Ethiopia: Efficient Shipping, Logistics Need Competition - End Monopoly! - ANLYSIS

ANALYSIS

Last week saw the rather relaxed version of Ahmed Tussa, the chief executive officer (CEO) of the national amalgamated shipping and logistic enterprise - the Ethiopian Shipping & Logistics Services Enterprise (ESLSE) - who was in Adama to announce the performance of the enterprise he oversees to its employees. Speaking of performance, Ahmed indicated that the Enterprise has done well even if there were challenges in the whole process.

For Ahmed, the challenges of the sectors could be summarised as poor customer service, paucity of experienced experts and management problems. TheEnterprise, Ahmed said, need to create a forward momentum in these aspects if the success of the past year is to be accelerated.

But, the realities of the past year seem to contradict with what Ahmed proclaimed. Nothing but chaos could describe the state of the shipping and logistic sector over the past year. The whole system went bust to an extent that the external trade of the nation eventually came to a standstill.

It took months to identify the problems. In the interim, businesspeople were left helpless. They were unable to know what happened to their cargo. No one within the ESLSE or higher-up was making decisions that could solve the problems.

Decision makers within the ESLSE, including Ahmed, were attributing the whole problem on procedural causes than fundamental structural factors. They were trying to distance themselves from the whole gamut of problems facing the sector, from monumental increment of backlogs at the port to poor integration of port and dry port services.

It took months for them to take responsibility for the chaos. Even if it was visible that the system was short of capable leadership, a lot of foot-dragging had to be taken to swallow that.

After months, a high-level team of official travelled toDjiboutito identify the root causes of the problems and submitted a road map of solutions. Even then, effective absorption by the ESLSE of the road map of solutions took a very long time.

Businesspeople were spending their valuable days on the doors of the ESLSE to have information about their cargo. As if this was not enough, the monopoly had to expose them for higher shipment costs. Increments made on container bonds were also another headache that faced businesspeople over the past year.

It is on top of these structural problems that poor customer handling practices and paucity of experienced staff were happening. They have a lot to do with the ongoing restructuring effort of theEnterprise, which, in itself, is criticised for being heavily politicised.

True, the ESLSE might have seen another year of magnificent profits. But it is certain that it comes at the expense of businesspeople.

Whatever good performance that Ahmed was talking about, it does show neither the progress nor the efficiency of theEnterprise. It instead shows the ever-expanding monopoly power of the amalgamation that remains to put the whole spectrum of services in shipping and logistics sectors under control.

If anything, the numbers could tell history in these terms. The number of containers that ESLSE has transported in 2012/13 has reached 90,000 20-ft equivalents. Yet, little improvement was witnessed in the rather bureaucratic procedures involved in importing and exporting.

The average number of documents required to import a given commodity, for instance, has increased to nine, in 2012/13. This entails a total time of 44 days and an importing cost per 20-ft container of 2,660 dollars.

No better is the case with exports. It will take seven procedures, 42 days and 2,160 dollars to export a commodity equivalent of 20-ft container.

At the heart of the higher cost and longer time that exports and imports fromEthiopiatake stands the monopolised service of the ESLSE. What seems to be lacking in the whole equation, therefore, is reliable alternative.

At the policy level, the whole calculation of the EPRDFites in keeping the sector under protection emanates from the desire to create a national champion, save hard currency and enhance governmental revenue. The competitiveness of the nation's external trade seems to be overlooked in the process.

Even if some of the changes, such as the switch from the long overdue uni-modal system of transportation to a multi-modal transport system, were introduced with good faith of improving the system, their eventual diffusion into the membranes of monopolisation swept the hope. They even added new breeds of burdens on the already dysfunctional operational structures of the ESLSE. As a result, the trade competitiveness of the nation could not witness any meaningful improvement even through such changes.

Even a year after the height of the chaos, poor service provision in theEnterprisecontinue to improperly consume the time and money of businesspeople. Amending shipping contracts, tracking cargo, effecting payments and releasing container bonds are just some of the edges wherein bureaucratic cumbersomeness remains significant.

However, the procedural problems directly relate with the monopoly power provided to the ESLSE. It is in the absolute control of the sector by the amalgamated beast that the fundamental problem lies.

If conventional economics is something to go by, competition is the driving force behind efficiency and reasonable pricing. Sectors that witness effective competition are highly likely to witnesses higher service provision efficiency and lower cost.

It could be no different with shipping and logistics. The very services provided by the ESLSE are offered the world over through competitive business enterprises. Since countries rightly understand the benefits of competition and the very costs of monopoly, they prefer to see as many shipping operators as possible operating at their ports.

It is through infusing competitive incentives that top trading nations of the world maintained their status in the global trade sphere. The fact remains similar from US toChina, fromBraziltoSouth Africa.

It ought to have been this similar trend that the EPRDFites ought to follow, than sticking to their protectionist policy. National trade competitiveness needs to be the priority agenda to focus on than dispense it for meagre revenue additions.

Indeed, in comparative terms, Ahmed has justifiable reason to be seen relaxed. The chaotic times might now have become history. But there is no guarantee that they will not return back.

The structural problem that sits at the bottom of the chaos - monopolisation - still exists. And it is only when an effective solution is put in place for the pain could the symptom be rightly avoided.

Local realities and experiences the world over show that opening the sector is key to solve the problem permanently. It is, therefore, on this lasting solution that the EPRDFites ought to expend their political commitment.

Source: Addis Fortune (Addis Ababa)

Ethiopian Delegates Leave for Djibouti Amidst Transit Tensions

The port city of Djibouti. Photo: allAfrica.com

BY TAMRAT G. GIORGIS,

The delegation is hoping to convince the Djibouti authorities to rethink their decision on the transit processes

A high level delegation, led by Transport Minister Worqneh Gebeyehu, left for Djibouti on Friday afternoon. They are hoping to overturn a decision by the Djibouti government to halt the transit of containers unless fees are paid in advance.

The delegation comprises of seven senior officials of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn's administration, including Mekonnen Abera, director general of the Ethiopian Maritime Affairs Authority, sources disclosed to Fortune.

The delegation is scheduled to meet its counterpart in Djibouti for two-day talks, which will be led by Moussa A. Hassan, the Djibouti minister of Infrastructure & Transport, and comprises of Illyas M. Dawaleh, minister of Economy, Finance & Planning, and Aboubaker O. Hadi, chairman of Djibouti's Ports & Free Zones Authority (PFZAD).

The bilateral meeting was provoked after Aboubaker's office issued a directive, on November 28, 2013, revising a regulation that allows Ethiopian freight forwarders to clear containers from ports in Djibouti and get invoiced for transit fees two weeks after their release. The new directive changes this and imposes a requirement on freight forwarders in Djibouti to "present a bank transfer letter in hard currency" in order to secure the release of containers from the Djibouti and Doraleh ports.

Originally setting the deadline for December 7, 2013, authorities in Djibouti have now extended this until January 15, 2014.

"The purpose of our visit to Djibouti is to ensure the status quo," said a senior administration official who has travelled to Djibouti as a member of the delegation.

He meant the return of the container clearing procedures to its previous state of affairs.

Djibouti freight forwarding companies pay fees for port handling, vessel agents, container demurrage and storage for cargo which has remained at the port for more than eight days on behalf of Ethiopian forwarding agents. They send original receipts for these expenses as well as invoices claiming commissions from their Ethiopian partners. This is so the latter is able to access foreign exchange from commercial banks to order transfers.

Companies in Djibouti have been complaining over the years that they are owed close to 20 million dollars by their Ethiopian partners. The latter blame banks for keeping them in the cold before granting them access to foreign exchange.

"We accept that they have legitimate concerns we need to address," said a high ranking government officials who is in Djibouti to negotiate the impasse. "But the way they want us to respond is not acceptable."

Indeed, the move Djibouti has taken to make its point has made Ethiopian businesses furious, and is perceived as a small harbour state twisting the arms of a large landlocked neighbour.

"They have already begun to block the passage to containers, even before the deadline arrives," said a manager of a freight forwarding company in Addis Abeba, working in partnership with a prominent agent in Djibouti.

Authorities in Addis Abeba hope that Djibouti relaxes its latest demand. They believe there is no reason why it should not honour a port utilisation agreement its government signed in 2003, which stipulates that neither country can act unilaterally in breach of the agreement.

"I'm confident that we will work this out, with their officials coming back to Addis Abeba in the next few weeks," said a senior government official working for the customs authority.

However, the delegation that has travelled to Djibouti is expected to arrive back in Addis Sunday evening.

Source: Addis Fortune (Addis Ababa)

Egypt may take Nile dam dispute with Ethiopia to UN

After negotiations broke down between Cairo and Addis Ababa regarding the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the Egyptian government is considering internationalizing the issue through filing a complaint with international bodies.

The Renaissance Dam is constructed in Guba woreda, Ethiopia, June 28, 2013. (photo by REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri)

By Walaa Hussein

After all attempts to solve the Egyptian-Ethiopian crisis over the Renaissance Dam at the negotiating table ended in failure after a third round of negotiations on Jan. 4, with Egypt withdrawing from the discussions and conferences being held in Khartoum, there is now talk at the governmental level about internationalizing the issue. At the same time, Egypt is witnessing rising popular demands to resort to the UN Security Council to establish Egypt’s right to veto the establishment of the Renaissance Dam, given the potential danger it represents to Egyptian water security.

Khalid Wasif, the official spokesman for the minister of irrigation and water resources, revealed to Al-Monitor that Egypt has “begun to explore international channels for setting up alternative diplomatic and political tracks to ward off the dangers that might afflict the country if the Renaissance Dam is built, in light of the announced specifications of the dam.” He emphasized, “Egypt will not allow the dam to be built and will move to rally international pressure to prevent it from being funded. Moreover, Cairo will work [to secure] a public declaration by the international community rejecting the dam’s completion, in the absence of [Ethiopian] guarantees that Egypt and Egyptians will not suffer any loss in water security, nor will the other states of the Nile Basin. Egypt has rights guaranteed by international law and agreements, which the Ethiopian side is not respecting.”

Wasif added, “According to existing agreements governing the river — which require upriver states to notify Egypt in advance and obtain its consent prior to embarking on any projects that would affect the Nile sources — Egypt’s is the stronger legal position. Yet, Egypt has nevertheless insisted upon resolving the issue in a friendly manner, through reciprocal dialogue with the Ethiopian side, devoid of any escalation. But the government in Addis Ababa has shown no appreciation for this fact. Thus, Egypt has refused to continue the latest Khartoum meetings, given Ethiopia’s insistence on not providing the necessary guarantees that Egypt’s share of the water supply will remain secure.”

Rida al-Dimak, the director of the Center for Water Projects at Cairo University's Engineering College, told Al-Monitor, “The development of alternative supplies of water must be accelerated, to replace the water that will be lost as a result of the construction of the Renaissance Dam. Foremost among these alternative sources is the exchange of wellspring [water] with the [Democratic Republic of the] Congo, transferring water from the Congo River to the Nile, so as to guarantee that the amount of water available to Egypt remains constant.”

Dimak warned against the completion of the Renaissance Dam according to its current specifications, stating that it would constitute a violation of human rights. The social and environmental effects, he explained, must be taken into consideration whenever a new water project is built, in accordance with inviolable international conventions. Some international reports have confirmed that the Ethiopian dam will result in a shortage of drinking water and destruction of a great deal of Egyptian agricultural land. This, he states, provides the foundation for Egypt’s right to object to the dam in international forums.

For his part, former Minister of Irrigation and Water Resources Muhammad Nasr al-Din Allam said in an interview with Al-Monitor that the Egyptian government no longer has any alternative but to move quickly to take steps toward international escalation. The first of these, he states, should be to lodge an official protest against the government in Addis Ababa, formally declaring Egypt’s rejection of the project.

“This right is guaranteed to us by old agreements signed and recognized internationally, and which were conditioned upon notifying Egypt in advance before any Nile-related project was established. This protest ought to be followed by the lodging of an official complaint with the UN to establish Egypt’s position and [remonstrate against] Ethiopian intransigence, as well as to formally demand the formation of an international fact-finding committee to study the points of disagreement between Egypt and Ethiopia. These points include the dam’s capacity, the period of time needed to fill it, [details concerning its] operation, the project’s unsound and unsafe construction and the lack of rigorous Ethiopian studies demonstrating that the dam is not vulnerable to collapse, something that would have disastrous consequences for both Egypt and Sudan,” Allam noted.

Allam stressed the need for Egypt to demand that construction on the Ethiopian dam be halted at once, until the fact-finding committee completes its work. According to Allam, this would require “a period of, at most, three to six months.” Moreover, he added, “A copy of the committee’s report should be brought before the UN, to demonstrate the damage that the dam would wreak upon Egypt, which should then head to the Security Council.”

In an interview with the daily El Fagr on Jan. 9, Ayman Salama, an Egyptian expert in international law, stressed that the Egyptian government would be justified in taking its case to the UN Security Council, even though “one cannot adopt international arbitration to settle the crisis, since that would require the assent of both parties to the conflict to adopt this formulation of crisis resolution. The Ethiopian government has indicated that it will be highly intransigent on this issue. International arbitration has therefore become extremely unlikely. But Egypt might be able to turn to the Security Council. This, however, would require the preparation of a file containing documented facts of legal and material evidence of the harm that this dam would incur, both to Egypt and to its vital interests. The issue must be shown to threaten the peace and security of the two countries. [If successful], a number of measures could then be taken by the Security Council to compel Ethiopia to meet Egyptian demands.”

Egypt’s National Defense Council has already held an emergency session on Jan. 8, headed by President Adly Mansour and dedicated to reviewing internal developments and the domestic Egyptian security situation. With the irrigation and water resources minister in attendance, the council also examined the latest developments concerning Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam and the steps being taken on that front to preserve Egyptian water security. It also noted the steps devoted to reducing or eliminating any negative effects that the soon-to-be-built dam might have on Egypt or the other states of the Nile Basin. The council also stressed that Egypt’s water rights must not be squandered, and that it would not accept any undermining of Egyptian national security.

These steps, and Egyptian moves toward international escalation and the internationalization of the Renaissance Dam crisis, follow years of Egyptian insistence upon solving the crisis through mutual dialogue at the negotiating table.

Walaa Hussein is the editor-in-chief of the section covering parliamentary news in Rose Al Yussuf. An expert in African affairs, Hussein has collaborated for Nile Channel, writing and preparing the newscast.

Source: al-monitor.com

Djibouti Cabinet Approves Funding for Lake Assal Geothermal Project

Lake Assal, Djibouti

Djibouti's cabinet on Tuesday (January 21st) approved funding for several projects to be carried out by development partners for the first phase of the geothermal energy development at Lake Assal.

The financing arrangements take the form of a loan worth more than 1.1 billion francs ($6.1 million) and a grant worth more than 2.6 billion franc ($14.4 million) for six proposed projects.

"What these projects entail is exploration of the geothermal steam field including a drilling programme, technical studies, a feasibility study for the construction of a power plant and project management," Djiboutian Minister of Economy and Industrial Finance Ilyas Moussa Dawaleh told Sabahi. "The overall budget for the project, which is 5.4 billion francs, will be supplemented with funding from the French Development Agency and the [Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries] Fund for Development."

"This funding will make it commercially viable to exploit this resource and will significantly increase the supply of a low-cost energy to the population and growth sectors within our economy," he said.

From Hawaii to Djibouti, P-3C unit helps counter violent extremist organizations

Staff Sgt. Christopher Gross

U.S. Navy Petty Officer 3rd Class Brittney Mueller, Patrol Squadron 9 aviation machinist mate, instructs a Lockheed Martin P-3C Orion pilot to start his third engine before takeoff from Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti, Jan. 11, 2014. The squadron, deployed from Marine Corps Base Hawaii, Kaneohe Bay, operates P-3Cs, a four-engine turboprop antisubmarine and maritime surveillance aircraft in support of Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa missions. (U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Christopher Gross)

CAMP LEMONNIER, Djibouti - Patrol Squadron 9 (VP-9) sailors have supported Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa during the past several months in an effort to counter violent extremist organizations.

The squadron, deployed from Marine Corps Base Hawaii, Kaneohe Bay, operates Lockheed Martin’s P-3C Orion, a four-engine turboprop anti-submarine and maritime patrol aircraft. According to the official Navy web site, the aircraft has evolved substantially during the past several decades and is capable of performing missions over land and sea.

“In the desert where there aren’t submarines or ships, we train the full scope of the aircraft’s capabilities and apply them to the mission set,” said Lt. j.g. Aaron Rosa, the VP-9 public affairs officer.

These capabilities allow Rosa and his team to integrate into the CJTF-HOA team and to counter VEOs in East Africa in support of CJTF-HOA’s mission.

“The HOA commanders and task-force commanders understand we provide a very valuable asset and have come to rely on us routinely,” Rosa said.

Rosa said it’s very satisfying to return from a mission and hear his unit was able to provide great information to the higher echelon commanders. Even if they never hear of an end result, the knowledge that they contributed to the operational goal is intrinsically rewarding, he said.

With a high-operations tempo, and conditions the aircraft is not normally exposed to for extended periods of time, the turboprop can be a challenge to maintain, making the VP-9 team all that more impressive.

“It’s a real credit to our maintainers, who keep all the avionics working smoothly. Given the sandy, arid, desert environment, it can be a challenge to keep them up and running,” Rosa said.

Rosa pointed out that they aren’t just an ordinary group of maintainers, but some of the best the Navy has to offer. The VP-9 “Golden Eagles” are recipients of the 2012 Arleigh Burke Fleet Trophy, awarded annually to a ship or aircraft squadron, one in the Pacific Fleet and one in the Atlantic Fleet, which showed the greatest improvement during the preceding year in operational readiness, inspections, retention and improvement in the Battle Efficiency Award program.

They were recognized for more than 200,000 mishap-free flight hours. Rosa said he and his team look forward to continuing to have an impact on the mission in East Africa, with some of the Navy’s finest sailors.

Read more: dvidshub.net

Shipping Industry Aims to Boost Jobs in Somaliland

By MarEx

Per Gullestrup, whose Danish‐operated ship was hijacked by Somali pirates for several weeks, is to be joined this Thursday, January 23^rd at a meeting in London, by other shippers and government representatives, to discuss expanding coordination across job-creating projects in coastal regions of Somalia, including a fishing project he leads on the Somaliland coast.

Per Gullestrup is a Partner of the Clipper Group, whose cargo ship CEC Future with 13 crew was hijacked for 72 days by Somali pirates in 2008. He personally negotiated with the pirates over several weeks to gain release of the vessel and crew. The tense drama became the basis of a Danish film called “The Hijacking”.

In a notable turn of events, Per Gullestrup is now chairman of a Somali‐Danish project called Somaliland Fair Fishing (SFF), which is building a sustainable fishing sector at the Somaliland port city of Berbera. Several shipping companies and other organizations have donated fishing and storage equipment as well as other services and funds which have helped SFF to build a fisheries station in Berbera, complete with ice machines, cold-storage rooms and processing facilities. “Our small project aims to build up a viable alternative to criminal coastal activities like piracy,” says Per Gullestrup. “The solution to piracy lies onshore.” By the end of last month, SFF‐sponsored fishermen were landing and processing a ton of fish per day.

Other shipping companies have also recognized the importance of supporting long‐term solutions ashore, aimed at combating piracy at sea. In 2012, seven international shipping corporations – BP, Maersk, Shell, Stena, and the Japanese shipping companies NYK, MOL and “K”Line – jointly committed to supporting alternative livelihoods and training programs in Somalia.

The initiatives also help the goals of a maritime capacity strategy, developed by Somalia and Somaliland authorities in 2013. In his report to the UN Security Council on the issue of piracy in October 2013, UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki‐moon, stated “I commend the development of the Somalia/Somaliland Maritime Resources and Security Strategy, which provides greater opportunities for increased economic growth and stability throughout the region”.

At the meeting in London, a group of shipping companies, international organizations and government representatives, along with Somali Fair Fishing and other not-for‐profit bodies involved on the ground in Somaliland/Somalia, will come together to discuss innovative strategies for enhancing public/private investments for Somalia/Somaliland coastal development in partnership with the Somaliland and Somali people.

Thursday’s meeting is being organized by Oceans Beyond Piracy (OBP), a project of One Earth Future Foundation (OEF).\

Source: maritime-executive.com

Ambassador David Shinn: waxaan u arkaa Khalad in Ciidanka Itoobiya AMISOM ku biiraan

Ambassador David Shinn: waxaan u arkaa Khalad in Ciidanka Itoobiya AMISOM ku biiraan
(Ogadentoday Press)- Ambassador David Shinn oo ahaa Safiirkii Horre ee Itoobiya u joogay Addis Ababa, Caasimada Itoobiya ayaa waraysi khaas ah oo uu siiyay VOA, la,aanta English ku tilmaamay khalad innay tahay in Ciidamada Itoobiya ku biiraan AMISOM.

Ambassador Shinn wuxuu sheegay in galitaanka ay Ciidamada Itoobiya ka mid noqdeen AMISOM ay Alshabab u isticmaali karaan Dhawaaq taageero oo ay dagaalyanahano ku helaan.

“Haddii ciidamada Itoobiya ay ku biireen AMISOM oo howlgalkood uu yahay mid ku aadan gobollada ku teedsan soohdinta ay la wadaagaan Soomaaliya cid walba horrey ayay u ogayd in ciidamadu ay markii ay doonaan soohdinta kasoo gudbi jireen iyagoo ku marmarsiinaya inay la dagaalamayaan Al-shabaab, cid walba oo ay u arkaan cadowgoodana ay beegsanayaan,” ayuu yiri David Shinn.

“Tallaabadan waa mid muujinaysa in ciidamada Itoobiya ay markii horeba ugu jireen Soomaaliya dantooda oo aysan caawinayn dowladda Soomaaliya. Balse qorshaha ay ugu biirtay AMISOM waxaan u maleynayaa inay xoojin u tahay faragelintii ciidan ee ay Itoobiya horayba ugu haysay Soomaaliya,” ayuu yiri Shinn.
Itoobiya Iyo Soomaalida waxaa ka dhaxeeya oo hadheeyay  colaad weyn talaabadini waxay dib u soo noolayn kartaa midaas, ayuu yiri David Shinn.

Isagoo ka hadlaya Xuduuda u dhaxaysa Soomaaliya Iyo Itoobiya ayuu sheegay in ay ahayd mid xooggaa deggan balse ku biiritanaka ay ku biireen AMISOM Ciidamada Itoobiya waxba kama baddali karto arrinta Xuduuda Soomaaliya Iyo Itoobiya ayuu haddalka raaciyay.

Itoobiya innay Taageerto DF waa wax haboon, laakin waxaan umalayn in arrintani ay dib u soo cusboonaysiidn faragalintii Ciidamada Itoobiya ku sameeyeen Soomaaliya sannadkii 2007 -2009 Iyagoo Kooxaha Maxaakimta Islaamiga ah ka saaray Dalka,  ayuu yiri Ambassador Shinn.

Ma cadda hadda waxa Ciidamada Dowlada Itobiya ay ka helayaan ku biiritaanka AMISOM ayuu yiri Ambassodar Shinn, wuxuuse xusay in ay suurta gal tahay innay Taageero Ciidan ay iyagu iska bixinayeen innay ku daboolayaan ka mid noqoshada AMISOM.

David Shinn waa khabiir arrimaha Geeska Afrika ku xeel dheer wuxuuna ka yahay Macalin Jaamacada George Washington.

Ciidamada AMISOM waxay wiiqeen Alshabaab balse waxay Alshabaab wali haystaan dhul-baaxad leh oo Koonfurta Soomaaliya ah.


Soomaalida baddankood waxay u arkaan in Ciidamada Itoobiya ee ka mid noqday AMISOM aysan khayr baddan Soomaali u soo kordhin doonin marka laga yimaado haddalada dhiblomaasiyadeed ee Madaxda DF iyo Gobalka ay baahinayaan.

Ethiopian AMISOM Membership Scrutinized

A former U.S. ambassador to Ethiopia says he thinks it’s a “mistake” for Ethiopian troops to join the AMISOM force in Somalia. AMISOM is the African Union Mission in Somalia.

David Shinn is an adjunct professor at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University. He said it could be of particular concern “if Ethiopian forces are expected to go beyond the immediate Ethiopia / Somalia border area. Everyone knows that they have been crossing the border into Somalia for some time now confronting al-Shabab forces or any hostile forces for that matter.”

AMISOM has driven al-Shabab from the capital Mogadishu, but the militant group still controls areas of the country.

Shinn said the Ethiopian incursions into Somalia of late have been “fairly low key and hasn’t drawn a lot of attention. But it’s all been done in the context of a bilateral action obviously with the support of the Somali government. But by joining AMISOM, this I think is going to revive the Ethiopian intervention more broadly in Somalia that they engaged in from the very beginning of 2007 through January of 2009, particularly their engagement in Mogadishu. And that did not end well.”

At the time, Ethiopian forces helped drive out the Islamic Courts Union, which had imposed Sharia law in the country. The relationship between Ethiopia and Somalia over the years has included conflict.

Shinn said the Ethiopian decision move could allow al-Shabab to use it as a “rallying cry” to recruit new members.

He said that it’s unclear what Ethiopia would gain by joining AMISOM, aside from possible reimbursement for its military operations in Somalia. It’s currently funding those operations itself. He said that the move probably would not enhance Ethiopia’s border security, which is already “pretty good.”

To hear the interview click on the link below.


Listen to full De Capua interview with Amb. Shinn

Japan in Africa: A Rising Sun?

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe completed his African tour this Monday in Ethiopia after visits to Côte d’Ivoire and Mozambique. His visit was the first tour of Africa by a Japanese leader in eight years and the first visit to a francophone West African country. Thankfully, this low frequency of visits to the continent by Japanese leaders does not pay justice to Japan’s involvement in Africa.

According to official aid statistics (which excludes China), Japan is the fifth largest bilateral official development assistance (ODA) donor to Africa after the U.S., France, the U.K. and Germany. Japanese ODA to the continent averaged about $1.8 billion per year in 2008-2012—double its 2003-2007 level (see Figure 1).  These figures do not include Japan’s aid to Africa through some multilateral donors such as the World Bank.

Figure 1:

Source: Japan’s Official Development Assistance White Paper 2012

For the past 20 years, Japan's main roadmap for its assistance to Africa has been charted by the TICAD (Tokyo International Conference on African Development). The TICAD is a global forum between Japanese and African head of states and is held every five years. It is co-organized with the U.N., the UNDP, the World Bank and the African Union Commission.  In principle, the TICAD advocates "Africa's ownership" of its development and the "partnership" between Africa and the global community. It also serves as an accountability framework. Africans have also become familiar with the JICA  acronym (Japan International Cooperation Agency) and may have seen young Japanese men and women from the JOCV (Japanese Overseas Cooperation Volunteers). Up until last year, most of Japan's focus on Africa under TICAD IV was on traditional aid targets (infrastructure, agriculture, water and sanitation, education, and health, as well as peace keeping operations: Japan has provided 400 self-defense forces personnel as part of the U.N. mission in South Sudan).

But Japan’s involvement in Africa is now at crossroads.  TICAD V, which was held in Yokohama in June 2013, added a new element: private sector involvement. As Prime Minister Abe put it in his opening address at TICAD V, "What Africa needs now is private sector investment, and public-private partnership leverages that investment." In Yokohama, the prime minister committed to support African growth over the next five years, through not only $32 billion in ODA but also $16 billion of "other public and private resources." He also mentioned $2 billion of trade insurance underwriting.  These funds will be targeted to areas that were identified in consultation with African countries, including infrastructure, capacity building, health and agriculture.

So Prime Minister Abe's recent African trip is in in line with TICAD V. It is therefore not surprising that business leaders joined the trip and that $570 million in loans to gas-rich Mozambique were announced.
With this in mind, it is encouraging to see that two of the stops in the Japanese prime minister’s visit took into account regional integration in the continent. In Addis Ababa, the prime minister gave a speech at the African Union headquarters. His intervention was mostly focused on the need to maintain peace and security on the continent, and he pledged about $320 million for conflict and disaster response, including $25 million to address the crisis in South Sudan and $3 million to the one in the Central African Republic. Earlier, in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, Abe met heads of state and government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).


In short, Prime Minister Abe’s visit heralds a new type of relationship between Japan and Africa. Japanese engagement with African countries will involve the private sector much more than previously. It is up to African policymakers to seize this opportunity to meet the continent’s transformational agenda.

Source: brookings.edu

Somaliland: The Women Shepherds

for Sahra Water is a central concern year round

UNTV producer Francis Mead and videographer Antonio Tibaldi traveled to Somaliland in northern Somalia. Francis says he won't forget Beerato, the village where they filmed in central Somaliland. They found a world of dust, sheep, goats, camels – and bold women, insisting on changing their lives – and knowing how to party – dancing, singing and clapping in the Sufi style. Francis explains more here:

We travelled with Amina Souleiman, a Somali woman who gained political asylum in the UK during Somalia's civil war in the 1990s. She now spends half her year helping women in her homeland stand up for their rights.

The UN Democracy Fund is financing her project. It's a remarkable initiative, though each step forward has to be patient and small, and is met by resistance from the male village elders. We met Sahra – an impressive, highly intelligent woman, a shepherd with no formal education and one of the leading lights in the village. Sahra is one of Amina's protegés.

Water is a central concern year round – and Beerato, when drought isn't severe, is a major watering hole for the surrounding villages. We watched and filmed as camel herds and flocks of sheep and goats were brought in, lining up to take their turn, almost like aircraft taxiing on a runway. The semi-nomadic families here move their flocks and herds to new pastures several times each year:


Life in Beerato is precarious. By the traditional division of labour, women look after sheep and goats, while men look after the camels. If women lose their flock to drought (which happens not infrequently) they effectively lose their right to graze the tribal lands and are often forced into exile to the capital Hargeisa. Then almost the only option is to labour in the markets. In the city, life is brutally tough, money is hard to come by, and home is usually a displaced persons' camp or a shanty town.

Amina, Sahra and the village women are determined this won't happen to them. Holding regular women's circles, they are asserting their rights with the village elders, and arguing for access to school and land. Already, they have installed five women teachers in the village school for the first time. Next they plan to build a hospital – money will have to be raised internationally by Amina.

Read more about the filming and the documentary on the "UNTV: Diaries from the Field" blog.

The UN sends reporters round the world to film some of the world's most important and under-reported stories for its flagship broadcast "21st Century" which goes out to major broadcasters round the world.