Why Addis still matters more than Davos

Last week, the world’s rich and influential once again gathered in Davos, Switzerland, for the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum (WEF) – an event ‘committed to improving the state of the world,’ as the WEF slogan goes.

Discussions covered everything from youth unemployment, new technology and banking to the environment and politics. Among the high-profile speeches that hit the headlines were those by President Hassan Rouhani from Iran and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. But it is essentially a business-driven event; quite rightly so, one could argue, since the CEOs of the huge global corporations who met in Davos more or less rule the world.

On the eve of the summit, a report by Oxfam stating that the planet’s 85 richest people have as much wealth as a staggering 3,5 billion of its poorest, cast something of a shadow over the event at the Swiss ski resort. Inequality is often talked about but easily forgotten in such a setting, reported Christopher Dicky, one of the moderators at Davos in a blog that was published on the US-based news site, The Daily Beast.

Africa wasn’t absent from the summit. The WEF organisers are increasingly conscious of not portraying the gathering as a ‘talk-shop’ event for the rich – especially after violent protests from anti-globalisation groups pretty much ruined its image these last few years. Though representing only a fraction of world GDP, Africa was certainly invited; and not only because Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s and Nigerian Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s colourful outfits provided a respite in a gathering dominated by suits and ties.

During his speech, Nigerian businessman Aliko Dangote urged investors not to shy away from the continent and ‘not to wait until the next election’ because many of Africa’s perceived risks are not ‘real’. South African billionaire Patrice Motsepe was also at the forum, where he announced a $10 million donation to fighting HIV/Aids on the continent.

Unfortunately for Africa, however, inasmuch as business is booming and its growth rates are of the highest in the world, politics and conflict still pose a major obstacle to ensuring everyone on the continent prospers. Business people are not (yet) running the show.

In 2013, after a year of high drama in Mali, with French troops driving Al-Qaeda militants out of the northern desert-region of the country, the simmering conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR) exploded into a full-scale civil war with devastating consequences. In South Sudan, the friction between the country’s president, Salva Kiir, and his erstwhile deputy, Riek Machar, has now plunged the country into a conflict that has reversed almost all of the development gains that the fledgling state has made since independence in July 2011. Even though these can be seen as isolated crises, they cause huge damage to Africa’s image amongst investors.

In his speech at the opening session of the Executive Council of the 22nd African Union (AU) summit, which is being held in Addis Ababa this week, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom said the situation in South Sudan is ‘a reflection of the challenges that face a post-conflict state,’ and called on the South Sudanese political actors to ‘rise above their individual interest to save the country from falling into the precipice.’

Not only has the situation in South Sudan cost the lives of thousands of people and destroyed valuable infrastructure, it has also been bringing the economy to its knees. Researcher Luke Patey says the oil output has dropped from a potential 350 000 barrels per day (bpd) to only 50 000 bpd – exports that were meant to be ‘the lifeblood of the new nation.’ This affects not only South Sudan, but also Sudan and the region.

Adhanom, addressing the AU foreign ministers, also spoke about the situation in the CAR. ‘The international community should remain fully committed to support this fragile state in its herculean task of stabilising itself and organising elections to ensure a successful political transition,’ he said. AU Commission Chairperson Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma also spoke of the conflicts on the continent, saying in her speech on 27 January: ‘If we want to silence all the guns by 2020, we must build inclusive and tolerant societies, manage our diversity, ensure forgiveness and reconciliation and respect for human rights.’

Many, of course, ask whether the AU is able to do anything about these crises. The continental organisation has failed so often in the past to prevent conflicts from escalating and to ensure effective peacekeeping. Many are disappointed that the much-talked-about African Standby Force is still not operational, while the United Nations (UN) and France have to intervene to save the lives of ordinary Africans who get caught up in the fighting.

However, increasingly, the AU is improving its institutions and upping its game. Following the Executive Council meeting, which is made up of foreign ministers, African heads of state are to meet tomorrow and on Friday for the bi-annual Assembly meeting.

This will be one of the few occasions where leaders have to meet face to face to discuss issues such as agriculture and food security – the theme of this year’s summit. But, more importantly, one-on-one meetings between leaders and mediators are usually held over burning issues that are plaguing the continent. The UN, an important player in peace efforts, foreign dignitaries and civil society is also present in Addis.

The AU summit is ultimately also a ‘talk-shop’ event, like Davos, but pressure is on the organisation to deliver on the peace and security that are so badly needed on the continent. It is also tasked with overseeing democracy and ensuring that free and fair elections take place – a major stumbling block towards stability in many places. Business cannot thrive if there is war, and continued instability will drive away investors.

Madagascar – where four years of political strife, following a coup in 2009, has brought the country’s economy to a standstill – has been welcomed back into the AU family after elections in December last year. Some would argue that this was an example of how the AU and its Regional Economic Communities like SADC can make a difference; though mediation efforts probably took far too long.
Africa does have its billionaires. It too makes ‘tech breakthroughs’ and has its own share of CEOs who fly around in private jets. They also gather at times during meetings like the annual Mining Indaba coming up in Cape Town next month. But for mining to really take off, they will tell you, peace in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo has to be consolidated. That’s where the AU and its politicians come in.

Liesl Louw-Vaudran, ISS Consultant

PSC Review finds major gaps in Africa's capacity for responding to armed conflict

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Despite progress in the past decade and the increased capacity of the African Union (AU), the inability to marshal robust and timely responses lays bare the major gaps in the current African peace and security architecture.

This is according to Dr Solomon A Dersso, a senior researcher at the Institute for Security Studies, speaking at Thursday's launch of the Annual Review of the Peace and Security Council 2013/3014 on the sidelines of the 22nd AU summit in Addis Ababa.
 
The Annual Review concluded that the African Union's Peace and Security Council (PSC) has not deployed effective and timely responses to crises during 2013. While the PSC and regional conflict prevention mechanisms remain willing to respond - as demonstrated by the rise in the number and frequency of PSC meetings - their ability to act effectively can be questioned. Two cases in point are Mali and the Central African Republic, where the deployment of French forces was required.

'If the PSC's potential to enable Africa to effectively take charge of its peace and security agenda is to be realised, then several major concerns must be addressed', said Dersso who authored the Annual Review. These include refining the African Standby Force concept and fast-tracking its operationalisation,rethinking the role of major economic and military powers of the continent, the membership of the PSC, the process of consensus-building, and the mobilisation of diplomatic, military, technical and financial resources by AU member states.

The Annual Review is the second in a series of in-depth assessments of the PSC conducted by the ISS. The first Annual Review of the PSC 2012/2013 was launched at the January 2013 AU summit.

For media interviews and more information contact:
Dr Solomon A Dersso, Senior Researcher, Conflict Prevention and Risk Analysis Division, ISS Addis Ababa

Tel: + 251 11 515 63 20 Cell: + 251 91042 6974
Email: sayeledersso@issafrica.org

The Annual Review of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) raises and engages a number of questions relating to the AU PSC and its activities in 2012/2013.

These questions include: What is the peace and security trend or outlook for Africa in 2012/2013?

What are the peace and security challenges that Africa faced in 2012? What has been the response of Africa to these challenges through the PSC?

What results have been and are being achieved from the response?

What are the lessons to be learned from the work of the PSC in 2012? How does the PSC take decisions?

Who are the role players in the decision-making processes of the PSC?

Are there properly functioning mechanisms for effective interaction and interface between these various role players and the PSC?

In addressing these questions, this annual review offers the PSC, its member states and the AU Commission, as well as other institutions working with the PSC, perspectives on and critical insights into the nature and extent of its contribution towards effectively addressing peace and security threats on the continent.

The annual review also makes invaluable contributions towards improving the framework of working relationships, collaboration and coherent decision-making between the PSC and the AU Commission, RECs, the UN and the wider international community.

Author: Dr. Solomon A. Dersso with a contribution from H.E. Mohamed Fathi Edrees and Dr Jide Okeke

Prosecuting the powerful: will justice ever be done?

2013 was the year in which efforts to prosecute political leaders for their alleged involvement in international crimes seemed to reach a peak. By mid-2013, current and past presidents (and deputies) from several African countries had been indicted at international and regional level. If international criminal justice were to be measured on court rolls alone, 2013 would have been heralded as a year in which justice showed that no one is above the law. Nevertheless, little progress, if any, has been made in any of the cases. In fact, 2014 began with more delays and uncertainties around whether justice would be served in cases against the politically powerful.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) currently has seven senior politicians on its court roll. The first, former deputy president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and alleged president and commander-in-chief of the Mouvement de libération du Congo (Movement for the Liberation of Congo), Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo, was indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in neighbouring Central African Republic (CAR) in 2002 and 2003.

At present, Bemba is the only suspect accused by the ICC of committing international crimes in the CAR, however there are ongoing investigations that may lead to further indictments. Bemba’s trial, which began in earnest in 2010 following his arrest in Belgium, has suffered several setbacks. These include multiple delays and allegations of tampering. In November 2013, Bemba, together with members of his defence team, was charged with offences against the administration of justice – including presenting false or forged evidence and corruptly influencing a witness to provide false testimony. This is the first such case before the ICC.

The second, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, President of Sudan, remains at large following two warrants for his arrest on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Darfur. That Bashir has managed to evade justice is in large part due to the African Union (AU) July 2009 resolution not to cooperate with the ICC in arresting him.

As the first sitting head of state to be indicted by the court, Bashir has been the proverbial thorn in the side of international criminal justice. In the absence of dedicated law enforcement capacity, the ICC relies on national police to arrest suspects. This has proved difficult, if not impossible, where the AU calls on member states not to cooperate in the arrest of presidents. The AU argues that as a president, the accused enjoys immunity from prosecution, which has led to al-Bashir being shielded from prosecution.

The third, former president of Ivory Coast, Laurent Gbagbo, is on trial for his alleged role in the crimes against humanity committed following the 2010 Ivorian general elections. Arrested and surrendered to the ICC in 2011 by Ivorian police, Gbagbo is the first former head of state on trial at the ICC. His trial has, however, been riddled with delays and allegations of victors’ justice. The latter has fuelled a shift in sentiments in his country, with some people now calling for his release.

Then there are the cases against President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya and his Deputy, William Ruto, who are charged for their involvement in the violence that ensued following disputed elections in Kenya at the end of 2007.

The violence, which lasted two months, left over 1 100 people dead and many more injured. Kenyatta and Ruto, who were reportedly at opposite sides of the violence, formed a strategic alliance ahead of the 2013 presidential elections. This alliance is proving successful for both as they buttress their support at home on a wave of anti-ICC sentiments.

Kenyatta’s trial, which was set to commence on 5 February 2014 after several delays, will now begin at a yet-undecided date following the cancellation of the commencement of trial by the ICC. Analysts predicted that there would be several further delays to Kenyatta’s trial, amid continued criticism from Kenyan victims’ rights groups that such delays would dilute justice – if at all it would be served.

Sixth is Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, the de facto prime minister of Libya during the armed uprising of 2011. Gaddafi, who is charged both by the ICC and Libyan authorities, has been the subject of a legal battle for primacy between three institutions: the ICC, Libyan authorities and the Zintan militia who have him in custody.

His ICC defence team believes Gaddafi will not receive a fair trial in Libya and that he is likely to be executed if convicted. His Libyan trial is set to commence in February 2014. Gaddafi’s co-accused, former intelligence chief Abdullah al-Senussi was transferred to Libya for trial from Mauritania. The ICC has ruled that Libyan authorities can try al-Senussi.

Meanwhile, Senegal, working together with the AU and with the support of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) commenced the long-awaited trial of deposed Chadian leader, Hissène Habré.

Habré, who fled to Senegal after he was removed from power by a military coup, is accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity during his presidency. Significantly, Habré’s is the first trial of its kind on the African continent, where a former African head of state is being tried in another country by a court established in collaboration with the AU. Tellingly, as a former head of state, Habré is not detained in one of the lower-end public prisons; but instead at the newly renovated facilities at Cap Manuel.

It is yet to be seen whether these cases against heads of states (past and present) will amount to much.
The AU has condemned the ICC for indicting heads of state and this has made it difficult for the ICC to proceed in several cases. In its most recent decision, at an extraordinary summit of heads of state in October 2013, the AU lambasted the ICC and reiterated its stance of non-cooperation in respect of cases involving presidents. This position prompted Kofi Annan, the former Secretary-General of the United Nations, to criticise African heads of state for undermining international criminal justice and sending the wrong signal about Africa’s commitment to protect and promote human rights and reject impunity.

Annan stated further that, ‘If [African heads of state] fight the ICC, vote against the ICC, withdraw their cases, it will be a badge of shame for each and every one of them and for their countries.’

Given the challenges encountered up to now, one thing is clear: prosecuting powerful leaders is no easy task. This should not dissuade those seeking justice for international crimes; there have been important successes, such as the prosecution of former Liberian president Charles Taylor. Perhaps 2014 will be the year in which justice is finally done.

Ottilia Anna Maunganidze, Researcher, Transnational Threats and International Crime Division, ISS Pretoria

Source; issafrica.org

Why not Recognize the Country that is More Viable than Somalia?

Map of Somaliland British Protectorate 1960 

By: Lee Mwiti

On the face of it, Somaliland has all the basic characteristics required for statehood: a settled population, a largely defined territory (bar a dispute with Puntland) and a central government in effective control. Indeed, it has its own flag, currency, army, police and holds regular--and democratic--elections.

Adventurous travellers to the region located north of Somalia tell of a warm people, glorious weather and stunning landscape such as the Cal Madow ranges. Even the fact that one has to pay for goods while there with a wheelbarrow-load of local currency has not deterred the refreshing entrepreneurial spirit of the locals.
The region unilaterally declared independence from Somalia in 1991, in the chaos that followed the collapse of the central Somalia government. Even then, the country has always had ambitions of self-determination, considering itself a successor to the British Somaliland protectorate of 1960, before an ill-advised unity bid with Italian Somaliland.

Since then, the region has built itself up, to a point where it has attracted the ultimate stamp of capitalism: Transnationals. Coca-Cola in 2011 issued a franchise licence to Somaliland businessman Ahmed Guelleh for a bottling plant. Only Cuba and North Korea are yet to be issued such a licence.

But there is a damper: No other country has recognised Somaliland's declaration of independence, and as such it lacks the capacity to enter into diplomatic relations, the other key determinant of statehood, and a vital factor for attracting even more investment.

It is hard not to argue that the African Union would have taken a softer stance had its secession been clothed as a liberation struggle, but as matters stand, the bloc--and most other states in keeping with international law--maintain that colonial borders were frozen at the point of independence, to avoid stirring an hornet's nest.

Further north is to be found Somalia, whose federalist system continues to perceive Somaliland as still its own. As expected, relations between the two authorities have been frosty.
Fresh lemon juice

They have, however, been prodded by countries such as Britain and Norway to hold talks, but it is hard to see either climbing down from their hard-line positions. Indeed, Mogadishu is aware that diplomatic recognition of the Hargeisa government would be international acknowledgement that it is a lost cause.

The latest round of long-drawn out talks two weeks back in Istanbul could only agree to hold more talks.
Somalia, on the other hand, has in recent years managed to earn itself the tag of the ultimate failed state. The central government remains weak, and only survives in the face of a grave militant threat by the grace of the African Union troops. Indeed, it is only in control in the the capital Mogadishu, and targeted cities such as the port of Kismayu.

Elections are conducted by lawmakers--themselves also selected--as the country is too unstable to allow a popular vote. Few make a decent living in such an environment. It can hardly keep a grip on its borders, with the net effect that neighbouring countries have no second thoughts about crossing their borders into Somalia, ostensibly to secure their own national security.

Granted, there are offshoots of recovery: Not a day passes by without some envoy trooping to Villa Somalia--the state house--to re-establish links. Photo ops with donors are the order of the day, while aid continues to stream in.

This also does not, in any way, denigrate the devastation being visited on the country by decades of internecine warfare. But it is a country whose sovereignty exists in name only--why would ambitious Somaliland want to be a part of such chaos?

The international community owes the hardworking people of Somaliland a rethink about its diplomatic recognition.

Still, a state may thrive without international recognition, and Somaliland remains a region keen on squeezing fresh lemon juice out of the lemonade handed to it, Taiwan-style.

                    Lee Mwiti

Twitter: @ShrewdAfrican

Nile Delta Disappearing Beneath the Sea

Unless barriers are built, a rise in sea level would inundate much of Egypt's Nile Delta. Credit: Cam McGrath/IPS.

By Cam McGrath

EL RASHID, Egypt , Jan 29 2014 (IPS) - It only takes a light covering of seawater to render land infertile, so Mohamed Saeed keeps a close watch on the sea as it advances year after year towards his two-hectare plot of land. The young farmer, whose clover field lies just 400 metres from Egypt’s northern coast, reckons he has less than a decade before his field – and livelihood – submerges beneath the sea.

But even before that, his crops will wither and die as seawater infiltrates the local aquifer. The process has already begun, he says, clutching a handful of white-caked soil.

“The land has become sick,” says Saeed. “The soil is saline, the irrigation water is saline, and we have to use a lot of fertilisers to grow anything on it.”

“The soil is saline, the irrigation water is saline, and we have to use a lot of fertilisers to grow anything on it.”

Spread over 25,000 kilometres, the densely populated Nile Delta is the breadbasket of Egypt, accounting for two-thirds of the country’s agricultural production and home to 40 million people. Its northern flank, running 240 kilometres from Alexandria to Port Said, is one of the most vulnerable coastlines in the world, facing the triple threat of coastal erosion, saltwater infiltration, and rising sea levels.

According to Khaled Ouda, a geologist at Assiut University, a 30 centimetres rise in sea level would inundate 6,000 square kilometres of the Nile Delta. The flooding would create islands out of an additional 2,000 square kilometres of elevated land, isolating towns, roads, fields, and industrial facilities.

“The total (area of the Delta) expected to be impacted by a rising of the sea level by one metre during this century will be 8,033 square kilometres, which is nearly 33 percent of the total area of the Nile Delta,” Ouda told IPS.

In a report released last September, the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) predicts a sea level rise of 28 to 98 centimetres by 2100, more than twice its 2007 projections. Even by the most conservative estimate, this would destroy 12.5 percent of Egypt’s cultivated areas and displace about eight million people, or nearly 10 percent of the population.

But it is not just rising sea levels that threaten Egypt’s northern coast, the delta itself is sinking.

Prior to the building of the Aswan High Dam in the 1960s, more than 120 million tonnes of silt washed down the Nile each year and accumulated in its delta. Without this annual silt flow to replenish it, the Nile Delta is shrinking – in some places the coastline is receding by as much as 175 metres a year.

The Egyptian government has attempted to slow the sea’s advance by building a series of breakwaters and earthen dykes along the northern coast and its waterways. Piles of concrete blocks help reduce coastal erosion, but without new sedimentation, the delta land has compacted and thousands of hectares now lie at sea level.

“You can build all the walls you want, but it won’t stop the seawater from advancing underground,” says Osman El-Rayis, a chemistry professor at Alexandria University. “The saltwater rots fields from below, killing plant roots and leaving behind salts (as it evaporates) that render the soil infertile.”

El-Rayis warns that as the delta substratum becomes more porous, seawater has begun to infiltrate the Nile Delta aquifer, a vital source of underground water spread over 2.5 million hectares.

Saltwater has always been a threat to coastal agricultural land, but salinity was traditionally kept in check by a steady flow of freshwater covering the soil and flushing out the salt. As Egypt’s population has expanded, upstream demand on water has increased, reducing the amount of Nile water that reaches the Delta. What does trickle in these days is choked with sewage and industrial toxins.

Faced with rising water levels and increased salinity, many farmers have abandoned their land or switched to fish farming. Others have resorted to adding sand or soil to their fields to keep them above the brackish water.

“Soil is very expensive, so many farmers buy a truckload of sand and spread it on their field then plant on top of it,” explains Saeed. “But it is difficult to grow anything on sand, so farmers have to use a lot of fertilisers.”

The sand is drawn from the dunes that line much of Egypt’s northern coast and act as natural barriers against the advancing sea. The plundering of these dunes for construction materials and fill has made the Nile Delta more vulnerable to a rise in sea level.

Scientists have proposed measures to protect the Delta lowlands from the sea’s incursion. They say the priority is to slow beach erosion by preserving natural coastal defences such as sand dunes, while building seawalls along the 240-kilometre coast that are strong enough to hold back the Mediterranean.

“These walls would be built facing the sea in places where low-lying gaps occur along the beach,” says Ouda.

He explains that in order to be effective, the barriers must include an impermeable substructure extending from three to 13 metres below sea level that prevents seawater from infiltrating freshwater aquifers.

The size is as formidable as the expected cost. One proposal submitted by Egyptian engineer Mamdouh Hamza put the price tag at three billion dollars. The plan envisions building concrete wall along the Delta’s entire coastline and skirting it with a plastic diaphragm to prevent saltwater seepage.

Ouda says the mega-project would be cost-effective in that it saves the Nile Delta lands, but it is unlikely to attract the necessary capital. He doubts Egypt’s cash-strapped government could cover the costs, while the international community appears unwilling to offer a lifeline.

“The project to establish the coastal walls is a service project…without economic gain and, thus, you will not find a financier for this project from companies or foreign governments,” Ouda says.

Yet some have argued that as Western nations are most responsible for climate change, their governments should foot the bill on behalf of the developing nations most impacted by its consequences.

Western Sahara: President Amar Ghoul Calls for Standing By Saharawi People's Side

Algiers — President of the Rally for Algeria Hope (TAJ) Mr. Amar Ghoul called on the international organizations and people of conscience to stand, with their strongest term, by the side of Saharawi people, underscoring the right of the Saharawi people to freedom and independence.

"It is high time for everybody to stand bravely so to put an end to the suffering of Saharawi people," said Mr. Ghoul, in a statement to the press during an act of solidarity organized by the Rally of Algerian Hope.

He also suggested the creation of a European-African platform to support the Saharawi cause, as to create a medical space so to provide medical assistant to the Sahrawi refugees.

Saharawi Ambassador in Algiers Mr. Brahim Ghali, for his part, said that such act comes at a time characterized by a new tour in the region by the UN Secretary General's Personal Envoy for Western Sahara, a few months before the Security Council meeting.

Al Jazeera to feature documentary on the conflict in Western Sahara

Broken Families, premiering on Sunday, 2 February at 22:30 on Al Jazeera English, channel 406 on DStv, follows Western Saharan community leader and activist Brahim Dahane as he seeks justice for his community against a range of abuses.

Filmed over a six-month period, Dahane finds himself becoming the voice for the families whose sons or brothers have been arbitrarily imprisoned, secretly detained or disappeared, held without trial, tortured and ultimately tried by a Moroccan military court during peacetime.

The 25-minute documentary follows Dahane, a spokersperson for his Saharawi community, in his day-to-day life as he is caught up in one of the world’s longest-running and least-known conflicts, in Western Sahara, which has been occupied by Morocco since 1975.

"Brahim never set out to be an activist," says Al Jazeera’s director of Programming, Giles Trendle. "But from his first detention while a teenager, he has been imprisoned three times and undergone severe physical and psychological torture at the hands of the Moroccan authorities. His marriage has been destroyed by the stress of his imprisonments and his family life deeply affected. Now, through his work and voice, he is determined to help reunite other families separated by the conflict."

"For me, occupation is a synonym for slavery," says Dahane. "It is injustice and punishment. It is all forms of human rights violations. It is aggression and subjugation."

In December 2013, Morocco signed a controversial European Union fisheries agreement for Western Sahara waters, which met with resistance. Morocco also has an ambitious solar project planned for the disputed region. Alongside repeated human rights abuses, this has led to mounting pressure and demonstrations across Western Sahara ahead of April’s United Nations’ discussions on the peacekeeping mission there.

Dahane was one of a number of activists assaulted in January at a demonstration calling for the UN to monitor human rights abuses. “Dozens of Saharawi protesters were injured after police attacked the crowd with their truncheons,” says director Louise Orton. “Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have consistently reported human rights abuses in the Moroccan-occupied zone of Western Sahara. But astonishingly, MINURSO, the UN peacekeeping mission in Western Sahara, is the only modern peacekeeping mission in the world without a mandate to monitor human rights. People in Western Sahara are eagerly waiting to see what will happen when this is up for discussion in April this year.”

Broken Families airs on Sunday, 2 February at 22:30G on Al Jazeera, channel 406 on DStv.

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Western Sahara: President of Republic in Addis Ababa for African Union Summit

Secretary General of the Polisario Front Mr. Mohamed Abdelaziz

Addis Ababa — President of the Republic, Secretary General of the Polisario Front Mr. Mohamed Abdelaziz arrived this morning in Addis Ababa, capital of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, ahead of the 22nd Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, to be held in Addis Ababa on 30-31 January, 2014.

The President Mohamed Abdelaziz was accompanied in the plane by Ms. Khira Bulahi, minister of public function and vocational training, and Mr. Abdati Breika, advisor to the Presidency of the Republic.

The reception ceremony was attended by Mr. Mohamed Salem Ould Salek, minister of foreign affairs, Mr. Hamdi Abeiha, minister delegate for Africa, Mr. Lamine Baali, permanent representative to the AU and ambassador in Ethiopia, Mr. Brahim Lili, member of the leadership of the African Standby Force (ASF), and Mr. Omar Al-Bardi, first-secretary at SADR embassy in Addis Ababa.

The 22nd African Union Summit will focus on the theme of agriculture and food security in Africa.
On 16 July 2012, the Assembly of AU Heads of State and Government proclaimed 2014 the "Year of agriculture and food security."

Source: Sahara Press Service

XOG: Maamulka Khaatuma oo qarka u saaran inuu daad qaado!

Maamulka Puntland ayaa xilal kala duwan u magacawday masuuliyiin u dhashay maamulka Khaatuma qaarkoodna xilal ka soo qabtay sida madaxweynihii hore ee Axmed Karaash.

Waxaa arrintani loo sababeynayaa dagaalka ay Puntland kula jirto maamullada la dariska ah gaar ahaa kan Khaatuma oo ay isku hayaan dhulka.

Horay waxaa madaxweyne ku xigeenka u ahaa C/samad Cali Shire oo u dhashay beesha DHulbahante waxaana la sheegay in isaga iyo Faroole ay isku qorshe ahaayeen isla markaana ay isla maleegeen qorshihii lagu weeraray magaalada Taleex ee Khaatuma State.

Labo kamid ah madaxweynayaasha Khaatuma iyo rag kale oo maamulkaasi ka soo jeeda ayaa C/wali Gaas uu u magacaabay wasiirro, taas waxay ka dhigan tahay in siyaasaddii dagaalka ee uu C/raxmaan Faroole wax ku raadinayay in uusan Gaas wax ku doonin.

Labadii madaxweyne ee soo maray Khaatuma haddii laga dhigay wasiirro maxaa xigi doona waa midda la hadal hayo maanta Soomaaliya.

Waxaa kaloo dadka siyaasadda ku xeel dheer sheegayaan in arrintan ay tahay mid siyaasadeysan oo loo baahan yahay in lagu xumeeyo Khaatuma.

Xildhibaan Cali Khaliif Galeyr oo dhowaan ka hadlayay munaasabaddii Khaatuma ee Nairobi ayaa sheegay in qadiyadda Khaatuma ay tahay mid sugan oo aysan fara galin karin Puntland iyo Somaliland halkaasoo dhiiga ku kariyay Gaas iyo Siilaanyo.

Xaalka hadda Puntland iyo Khaatuma waa uu ka duwan yahay kii shalay ee Faroole waxaana idin soo gudbin doonnaa Warbixinno ku saabsan labada maamul iyo dagaalka ka dhaxeeyo.

Source: http://www.wadani24.com/

The Limits of Darfur's Peace Process

The International Crisis Group published on 27 January 2014 an analysis titled "Sudan's Spreading Conflict (III): The Limits of Darfur's Peace Process."

It concluded that "even though the government is distracted by its economic crisis, and the international community is focused on the civil war in South Sudan, there is present need to resolve the contradiction between the piecemeal and comprehensive approaches to peace in Darfur, to look at what is local and what is national and should be transferred to a more comprehensive process."