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| Turkey
is building schools across Somalia to restart an education system that
has been dormant for over 20 years of conflict. Photo by Will Swanson |
Two flags now fly over Mogadishu.
There’s the Somali one, of course: white star, blue background. The
other’s rise over the battered concrete sprawl is more recent. It flies
over schools and hospitals, is stamped on trucks and painted on trash
bins. The white-and-red emblem even shares the desk of the city’s mayor.
“The Turkish are giving the kind of
support we have never seen before. They are changing the face of
Mogadishu,” says Somali President Hasan Sheikh Mohamud.
The two
nations’ flags were flapping in the breeze side-by-side above the
Mogadishu airstrip on August 19, 2011, when Turkish Prime Minister
Tayyip Erdogan
touched down
for the first visit by a non-African head of state in nearly two
decades. At the time, thousands of Somalis were dying each day in the
middle of the worst famine in over half a century, yet foreign
dignitaries dared not enter.
That year,
Erdogan pledged $49 million to Somalia. In 2012, Turkey spent $70
million on full scholarships to over 1,200 Somali students to study in
Turkish universities, making Turkey the largest non-OECD donor in
Somalia. And private Turkish citizens donated $365 million on top.
Turkey claims its revamping an outmoded and inefficient aid system, and, in the process, improving more lives.
“Big western donors work through the UN
agencies with bureaucracy and high administration costs,” says Kani
Torun, Turkish Ambassador to Somalia. “But we use the money to directly
support Somalis, and the government of Turkey covers all the
administration fees.”
Dumpsters from the city of Istanbul, which is leading sanitation operations in Mogadishu. Photo by Will SwansonWill Swanson
The Somali government says the
difference is evident: just look at the results, says President Mohamud.
“They are creating modern hospitals and establishing the education
system. This cannot be delivered through NGOs and through UN agencies.
Bilateral aid is what Somalia needs,” he said.
At his office, the Mayor of Mogadishu, Mohamed Nur, continued the argument.
Compare the Turkish approach to the UN approach, he said.
“If I request computers from the UN,
they will take months and require a number of assessments. They will
spend $50,000 to give me $7,000 of equipment. If I request computers
from Turkey, they will show up next week.” At this crucial moment of
transition from chaos to tentative stability, this immediate impact is
what Somalia needs most, he said.
But not all are enamored with the bold new initiatives of the Turks. Some donors
complain a lack of coordination with the rest of foreign aid institutions results at times in duplicating efforts.
“If the UN Agencies want to coordinate,
then come to Mogadishu and we can coordinate,” Ambassador Torun
responds. “But we can’t spend all of our time going to meetings in
Nairobi when our work is here in Mogadishu.”
Most Western agencies continue to base
their Somali operations out of Nairobi, Kenya, citing longstanding
security concerns. Turkey knows the risks well; in July, six people died
when US-designated terrorist group
al-Shabab attacked the Turkish embassy. The Turks stayed nonetheless.
Turkey stands to benefit from its more
engaged approach here as the Somali government returns the favor. The
Somali government recently awarded a
Turkish company, Favori LLC,
the contract to renovate, maintain and operate the Mogadishu airport
for the next 20 years. And although the Somalia government signed its
first new
oil exploration deal
with a British company, the minister of natural resources, Abdirisak
Omar Mohamed, noted that he would have awarded it to the Turks “if
Turkey was willing to sign a contract, but Turkey never came and asked
for a contract.”
The new Turkish ties filter all the way
down to Somalia’s famously entrepreneurial family businesses. Local
contractor Abdunir Abukar works with a Turkish company rehabilitating
properties across Mogadishu. His workers initially resisted working with
the Turks, he said, due to communication barriers and a Somali work
ethic that atrophied over two decades of conflict. “Our employees have
adapted. They have learned discipline and technical skills from them.”
These small changes can multiply quickly. A more disciplined and skilled workforce encourages the
diaspora to return and help rebuild, which in turn creates more stability, creating a self-reinforcing cycle of development.
Abdul Majeed Iman owned several shops
prior to the civil war. His buildings and inventory were completely
destroyed. He returned to Mogadishu in 2010 and re-opened a retail shop.
Now, he sources some of his merchandise from Turkey.
“Turkish companies have requested to
work together. They have offered to fly businessmen over to Turkey to
discuss how they could cooperate,” he said. Despite his own
entrepreneurial background, he adds: “We can learn from the Turkish
expertise.”
Turkey sees the tightening business ties
as more beneficial than the aid it provides. “We encourage business
activity because it’s good for Somalis, it creates jobs, teaches Somalis
skills and creates less aid dependency,” said Ambassador Torun. Of
course, Turkey is looking to profit as well.
Turkish
business moving in to Somalia are in direct competition with other
international companies operating in Somalia, at times resulting in a
zero-sum game for key contracts. For instance, SKA, a company from
Dubai, had a 10-year contract to operate the airport. But the Somali
government abruptly
cancelled the contract
and gave it instead to a Turkish company, leaving some to question
whether Turkey’s aid has created an unfair competitive advantage with
the Somali government.
By accepting the risks here when nobody
else was willing to, Turkey more than any other country, is poised to
cash in on the rise of a stable Somalia. It’s a unique soft power
strategy: more direct than Western nations, more cooperative and willing
to transfer skills than China.
Since 2005, Turkey has significantly
increased its presence in Africa, going from 12 embassies in 2005 to 34
today. Its aggressive expansion demonstrates a desire to fight for
influence on the continent that is poised to be the fastest growing over
the next few decades, adding
1.3 billion people by 2050. The general narrative is that
China is the most important partner to Africa, but if Somalia is any indication, Turkey might be a real contender.
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