BY John Hudson
Stop eating junk food. Start
exercising regularly. Most people have hopelessly boring 2014 New
Year's resolutions. But not the nationalists of Scotland.
In just
nine months' time, Scots will vote on whether to become an independent country.
For Scottish nationalists, it's the culmination of a centuries-long struggle
for independence. (Think Braveheart with
fewer beheadings and more sober white papers on the
material benefits of secession.) For unionists, the referendum risks forfeiting
the many perks of London's tutelage. Beyond Scotland, the vote has wide
implications for peaceful secessionist movements in multiethnic nation-states
from Canada to Spain to the Balkans -- putting all the more pressure on
Scottish partisans to fulfill their 2014 New Year's resolution: win over
undecided voters.
"This
issue of the referendum is whether Scotland is better off without the United Kingdom,"
David Mundell, the under secretary of Scotland, told Foreign Policy. "Obviously, we make the case that
it's better as part of the United Kingdom."
Mundell
has become London's poster child for keeping the United Kingdom united, and has spent part of December carrying that
message to Washington in meetings at think tanks and influential congressional
offices. A lifelong Scotsman, Mundell is the only Conservative MP who
represents a Scottish constituency, making him an ideal courier for David
Cameron's anti-independence message.
"He's
a rare bird," said the Brookings Institution's Fiona Hill, "And
perhaps more effective than having some British official who doesn't have the
same cachet."
Sitting
down with FP at the
British Embassy in Washington, Mundell's message was simple: Scotland doesn't
realize how much it has to lose as a tiny independent state of 5 million
people. "I would rather be part of a Scotland that has an influence
in the world than be part of a Scotland [with] absolutely no influence," he
said.
As a
part of the U.K., Scotland enjoys the benefits of London's longstanding clout
in an array of international institutions from the United Nations, where it
holds a seat at the Security Council, to NATO, to the European Union to the G8
and the G20. In a chaotic global economy, it also helps to belong to a country
with a substantial credit line. In 2008, the British government bailed out two
of Scotland's biggest banks, the Royal Bank of Scotland and HBOS. "If it
hadn't been for the wide resources of the United Kingdom, Scotland would've
been like Iceland where effectively the country went bankrupt," said
Mundell.
Mundell
was gearing up for a talk at the Brookings Institution the next day, where his
intellectual rival, First Minister of Scotland Alex Salmond, spoke earlier in
the year. Both men make compelling points, but there's a sense that they're
speaking past each other. While Mundell talks economies of scale and the
pragmatic downsides to independence, Salmond drapes his appeal in the universalist
rhetoric of self-determination.
In his
April address at Brookings, Salmond summoned the memory of President John F.
Kennedy. "I think there is a universal truth that people who take the best
decisions about a nation's future are the people who live and work in that
nation," he
told the audience after
an introduction by the influential Middle East peace negotiator Martin Indyk.
"No other country is going to make better decisions about Scotland than
the Scots will."
Salmond
envisions a nuclear-free Scotland with an expanded social safety net and a
Scandinavian-style foreign policy that emphasizes benevolent global citizenship
rather than hard power realpolitik. It's clear his message has found an
audience. On a secessionist platform, Salmond's nationalists won their
first election in 2007 and won a majority in 2011. According to recent polling,
the nationalists have an uphill battle ahead of the Sept. 18 referendum, but
have swayed enough Scots to keep London worried.
In a
December poll taken after the Scottish government released its white paper on a
succession plan, 27 percent of those surveyed said they'd vote "yes"
for independence while 41 percent planned to vote "no." Since last
September, the anti-independence movement's lead has shrunk from 19 percent to
14 percent.
"The
odds are against independence, but as we know from many previous instances of
polling and elections, there's always a chance for a surprise outcome due to
external events," said
Hill. "The Scottish government just released the white papers
on independence so they're now in full-court press mode."
In
recent days, senior Tory leaders have expressed concern that Scottish
nationalists are gaining ground in the debate and have called on Cameron to
reinvigorate his anti-independence campaign. Speaking to the Spectator, Cameron said he wasn't losing sight of the
issue. "We cannot in any way let this argument go the wrong way," he said.
"We've got to fight every day. It's one of the biggest issues of next
year, if not the biggest."
Beyond
Scotland's boundaries, the independence movement is a source of anxiety for
multi-ethnic countries and a source of hope for the Catalans and the Quebecois
in their own bids for nationhood.
In a
shot across the bow, Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy warned in November
that Scotland would be kicked out of the European Union if it voted for
independence from Britain. "It is clear to me that a region which asks for
independence from a state within the European Union, will be left outside the EU," he
told reporters. Given Spain's staunch opposition to independence for
Catalonia, an autonomous community in Eastern Spain, Rajoy does not want to set
a new precedent for breaking up sovereign states. Spain's opposition is a
headache for Salmond, who has pledged that EU membership would be a priority
for independent Scotland.
Meanwhile,
Scottish independence has caused excitement in Quebec, where premier Pauline
Marois has offered to share notes with Salmond given her experience with
pro-independence bids in Canada in recent decades. Salmond, however, has
avoided comparisons to other independence movements. "Scotland isn't Catalonia.
We're not Denmark. We're not Ireland. We're not Quebec," he said in April.
"Scotland is Scotland." This detachment came to a head in January
when Salmond appeared to snub an effort by Marois to offer him independence
guidance in a public meeting. At the time, the CBC
speculated that
"he may not have been eager to be seen in public with the leader of a
party that had lost its own independence votes, twice, in 1980 and 1995." Burn!
But
pro-independence leaders aren't the only ones who'd like to avoid the Quebec
experience. The political and economic uncertainty caused by the
French-speaking province's repeated independence efforts over the last three
decades concern Mundell, who wants the Scottish referendum to settle the matter
regardless of the outcome. "I hope we have a decisive result that puts it
to bed for at least a generation," he said. "It actually does become
very damaging in terms of creating uncertainty and instability. ...
Constitutional debate doesn't grow the economy, it doesn't help children's
education or get people better medical care."
Source: thecable.foreignpolicy.com
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