BAYAAN TAAGEERO - Heshiiska Jidka Wadahadalada Somaliland & Somalia ee Xidhiidhkooda Mustaqbalka

BAYAAN TAAGEERO:

Heshiiska Jidka Wadahadalada Somaliland

& Somalia ee Xidhiidhkooda Mustaqbalka

Istanbul II Communiqué: political dialogue b/w the Government of Somaliland & the Federal Government of the Somalia on future relations

Ku:        

-          H. E. Xoghayaha Guud ee Qaramada Midoobay iyo Dalalka Xubnaha ka ah

-          H. E. Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn, Gudoomiyaha Midowga Africa ahna Ra’iisal Wasaaraha Jamhuuriyada Federaalka Ethiopia

-          Xogahaya Guud Midowga Yurub iyo dalalka xubnaha ka ah

-          H. E. Martin Schulz, Madaxwaynaha Baarlamaanka Yurub

-          Gudi Hoosaadka Xiriirka Arimaha Dibada Midowga Yurub

-          H. E. Pope Francis PP, Apostolic Palace, Vatican City

-          H. E. Barack Obama, Madaxwaynaha Dalka Maraykanka

-          Xoghayaha Arimaha Dibada Dalka Maraykanka

-          Gudida Amaanka Qaranka Dalka Maraykanka

-          Gudida Xiriirka Dibada Senate Dalka Maraykanka

-          H. E. David Cameroon, Ra’iisal Wasaaraha Ingiriiska

-          H. E. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Ra’iisal Wasaaraha Turkiga

-          H. E. Ergagaga Qaramada Midoobay ee Somalia / Somaliland

-          Ergayga Midowga Afrika ee Somalia/Somaliland

-          Xukuumada Dalka Iimaaraadka Carabata UAE

-          H. E. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo Madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyada Somaliland

-          H. E. Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud, Madaxwaynaha Xukuumada Federaalka Somalia

Taar:  January 20, 2014

BAYAAN TAAGEERO:

Heshiiska Jidka Wadahadalada Somaliland & Somalia ee Xidhiidhkooda Mustaqbalka

Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland oo ka kooban Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland, ururada bulshada laga tirada badan yahay, naafada iyo haweenka kuwasi oo hoostaga dalado iyo isku-xidho heer qaran ah waxay si wadajir u soo dhawaynayaan heshiiska  wadahadalada xidhiidhka mustaqbalka ay wada yeelan doonaan labada dal ee Somaliland iyo Somalia kaasi oo ay ku kala saxeexdeen 19 January 2014  magaalada Istanbul ee dalka Turkiga.

Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland oo ka kooban Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland

Waxay aaminsan yihiin  go'aamada heshiiskan in ay wada u xaadhi doonaan xal waara oo u horseeda labada shacab ee Somaliland iyo Somaliland nabadgalyo iyo barwaaqo, kaasi oo ku salaysan xaqa aayo ka tashiga iyo rabitaanka labada shacbi ee labada dal.

Waxay heshiiskan ku majeerteen qiritaanka gabood faladii iyo tacadiyadii ugu xumaa ee qaarada Afrika ka dhaca sanadihii sedeetamaadkii oo Xukuumadii kalitaliska Maxamed Siyaad Baree u gaystay shacabka Somaliland xasuuq iyo gumaad baahsan kana gashay dambiyo dagaal iyo dhagaro aadaminimo. 

Sidoo kale, Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland oo ka kooban Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland waxay si xoogan u aaminsan yihiin in heshiiskan Qodabkiisa 9aad uu gabi ahaanba soo afjari doono qoraaladii ka soo bixi jiray xafiisyada Masuuliyiinta ugu saraysa Xukuumadihii ku meel gaarka ahaa ee Somalia iyo xataa Xukuumada Federalka Somalia ee imika jirta oo 20kii sano ee ina soo dhaafay mar walba u dirayay qoraalo ay ku waydiisanayaan Xukuumada Maraykanka in ay siiso Xasaanad Dambi ka dhawrsanaan qaar ka mid ah Dhagarqabayaashii xasuuqa foosha xun iyo dambiyada Aadaminimada lidka ku ah u gaystay shacabkii ku noolaa dalkii la isku odhan jiray Somalia xiliyadii Sideetamaadkii kuwaasi oo ay ka mid yihiin General Maxamed Cali Samantar, Gaaashaanle Sare Magan iyo qaar kale oo ay dacwado dhagarihii aadaminimo ee ay shacabka Soomaaliyeed ka galeen ay kaga socdaan maxkamada ku yaala dalka Maraykanka.

Waxay hoosta ka xariiqaynaa martigalinta xukuumada Turkigu u fidisay wadahadalada labada dal ee Somaliland iyo Somalia oo wareegoodii afraad lagu soo gabogabeeyay magaalada Istanbul 19 January 2014, waxananu ku boorinaynaa Xukuumada Turkiga in ay sii wado martigalinta wadahadaladan, anagoo aaminsan in Ankara marnaba aanay wadahadalada Somalia iyo Somaliland ka lahayn ajande u qarsoon, isla markaasina ay dhexdhexaad ka tahay wadahadalada labada dal.

Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland oo ka kooban Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland waxay ugu baaqayaan daneeyayaasha arimiha Somalia iyo Somaliland oo ay ka mid yihiin wadamada xubnaha ka ah Midowga Afrika, NATO, EU, Jaamacada Carabta, IGAD iyo Qaramada Midoobay in ay taageeraan wadahadalada Somaliland iyo Somalia ay kaga arinsanayaan xidhiidhka mustaqbalkooda, maadaama ay wada hadalada noocan ahi ay u baahan yihiin taageero farsamo iyo mid siyaasadeed labadaba, iyo khabiiro dhinaca qaanuunka caalamiga ah ee duwaliga ahba.

Suleiman Ismail Bolaleh

Afhayeenka Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland

Ururada Bulshada Rayidka ah iyo Dhaqdhaqaaqyada Dimuquraadiyada Somaliland ee Bayaankan Taageeray:

SOMALILAND IMPARTIAL HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS
1.	Horn of Africa Human Rights Watch Committee (HORNWATCH)
2.	Activist Network for Disabled Persons (ANDP)
3.	Ubah Social Welfare Organization (USWO)
4.	Disable Children Association (DCA)
5.	Somaliland Youth Voluntary Organization (SOYVO
6.	Barako Women Organization (BARAKO)
7.	United Togdheer Women Umbrella  (UNITA)
8.	Togdheer Youth Voluntary Organization (TOGOYOVO)
9.	Naaso-Hablood Handicap Association (NAHA)
10.	Daami Youth Development Organization (DAYDO)
11.	Welfare Tumaal Organization (WAAB)
12.	Tumaal Development Foundation (TDF)
13.	Women Minority Organization (ISIR)
14.	Somaliland Culture and Sport Association (SOCSA)
15.	Somaliland Journalist Association (SOLJA)
16.	Community concern Somalis (CCS)
17.	Saaxil Handicap Organisation (SHO)
18.	Voluntary Youth Organization (VAYS)
SOMALILAND UNIVERSITIES
19.		University of Hargeisa
20.		Amoud University
21.		Berbera Marine University
22.		University of Burao
23.		University of Erigavo
24.		Golis University
25.		Admas University
MEMBER ORGANISATIONS OF NAGAAD WOMEN UMBRELLA
26.		Agriculture Development Organization (ADO)
27.		Alkownin Women Voluntary Organization (ALKOWNIN)
28.		Agriculture Rehabilitation and Women in Development (ARWO)
29.		Association for the Somaliland Women's Advancement (ASWA)
30.		Aw Barkhadle Women Development Organization (AWDO)
31.		Ayaan Women's Development Association (AYAAN)
32.		Barwaaqo Lakulan Women Association (BAKWA)
33.		Barwaqo Voluntary Organization (BVO)
34.		Candlelight for Health and Education (CLHE)
35.		Committee for Concerned Somalis (CCS)
36.		Dareen Rural Relief & Development (DAREEN)
37.		Dulmar for Women's Development Advocacy and Peace (DULMAR)
38.		Female-Headed Households Association (FEDHA)
39.		Hanad Women's Welfare Association (HWWA)
40.		Hargeisa Voluntary Youth Committee (HAVAYOCO)
41.		Hargeisa Women's Group (HAWO-GROUP)
42.		Hargeisa Women on Focus Organization (HAWFO)
43.		Mother Land Rescue Group (MRG)
44.		Lama-Huraan Women's Association (LMWA)
45.		Somaliland Women's organization (SOLWO)
46.		Somaliland War Widow Organization (SWWO)
47.		Somaliland Women's Development Association (SOWDA)
48.		Somaliland Women's Research and Action Group (SOWRAG)
49.		Somaliland for Progress, Advocacy and Peace (SOWPO)
50.		Somaliland Young Women's Association (SOYWA)
51.		Tawakal Women & Children's Organization (TAWAKAL)
52.		Voluntary National Youth Organization (VONYO)
53.		Women's Action for Advocacy and Development Association (WADA)
54.		Women's Rehabilitation and Development Association (WORDA)
55.		Women Inter-Action Group (WIAG)
56.		Women's Action Advocacy and Progress Organization (WAAPO)
SOMALILAND NATIONAL DISABILITY FORUM
57.	Somaliland Handicap Association (SHA)
58.	Nasa-Hablod Handicap Association (NAHA)
59.	Hargeisa Youth Development Association (HADYA)
60.	Hargeisa Deaf School (HDS)
61.	Activist Network for Disabled Persons (ANDP)
62.	Orthohope Rehabilitation Center (ORC)
63.	Disability Action Network (DAN)
64.	Hargeisa School For Special Needs (HSSN)
65.	Disabled Children Association (DCA)
66.	Hargeisa Handicap Association (HHA)
67.	Tawakal Women’s Association (TAWAKAL)
68.	Albustan Handicap Association (AHA)
69.	Hargeisa Handicap Women (HHW)
70.	Somaliland Blind Society (HABS)
71.	Youth Development Disability Organization (YODDO)
72.	Somaliland Red Crescent Society (SRCS)
73.	Borama Deaf and Blind School (BD&BS
74.	Sahil Handicap Organization (SHO)
75.	Tawakal Lifeline Organization (TLO)
76.	Erigavo Handicap Organization (EHO)
77.	Las-anod Handicap Association (LHA)
NON MUSLIM RELIGIOUS GROUPS IN SOMALILAND
78.	Somaliland Catholic Church
SOMALILAND NON STATE ACTORS MEMBER ORGANISATION
CIVIL SOCIETY:
95.	Nofen
96.	Muruq iyo Maskax
97.	Sungo
98.	Maan
99.	Somran
100.	Kulmis
101.	SNDF
102.	Sahan
103.	Nafis Network
104.	Vonyo
105.	Unita umbrella
106.	Sonyo
107.	CPN
108.	Nagaad
109.	Awdal CPN
ELDERS
110.	Horn Peace
PRIVATE SECTOR:
111.	Jubba Airways
112.	Light Industry
113.	WIN
114.	Daallo Airline
115.	Nawbo
116.	BDS
117.	Hospitality Industry
118.	WIT
119.	NRD-EWB
120.	Dahabshiil
121.	Telesom
PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS:
122.	Arecsmed
123.	University of Buroa
124.	Sanaag University
125.	SLNMA
126.	SMA
127.	Media Group
128.	UOH
129.	WIJA
130.	Fopag
131.	Solla
132.	Berbera University
133.	ULPA
134.	Nugaal University
ISLAM RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION
135.	Wanaag Farista

Destroying What Works? Barclays and the Changing Somali Remittances Marketplace

 

By Emma Lochery

In May this year Barclays announced it would no longer supply bank accounts to 250 money service businesses as of July 10^th – including four major Somali money transfer businesses. For most other countries that rely on remittances, there are alternatives for sending money, but Somalia is in a difficult position due to the weakness of its banking system, lack of banking regulation, and high level of need. After much protest from Somali diaspora and other civil society groups, the original deadline was extended a couple of times for particular companies, but as of mid-October only one Somali money transfer company had been allowed keep its account open pending the outcome of a court case arguing that Barclay’s decision violated competition law.

Oxford’s Horn of Africa Seminar met on October 15^th to discuss the Somali remittance landscape and the challenges ahead.

Amidst the multitude of challenges facing Somalis today, money transfer agencies represent ‘what works’ in the Somali territories. As pointed out by a FSNAU report authored by Laura Hammond earlier this year, they provide an efficient way for an estimated minimum of $1.2 billion to be remitted back to Somalia every year, which is far more than what Somalia receives in international aid (on average just under $850 million for the last five years), foreign direct investment (just over $100 million in 2011), or exports earnings ($516 million in 2010). In the FSNAU study, which covered both rural and urban areas, 40% of all Somalis surveyed said they received remittances from abroad – and in urban areas that number rose to over 50%. Remittances helped meet basic needs; three-quarters of recipients said they used them to buy food and pay for services such as health and education. Three-quarters of recipients also said they shared what they received with others – demonstrating the way remittances help maintain a fragile but crucial social safety net. 93% of all recipients said they used money transfer companies to receive their money.

Money transfer companies in the Somali territories have also begun to offer more complex services, such as deposit accounts, debit cards, and credit to small businesses. They are a principal employer in the formal economy across Somaliland, Puntland, and Somalia. The bigger companies are also crucial players in wider Somali trade networks, facilitating financial transfers to the Gulf and cities in China and other trading hubs. Money transfer companies have helped to hold together economic networks, which are the mainstay of the Somali economy – from livestock to retail trade businesses. Based on informal mechanisms at first, but soon formalizing and adopting new technologies, they proved essential through the oppressive and extractive 1980s, helped families rebuild their lives amidst the wreckage of a state in the 1990s, and enabled people to survive conflicts in Somalia since then. They have been key in allowing Somali trade networks to expand and link into markets in Kenya, South Africa, and further afield. The names of the largest firms are household names – they are highly trusted brands in very insecure places.

However, the very factors behind the companies’ success are also some of the reasons for the current struggle with banks and regulators. To understand why, it is necessary to step back and look at the broader banking sector.  Since 9/11 in particular, there has been a huge growth in anti-money laundering regulations. Much of the pressure in the sector today comes from US regulators – and with operations spanning the globe, British banks such as Barclays cannot afford to ignore the changes. Last year in the US, HSBC was fined $1.9 billion by the US government for weak anti-money laundering controls in Mexico, while Standard Chartered was fined more than $300 million for violating US sanctions on Iran, Burma, Libya, and Sudan.

Money transfer businesses then find themselves in a difficult position. While the amount of money transferred as remittances is important to Somalis, for a bank like Barclays it is rather small in terms of their global business, and the small amount of profit is not worth the perceived risk of hosting the companies’ accounts.

While neither of the cases cited above involved transactions to Somalia, Somali money transfer businesses seem riskier to banks for two main reasons. First, they principally serve one country – and the less diverse a money services company’s customer base, the more risky they appear to a bank. So the reason that the major Somali money transfer businesses are so trusted in Somalia – that they are homegrown businesses with strong track records and connections at home and in the diaspora – means banks trust them less. Secondly, Somali money transfer companies generally rely on a third location as a clearinghouse – and these are most often in the Gulf States. Between a sender in London, and a recipient in Mogadishu, a transaction may also flow through Dubai, for instance. Dubai has long been a central economic node in Somali trading networks; Somalis migrated to labour in the Gulf in the 1970s, and in the 1980s, Somali businessmen took advantage of their relatively easy access to profitable and convenient Dubai markets. However the very ease of access and laxity of regulation that makes Dubai and its free zones attractive to Somali businesses makes large, global banks nervous that they might inadvertently end up flouting regulations in the other jurisdictions in which they operate – for very little profit.

To make matters worse, the UK government’s response has been rather slow and uncoordinated. The Economist hit the nail on the head with their article about the recent conference on a ‘new deal’ for Somalia in Brussels – much waffling about aid and not enough about how to fix the remittance question. Soon before the last and largest company was supposed to have its account closed, the government finally announced that over the next year it was planning to create a ‘safe corridor’ for transferring money between the UK and Somalia in partnership with the World Bank. However, it is unclear what will happen in the short-term before the corridor is set up. Questions remain as to if and when either the UK or US government will also create the regulation needed to assuage the banks’ concerns sufficiently. Somali money transfer companies have adapted to regulation before – but it is hard to adapt to regulation yet to be written.

Finally, last week’s speakers emphasized that people will find alternative means of sending money, sending cash in suitcases (risky for everyone involved and not exactly what the regulators want either…) or by using other companies on the market, many of which have a smaller geographical reach in Somalia. One company for instance has their clearinghouse in a more highly regulated location and connects with Somaliland’s mobile money system. Others are ‘small payment institutions’ (rather than authorized payment institutions), limited to remitting no more than 3 million euros a month. The largest company Dahabshiil, meanwhile, has managed to find a bank that will host its corporate client business, but not its small-scale remittance business that is so central to daily life in Somalia.

It thus remains to be seen how people will adjust to the closure of the accounts of the four major remittance firms – and what effects this will have on the overall market for money transfer businesses, some of whom are very powerful players on the Somali economic scene. As the Oxford event ended, we were still waiting to hear the outcome of the court case deciding whether Dahabshiil, the final company due to lose its account, had managed to escape the ‘final final’ deadline one more time.

This post is solely based on the opinion of the author, but we want to thank the seminar speakers who included:

Abdi Abdullahi, Chairman, SOMSA | Industry perspective

Edwina Thompson, Beechwood International | UK policy environment

Farhan Hassan, Somali Heritage Academic Network | Civil society view

Emma Fanning, Oxfam GB | Impacts on NGOs

Laura Hammond, SOAS | Livelihoods impacts

Chair: Anna Lindley, SOAS

This article was published on OCTOBER 24, 2013 · 3:11 PM