pen and military jihad. The jihad of the Muslim Ummah [community] is in many of these fields, they want to be rid of dictatorial regimes, to exist in dignity among other nations. This idea of being armed against your government before we start discussing whether it is permissible or not—it has failed already. If you study the past twenty years, all these armed groups, except for jihad in Afghanistan, have failed.

Q: Is armed struggle allowed if governments shut down the democratic process, as happened to the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) in Algeria?

Thirty years ago, [Egyptian] Islamic jihad, under the leadership of Seyyed Iman [Al-Sharif], argued that change can only be achieved through arms. But the Arab Spring has shown that people want change peacefully. This is the jihad of the word, and I am in that camp.

Q: Why does this not apply in Syria?

When you are compelled to defend yourself, it is totally different from believing in [armed struggle] as a methodology for change. Assad has admitted that for six months the demonstrations were peaceful. This means that the Syrian revolution was a started by civilians. Fighters such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria don’t have the same agenda.

Q: A lot of Al-Qaeda followers refer to Bin Laden as a sheikh. Was he religiously qualified?

Osama never thought he was a religious sheikh. Sheikh Azzam had three imams to lead the prayer if he wasn’t there. One was Abu Hajir Al-Iraqi, the second Abu Ibrahim Al-Iraqi, and when neither of them could lead; I would step in. Osama never led prayers or gave sermons. That didn’t mean that in Saudi Arabia he didn’t give eloquent speeches full of poetry, but that was to raise awareness about Afghanistan.

This article was originally published in The Majalla.

Counting the Cost of Corruption: Somalia are the worst

Abimbola Akosile examines the impact of corruption on the economic and social progress of Nigeria, and the attendant cost on her development process

EFCC Chairman, Ibrahim Lamorde

The analogy was startling but very apt. Nigeria has been called many names, both flattering and uncomplimentary in nature; but this was the first time this reporter would hear it being called a mango tree.

A friend of this reporter recently described Nigeria as a tall mango tree with ripe, juicy fruits dangling at its topmost levels.

To his imaginative mind, the corrupt and the rich climb regularly on the heads of the poor masses at the bottom to get to the lofty, juicy fruits, which symbolise the country’s commonwealth. Correspondingly, the hopeful, hungry masses who surround the tree’s base only get to lick the skins and seeds (if any) thrown down by the corrupt elite climbers.

His clincher was simple: the privileged climbers who get to the top find the few available branches and perch there to perpetually feast on the country’s proceeds (ripe mangoes), while the poor get hungrier and angrier right at the bottom of the tree.

Nigeria’s economic and development process does not appear any better than that graphic mango tree illustration. While the juicy mangoes portray a healthy fruit-bearing tree or country, the actual enjoyment of those fruits or the country’s resources are kept for only a few privileged citizens and the persistent corrupt individuals who trawl the corridors of power.

Although this nation has amassed billions and billions of dollars since crude oil was first discovered in Oloibiri, Bayelsa State in 1958, the majority of the country’s 160 million citizens have not really benefitted from such huge resources and generated revenue.

One word that keeps running through the whole depressing equation is corruption and its negative effect on the economy and development process of this potentially-great nation.

Though Nigeria can ironically proudly point to countries like Brazil, India and Malaysia as her contemporaries, she cannot claim to be at par with the now obviously more advanced nations; and experts and analysts have identified persistent and pervasive corruption as the major cause of this worrying trend. In this report, that is the crux of the matter.

Woeful PerceptionNigeria remains one of the most corrupt nations in the world, according to the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2013 released by Transparency International, a global watchdog. 

In the last survey released on December 2, 2013, Nigeria ranked 144th out of 177 nations in the world, scoring 25 points out of a possible 100 points. Her corruption performance in 2013 was worse than 2012, when it scored 27 points. The regional giant was ranked alongside crisis-torn Central African Republic and Cameroon.

In December, 2012, Nigeria was ranked 139 out of the 176 countries surveyed on public sector corruption perception by Transparency International (TI), the global civil society organisation leading the fight against corruption.

From that ranking, Nigeria scored 27 marks out of a possible 100, where zero (0) denotes the worst form of corruption perception in the public sector, and 100 signifies the highest form of cleanliness.

From past survey results, the West African giant was ranked 143rd in 2011 out of the 183 nations surveyed by TI. She was ranked 134th out of 178 surveyed nations in 2010; 130th out of 180 nations in 2009; 121 out of 180 in 2008; 147 out of 180 countries in 2007, and 153 globally out of 180 surveyed nations in 2006.

Denmark and New Zealand were the cleanest countries in the world in 2013, sharing the first spot in the index, with scores of 91. Afghanistan, North Korea and strife torn, Somalia was the worst, with scores of 8 points. Finland, Sweden, Norway, Singapore, Switzerland, Netherlands, Australia and Canada emerged in the top ten of least corrupt nations in the world.

Transparency International said the 2013 report underscored the global reality that the abuse of power, secret dealings and bribery have continued to ravage societies around the world as more than two thirds of the 177 countries in the 2013 index score below 50, on a scale from 0 (perceived to be highly corrupt) to 100 (perceived to be very clean).

“The Corruption Perceptions Index 2013 demonstrates that all countries still face the threat of corruption at all levels of government, from the issuing of local permits to the enforcement of laws and regulations,” said Huguette Labelle, Chair of Transparency International.

“The top performers clearly reveal how transparency supports accountability and can stop corruption,” said Labelle. “Still, the better performers face issues like state capture, campaign finance and the oversight of big public contracts which remain major corruption risks.” The Corruption Perceptions Index is based on experts’ opinions of public sector corruption.
Corruption within the public sector remains one of the world’s biggest challenges, Transparency International said, particularly in areas such as political parties, police, and justice systems. According to the global watchdog, public institutions need to be more open about their work and officials must be more transparent in their decision-making.
Corruption remains notoriously difficult to investigate and prosecute. Future efforts to respond to climate change, economic crisis and extreme poverty will face a massive roadblock in the shape of corruption, Transparency International warned.

Unresolved CasesDespite the seeming efforts of anti-corruption agencies like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), several cases of high-profile corruption in the public sector are still unresolved.

A recent report in a national daily disclosed unresolved high-profile cases of corruption in which prosecution had gone on for several years without any conclusion. Some of those affected include former governors such as Senator Joshua Dariye (Plateau) and Alhaji Aminu Turaki (Jigawa), as well as former ministers such as Prof. Fabian Osuji.

There are also pending cases involving the Police Pension scam where billions of naira were allegedly diverted into private pockets with the culprits still walking freely. The oil subsidy scam cases are also pending and the interest of the masses has waned due to government’s painfully slow pace of prosecution, with accusing fingers being pointed at the judiciary.

Also, not much has been heard recently about the final outcome of a bribery scandal involving a renowned member of the House of Representatives, who allegedly collected a lump sum of dollars from one of those allegedly involved in the oil subsidy mess, in return for a soft landing.

Many Nigerians believe that several elite citizens, who currently bestride the country’s political, economic and governance landscape, have no business being in such privileged positions, had the outcomes of corruption allegations against them being positively concluded.

In his inaugural address on May 29, 2011, President Goodluck Jonathan had pledged, in his words, to “Fight corruption regardless of the position of the person involved.”

However, critics of the president have expressed concern at so many inconclusive cases of prosecution involving high-ranking former political office holders, and also wondered if the anti-corruption programme pledged at the outset of the administration, is still being pursued at all.

Many citizens now view the anti-corruption campaign in the country as a flagging fight, due to the seeming inability of the country’s anti-graft agencies to prosecute and conclude several longstanding cases against high-profile former public officeholders in the books of the EFCC.

A recent disclosure by the EFCC that it has budgeted N284 million this year to prosecute 17 former governors for alleged corruption appears encouraging but different meanings could be read into that submission, especially given the country’s tense situation in a pre-election year.

Analysing the CruxFrom a cross-section of analysts and experts who spoke on the issue of corruption, THISDAY gathered that the cost of corruption on the economy and development and livelihood of the people appear incalculable and enormous.

In his reaction, the Chairman of Transparency International, Nigerian Chapter, Major-General Ishola Williams (rtd.), said it is near impossible to estimate the cost of corruption in this country.

General Williams, who is also working to address conflicts in Africa with the African Strategic and Peace Research Group (AFSTRAG) as their Executive Secretary, said “corruption is on because majority of the society know that it is very bad but do not care; thus breeding tolerance for illicit acquisition of wealth.

“We are in the era of primitive accumulation, therefore impunity reigns and there is no time limit for cases and no special courts. There is a strong Federal Centre and weak states. We must de-federalise corruption to State up to community level. Scrap Local Governments and replace them with Metropolitan (Lagos, Port Harcourt, Kano e.t.c.) City, Town, and District Councils, through innovative resource control”, the anti-corruption crusader stated.

According to him, “Huge funds are needed for campaign into elected offices, and business and wealthy individuals are taking over political selection and primary elections. There is also bad social services delivery with ‘un-living wage’, leading to gross inequality.”

Ishola, who urged Nigerians to look at the Scandinavian political system for its welfare system and low corruption, suggested a few vital tips to check corruption in Nigeria.

“We must name and shame corrupt individuals; publish Impunity Index quarterly; encourage, protect and reward whistleblowers; enact Anti-Corruption Civil/Administrative laws  for an empowered Code of Conduct Tribunal and Public Complaints Commission.

“Establish a Private Foundation (e.g. Danjuma Foundation) to support incorruptible candidates and parties with actionable manifestoes; publish annual Performance Index of all Anti -corruption Agencies including Code of Conduct Bureau and Public Complaints Commission but first merge ICPC and EFCC with separation of the Executive from the Board and eradicate the prevailing Police culture. We must also establish Special Courts to conclude cases of official corruption within six months”, the former general added.

In his own response, the Executive Director of the Niger Delta Budget Monitoring Group (NDEBUMOG), Mr. George-Hill Anthony, described the fight against corruption as nothing but hypocrisy, which is why the scourge persists despite all efforts.

According to him, “It is corrupt people that are fighting corruption in Nigeria, where everybody pretends to be saints. It’s all about hypocrisy. Other countries have been able to tackle corruption, countries like China and Singapore applied capital punishment against corruption, but in Nigeria even the mildest penalties have not been effected.

“Presently the country is heading into chaos because politicians are gambling with corruption and the governance process. If these are not addressed immediately, we are heading towards revolution. The impact of corruption on development is huge. The cost cannot be estimated or quantified, right from when oil was discovered in Oloibiri. Nigeria has earned hundreds of billions of dollars and there is nothing to show for it”, Anthony added.

Commenting on the issue, Chairman, Partners for Electoral Reform and Convener, Say No Campaign Nigeria, Mr. Ezenwa Nwagwu, said grand corruption is not unique to Nigeria but it is pervasive essentially because of absence of law and order, which “in simple word is impunity”.

“People are emboldened knowing there are no sanctions. Take for instance, the plethora of reports on alleged sleaze and dodgy transactions in the oil, aviation, pension e.t.c gathering dust for sheer lack of political will to act on them. The cost of corruption is huge, enormous, apart from the fact that the people are short-changed, the economic loss has a spiral effect on our lives and sectors”, Nwagwu added. According to a Lagos-based analyst and author, Mr. Odey Ochicha, “corruption is persistent because of poor, visionless, passionless and selfish leadership that lacks the will and conscience to punish corrupt officials.

To him, “Institutions are weak and the rule of law does not apply. The cost in terms of development is enormous: mass poverty, brain drain, capital flight, insecurity, mass illiteracy, unemployment, epileptic sectors, poor infrastructure e.t.c.”

Ochicha’s suggested remedies include leadership by example, prudent management, application of the rule of law, minimum of 25-year jail term for offenders, confiscation of all assets bought with stolen wealth by public officers, their wives and children e.t.c.

To a legal practitioner and Notary Public, Mr. Adetokunbo Mumuni, corruption is so pervasive because government has been selective in the war against corruption.

Mumuni, who is also the Executive Director of the Socio Economic Rights Advocacy Project (SERAP), said, “We have not punished acts of corruption, which breeds impunity. Most corrupt offenders are highly-connected and they escape punishment.

“We promote corruption by honouring the corrupt by giving them social recognition. The cost of corruption is unquantifiable and it reflects in every facet of our lives, especially in provision of infrastructure and impact of poverty.

To the lawyer-activist, the best remedy is consistency in enforcement of the various laws against corrupt acts. “We need to re-order our value system. It never used to be so. We should not praise the corrupt rich”, he added.

A don in the Department of Business Administration, Olabisi Onabanjo University (OOU), Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State, Mr. Ik Muo, looked at the issue of corruption from a similar angle to Mumuni.

According to Muo, “Because people are not being punished for corruption, this encourages others to follow suit”. The lecturer likened corruption to the act of one person driving against the traffic (one-way) and his escape tempting others to pull out of the normal lane to follow the offender.

“People see corrupt people and are tempted to follow. Overseas, they are corrupt, but they practice naming and shaming there, unlike in Nigeria. The cost of corruption has been monumental. Nigeria is not working. If roads and schools are in bad shape, it is down to corruption. People are dying in accidents and governance is poor.

“We need a wholistic view of corruption, from the economic and social viewpoints. We must punish corrupt people and make a statement. The oil subsidy scam is very clear and they ought to make examples of the scapegoats. Once that is done, all other things will fall into place”, he added.

In his own remarks, the Director, Centre for Transparency and Advocacy in Abuja, Mr. Babatunde Oluajo, declared that Nigeria has failed to go to the very root of corruption. To him, corruption was synonymous with the formation of the modern state where undermining the colonial state through corruption was regarded as a form of resistance.

Oluajo, who is also a Member, representing sub-Saharan Africa on the Coordinating Committee of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) coalition, said corruption in Nigeria and Africa is an evolution of the colonial state.
“Those who took over after the exit of the colonialists only differed in skin colour. We don’t see Nigeria as our own and the apparatus of state conduct themselves as aliens and instruments of domination. That resistance was carried over by those in power and those elite who stole from the state were applauded.

“The mindset is that one cannot steal from your community because of the implications, but against the state it is allowed because it is nobody’s business,” he added.

According to Oluajo, “the cost of corruption is unquantifiable from lives lost to lack of proper equipment or bad roads or even basic knowledge or infrastructural development; in terms of ridicule from lesser neighbouring countries and even bad leadership”.

The best remedy, to him, is the people themselves. “The only people who can stop corruption are the people themselves, not the Police or EFCC. By the time people start stopping looters, through citizens’ action, from enjoying the proceeds of corruption, nobody will tell them when to stop. We know them but the citizens must deny them the enjoyment of the proceeds,” Oluajo added.

Nip in the BudAt the certification ceremony of Corruption Risk Assessors (CRA) in Calabar, Cross River State on February20, 2013, the Chairman, Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), Mr. Ekpo Nta, said, “There is no denying the fact that corruption remains a big challenge to our national aspirations, therefore all legitimate means within the bounds of the law must be used to fight it.

“With corruption as with most other undesirable conditions, it is much better and wiser to prevent occurrence than to expend huge resources after the damage has been done. Even though the law eventually catches up with corrupt persons, a lot of time and resources can be saved if we flag corruption risks in systems and plug loopholes to prevent the incidence of corruption”, Nta added.

To this end, through the efforts of the Technical Unit on Governance and Anti-corruption Reforms (TUGAR) and the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the ICPC, 96 trainees comprising public officers at Federal and State levels, media and civil society members enrolled for a ten-week long training programme.
The training involved two weeks of intensive “face to face” and eight weeks online interactions. However, only 69 qualified to receive full certification as Corruption Risk Assessors (CRAs).

To Nta, “a Corruption Risk Assessor is not a criminal investigator, neither is the conduct of a CRA a witch-hunting exercise. It is common to hear that corruption is endemic in Nigeria because of the system. The purpose of CRA is to minimise systemic vulnerabilities and strengthen organisational processes and procedures against corruption.”

Enough for All

Although analysts believe the cost of corruption is monumental and has had adverse effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of majority of Nigerians, fortunately Nigeria’s wealth appears inexhaustible, to corroborate the comments of a bemused military ruler in the 80s.

With the huge reserves in gas and the federal government’s economic diversification moves, the expectation is that, beyond the seemingly cosmetic figures of hollow economic growth, the huge commonwealth would be equitably applied for the benefit of every deserving citizen.

The mango tree is still there and the fruits are still ripe for the picking. The focus now should be on plucking the juicy mangoes into one huge basket and sharing them equitably among the waiting, hungry and angry Nigerians. Any other corrupt formula may trigger dire consequences, and the cost of that is better imagined than experienced.