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Friday, September 13, 2013

September 11 Photos: The Heart-Wrenching Images Of 9/11 That We'll Never Forget


Twelve years after the Sept. 11 attacks, these images still resonate, reminding of the absolute physical and emotional devastation that so many people experienced that day.

(Many of the photos below contain graphic content.)

In this Sept. 11, 2001 file photo, United Airlines Flight 175 closes in on World Trade Center Tower 2 in New York, just before impact. (AP Photo/Carmen Taylor, File)
In this Sept. 11, 2001 file photo, United Airlines Flight 175 closes in on World Trade Center Tower 2 in New York, just before impact. (AP Photo/William Kratzke)
In this September 11, 2001 file photo, smoke pours off World Trade Center Tower 1 as flames explode from Tower 2 as it is struck by United Airlines Flight 175, after terrorists crashed hijacked airliners into the buildings. (AP Photo/Chao Soi Cheong)
A fiery blasts rocks the south tower of the World Trade Center as the hijacked United Airlines Flight 175 from Boston crashes into the building September 11, 2001 in New York City. (Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images)
People stand on a dirt mound at the Vince Lombardi Service Area on the New Jersey Turnpike as they watch smoke billowing from the remains of the World Trade Center in New York after planes crashed into each of the twin towers Tuesday morning, Sept. 11, 2001. (AP Photo/Gene Boyars)
A person falls from the north tower of New York's World Trade Center Tuesday Sept. 11, 2001 after terrorists crashed two hijacked airliners into the World Trade Center and brought down the twin 110-story towers. (AP Photo/Richard Drew)
People hang out of broken windows of the North Tower of the World Trade Center in New York on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001. (AP Photo/Amy Sancetta)
The south tower of New York's World Trade Center collapses Tuesday Sept. 11, 2001. (AP Photo/Richard Drew)
Pedestrians on Park Row flee the area of the World Trade Center as the center's south tower collapses following the terrorist attack on the New York landmark Tuesday, Sept. 11, 2001. (AP Photo/Amy Sancetta)
This 11 September 2001 file photo shows Marcy Borders covered in dust as she takes refuge in an office building after one of the World Trade Center towers collapsed in New York. Borders was caught outside on the street as the cloud of smoke and dust enveloped the area. The woman was caught outside on the street as the cloud of smoke and dust enveloped the area. (STAN HONDA/AFP/Getty Images)
People run from the collapse of one of the twin towers of New York's World Trade Center in this Sept. 11, 2001, file photo. (AP Photo/FILE/Suzanne Plunkett)
Survivors of the World Trade Center terrorist attacks make their way through smoke, dust and debris on Fulton St., about a block from the collapsed towers, Tuesday, Sept. 11, 2001 in New York. (AP Photo/Gulnara Samoilova)
A tennis shoe and debris, photographed one block from the World Trade Center, are coated with dust after the collapse of the twin towers in this photo taken Tuesday, Sept. 11, 2001 in New York. Paper records, documents and correspondence from the towers littered the streets following the collapse. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan)
The rubble of the World Trade Center smoulders following a terrorist attack 11 September 2001 in New York. (ALEX FUCHS/AFP/Getty Images)
View of smoke and flames at the Pentagon shortly after a hijacked jetliner was crashed into building, Washington DC, September 11, 2001. The crash was part of a coordinated, terrorist attack on the United States that also felled both towers of the World Trade Center in New York. (Photo by PhotoQuest/Getty Images)
Mounted police make their way along an access road leading to the crash site of United Airlines Flight 93 through the early morning fog 12 September 2001 in Shanksville, Pennsylvania. The plane was hijacked and crashed killing all 45 on board. (DAVID MAXWELL/AFP/Getty Images)
Photographs of missing people from the 11 September 2001 World Trade Center attack sit on a television truck outside Bellevue Hospital in New York 12 September, 2001 where family members and friends stand vigil in hopes of getting information from authorities and help from media exposure. (JOHN MOTTERN/AFP/Getty Images)
A firefighter breaks down after the World Trade Center buildings collapsed September 11, 2001 after two hijacked airplanes slammed into the twin towers in a terrorist attack. (Photo by Mario Tama/Getty Images)
(Photo by Corey Sipkin/NY Daily News Archive via Getty Images)
An injured man is tended to after a terrorist attack on the World Trade Center. (Photo By: Susan Watts/NY Daily News via Getty Images)
An injured man is tended to after a terrorist attack on the World Trade Center. (Photo By: Susan Watts/NY Daily News via Getty Images)
An injured man waits for help as others take refuge in a bank near the World Trade Center towers 11 September, 2001, in New York. (STAN HONDA/AFP/Getty Images)
An American flag flies in the foreground as one of the World Trade Center towers burns in the background 11 September 2001 in New York. Two hijacked airplanes crashed into the two landmark skyscrapers. (DOUG KANTER/AFP/Getty Images)
People seek refuge inside a bank building after the first tower of the World Trade Center collapsed. (Photo by Corey Sipkin/NY Daily News Archive via Getty Images)
Firefighter Kevin Shea of Ladder 35 lies semi conscious in debris field with Firefighter Ritchie Nogan of 113 standing over him. Shea was the only survivor of his unit. He was carried out by Nogan, two EMS workers and photographer Todd Maisel. (Photo by Todd Maisel/NY Daily News Archive via Getty Images)
This file photo taken on September 11, 2001 shows a man standing in the rubble, and calling out asking if anyone needs help, after the collapse of the first World Trade Center Tower in New York City. (DOUG KANTER/AFP/Getty Images)
7:59 a.m. The four airplanes that were hijacked on 9/11 began taking off at 7:59 a.m. The first to depart was American Airlines Flight 11, a Boeing 767 that left Boston's Logan International Airport for Los Angles with 92 people on board. At 8:14 a.m., United Airlines Flight 175 -- a Boeing 767 with 65 passengers on board -- also left Logan for Los Angeles.
9:37 a.m. Flight 77 crashed into Pentagon at 9:37 a.m. The 9/11 Commission Report tells how passenger Barbara Olson called her husband Ted -- the solicitor general of the United States -- to inform him of the attacks. She reported that the flight had been taken over and that the aircraft was "flying low over houses." A few minutes later, air traffic controllers at Dulles International Airport observed plane on their radar traveling at "a high rate of speed." Officials from Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport warned the Secret Service of the aircraft shortly before Flight 77 hit the Pentagon.
9:03 a.m. The second crash happened at 9:03 a.m., when Flight 175 hit the south tower of the World Trade Center. The last communication made with air traffic control was made at 8:42 a.m., but passengers were able to provide details of the flight by contacting their families by phone. Brian Sweeney called his wife, Julie, to tell her the plane had been hijacked, and Peter Hansen told his father, Lee, "I think they intend to go to Chicago or someplace and fly into a building."
11:02 a.m. New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani ordered an evacuation of lower Manhattan at 11:02 a.m., alerting everyone south of Canal Street to get out.
10:28 a.m. At 10:28 a.m., after burning for 102 minutes, the north tower of New York's World Trade Center collapsed, killing approximately 1,400 people.

9:31 a.m. In an address from Emma Booker Elementary School in Sarasota, Florida, President Bush called the attacks "a national tragedy" and "an apparent terrorist attack on our country." "I have spoken to the vice president, to the governor of New York, to the director of the FBI, and have ordered that the full resources of the federal government go to help the victims and their families, and to conduct a full-scale investigation to hunt down and to find those folks who committed this act," Bush said. "Terrorism against our nation will not stand."  

Source: huffingtonpost.com

GLOBAL: Rankings and a system of endless competition

 
Brendan Cantwell and Barrett J Taylor
by Brendan Cantwell and Barrett J Taylor

Universities around the world increasingly compete with one another for resources. Within countries this competition occurs through funding mechanisms. Especially prominent is the international trend away from block grant funding to the competitive allocation of research funds.

Competition also occurs internationally as universities vie for the best research staff and students on what is approaching a worldwide basis. Such wide-scale competition can produce large gaps between winners and losers.

Leading global research universities stand to gain from such competition, but for all universities there are risks involved in competition because of the potential for failure and associated loss of resources.

University rankings

Over the past decade much attention has been given to prominent world university league tables such as the Times Higher Education World University Rankings and the Academic Rankings of World Universities, or ARWU, produced by Shanghai Jiao Tong University.

These and other worldwide rankings intrigue policy-makers, university leaders and media organisations because they permit cross-national assessment of university status and position.

While such rankings attract substantial interest they are also open to intense criticism. Complete accounts of the criticisms are beyond our scope here; nonetheless, prominent concerns include prioritising research over teaching, the idealisation of a single organisational form and bias towards universities in English-speaking countries.

We share some of these concerns. However, because these rankings have become de facto arbiters of global research university status, we believe that it is also important to explore the policy and administrative implications of rankings.

Global rankings, we propose, facilitate global-level competition among universities because they compare universities in different countries and cast some as more excellent than others. In other words, universities are able to compete internationally with one another in part because they are directly compared via rankings.

Global rankings also facilitate competition by establishing the dimensions along which universities are assessed. The ways in which universities are compared to one another – what it is that a ranking body values or ignores – therefore become the parameters of competition.

The result could be that the rankings legitimate certain arenas of university operations, such as peer-reviewed publications in English-language outlets, while ignoring others. Moreover, policy-makers and university administrators may look to global rankings for cues as to how to achieve enhanced global status.

A study of rankings

In order to explore these propositions we conducted quantitative analyses for a study recently published in the journal Minerva that used data collected by the US Department of Education, the US National Science Foundation and the ARWU itself to estimate the factors that predict the ARWU position among US universities.

We selected the ARWU because it is among the most prominent and influential global ranking systems and because an expansive research profile is a key characteristic of global research universities.

We included US universities because they dominate the top places in the ARWU and other ranking systems. The US research university model is often emulated in other countries, and there is comprehensive, reliable data available. Both descriptive and regression analyses indicated that ARWU position was often associated with high levels of inputs.

Larger universities that emphasised science and engineering, or S&E, and that derived greater financial support for research from the US federal government tended to fare well in the rankings. By contrast, smaller universities with lower levels of S&E emphasis and federal research support fared less well.

We do not interpret our results as evidence that the ARWU or other global rankings systems cause universities to change their missions. Rather, we suggest the somewhat narrower implication that global rankings may help to legitimate existing inequality of inputs within a national system.

That is, by conferring status in the form of high ARWU scores on those few universities that receive the majority of the US’s nationally-derived financial resources, this league table may make a high level of inequality among universities seem normal. Such normalisation could in turn allow policy-makers to rationalise the ever-greater concentration of resources in a few universities.

Legitimating input inequality

A possible, though by no means certain, by-product of legitimating input inequality could be a decline in efficiency across the national system. Other researchers, such as Halffmann and Leydesdorff have found that global rankings are not associated with growing output inequality.

Taken together with our own results, this suggests that resources may be concentrated in a declining number of universities even as outputs grow broadly.

The hypothetical worst-case scenario under such conditions would be the declining efficiency of a few high-status universities that consume many resources, while a large number of institutions attempt to increase output production while facing intense competition for scarce resources.

To be sure, there are compelling reasons to maintain some level of input inequality among universities. Multi-purpose research universities are simply more expensive to operate than are single-mission organisations. We do not contest this well-known tenet of university governance.

What we do suggest, however, is that policy-makers and administrators should make governance decisions deemed best for their own local and national contexts. While global relevance is likely an important policy objective for many systems, it is not clear that this should be defined the same way in all contexts.

The pursuit of global status ought to be balanced with other priorities because resources devoted explicitly to improving global ranking position cannot be used to meet other objectives.

Global league tables seem to reward input inequality with high status for a few universities. We suggest that the ultimate end of such status is not necessarily an improved national higher education system, however, but a global system in which competition is endless.

* Brendan Cantwell is a faculty member in higher, adult and lifelong education at Michigan State University and Barrett J Taylor is assistant professor, counseling and higher education, at the University of North Texas in the United States.

GLOBAL: Transnational education – The Shape of Things to Come



Transnational education is expanding at a “brisk pace”. But few countries are producing data or have strategies in place, and quality assurance and qualification recognition are weak, says a new British Council report. Still, three host countries – China, Malaysia and the United Arab Emirates, or UAE – are successfully using transnational education to expand higher education access, boost academic capacity, develop domestic staff and-or train and retain a skilled workforce.

Other findings include that transnational education, or TNE, is still not a policy priority for many countries. While incentives to attract foreign universities were helping to drive activity, there were questions around sustainability in their absence, and TNE – especially branch campuses – was not attracting foreign direct investment.

Further, there was a need for sending and host countries to together define transnational education, and the importance of a national TNE framework and institutional-level policies in host countries “cannot be overstated”.

The Shape of Things to Come – The evolution of transnational education: data, definitions, opportunities and impacts analysis was published last Thursday as the second volume in a series. Some of the top findings of the report were revealed at the British Council’s Going Global 2013 conference in March.

The first volume, on higher education trends and emerging opportunities to 2020, predicted that growth in global student mobility would slow and overseas delivery of higher education would expand.

But there had been little research on transnational education. Last week’s second volume aimed to fill this gap by charting the evolution of TNE, its impact on host countries, relationships between host and sending countries, and regulatory and market environments in 25 countries, to assess the conditions most conducive to successfully delivering TNE.

The primary author was John McNamara, and Oxford Economics assisted with in-country data collection. Two international higher education experts contributed: Dr Jane Knight, adjunct professor at the University of Toronto’s Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, and Dr Rozilini M Fernandez-Chung, vice president of HELP University in Malaysia.

Backdrop

The general principal of TNE, the report said, is that students can study towards a foreign qualification without leaving their home country. “Programmes and providers cross national and regional borders, not generally the student.”

Transnational education is on the rise, with Britain providing a clear example: there are now more international students taking UK qualifications abroad than there are in the UK – 571,000 overseas compared with around 488,000 international students in the country.

In the report’s foreword Dr Jo Beall, director of Education and Society at the British Council, pointed out that the global education market was changing rapidly. Student mobility was increasing, but there were also many more destinations and modes of delivery to choose.

Differences in the education sectors, institutions and landscapes of particular countries had blurred, and countries that had been a source of international students had themselves become study destinations. “New alliances, both international and national are being formed; and private and corporate sectors are increasingly active as providers.”

While TNE was often associated with branch campuses, it could take many forms and be delivered through various modes. The research tried to create a taxonomy of delivery models, wrote Beall.

An analytical framework – a TNE Opportunities Matrix – was developed, to identify countries where the regulatory and demand environments indicated significant potential for TNE providers. Indicators were developed to shed light on approaches taken to facilitate and manage TNE, by reviewing national policies and regulations.

“This holistic assessment across 25 countries and administrative regions could also prove valuable to aspiring TNE host countries looking to create the conditions to emulate the success of others.”

The research identified three sending countries – Australia, Germany and the UK – and six host countries and administrative regions – China, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Mauritius, Thailand and Vietnam – that were producing TNE data. But different collection techniques, reporting and terminology meant that the data were not directly comparable across countries.

The case studies of China, Malaysia and the UAE among other things looked at interaction between various TNE models, local culture and political contexts. They “highlight the importance for provider institutions to be sensitive to local needs and to understand the main rationales and objectives of TNE in host countries,” wrote Beall.

Main findings and conclusions

The research led to 20 main conclusions and findings in the areas of transnational education data and definitions and the TNE Opportunities Matrix, with the latter including the policy, market and mobility environments, and impacts on host countries. They are summarised as:

TNE data and definitions


  • 1. Most of the many definitions of TNE are from the sending country perspective. “There is a need for sending and host countries to work together to develop robust definitions.”
  • 2. With only three sending and six host countries and administrative regions producing data on TNE, data collection for programmes and student numbers enrolled “need to be significantly improved to promote better understanding and awareness of this increasingly important component of internationalisation”.
  • 3. Available data suggest that TNE is continuing to expand at a brisk pace, both in terms of scale (programmes and enrolment) and scope (diversity of delivery modes and location).

Policy environment

  • 4. Almost half of the 25 countries had no ministerial department or body with significant responsibility for TNE. “For many countries, TNE is not a policy priority and the focus remains squarely on student mobility. Where host countries have TNE strategies in place they are generally uncoordinated and fragmented.”
  • 5. Development of education cities and economic free zones dedicated to education indicate that host countries are serious about TNE. “Incentives to attract foreign universities play an important role in driving TNE activity, but do raise questions as to its sustainability in their absence.”
  • 6. Most study countries had regulations for the establishing of TNE programmes, but the regulations could be difficult to find and interpret. Regulations were not a prerequisite for TNE but were important for ensuring its success. “Passing TNE regulations in parliament can be a divisive issue in society, mainly due to its association with private provision.”
  • 7. About two-thirds of countries had some TNE quality assurance systems in place. There were different approaches: registration of TNE programmes with the host country ministry; ensuring the TNE provider was accredited in the home country; approval or a licence to operate from the host country; or TNE considered as part of the host education system with all approved TNE providers quality assured the same as domestic institutions.
  • 8. An improving quality assurance system was improving TNE data collection, “but data availability is still woefully inadequate”.
  • 9. Recognition of TNE qualifications was “an area of relative weakness”. In most countries, recognition was left to the discretion of employers and universities. “Bilateral degree recognition agreements play an important role in the recognition of international qualifications.”

Market environment

  • 10. There appeared to be “a positive relationship between economic development and TNE activity”. Economic growth would support demand for TNE in most host counties.
  • 11. Services as a percentage of GDP and tertiary age ratios appeared to bear little or no relationship to TNE activity. “This is likely to be because TNE represents a relatively small proportion of overall higher education activity in most host countries.”
  • 12. Mature TNE hosts were “perceived as having relatively high quality domestic higher education systems”.
  • 13. The data suggested a positive – but weak – relationship between private sector involvement and TNE activity, with some notable exceptions.
  • 14. Higher levels of societal development, as measured by the Human Development Index, appeared to positively correlate with TNE activity.

Mobility environment

  • 15. While host countries were often both major senders and receivers of international students, “the same is not generally the case for TNE. However, countries such as Malaysia and China have demonstrated a propensity to establish branch campuses abroad. India is already very active in this respect.”

Impact of TNE on host countries

  • 16. The importance of a national TNE framework and institutional-level policies in the host country with clear rationales, objectives, strategies and measurable outcomes “cannot be overstated”.
  • 17. Many of the objectives of TNE were being achieved in the three case study countries: China, Malaysia and the UAE. Providing increased access for segments of the population was prevalent in Malaysia and the UAE. “China is currently using TNE for academic capacity building in terms of knowledge transfer from foreign partners.” Malaysia and (to an extent) China were using TNE for professional development of teaching and research staff at domestic institutions, while the UAE stressed the importance of using TNE to develop and retain a skilled workforce.
  • 18. Economic impacts could differ significantly. “Malaysia foresees international student recruitment and TNE as a means to increase revenue while the UAE perceives TNE as a way to develop an educated and skilled workforce”. China did not appear to articulate economic return as a major rationale or impact of TNE – but “this may not reflect the situation at the local higher education institution level”.
  • 19. TNE, and especially international branch campuses, were not attracting foreign direct investment in terms of physical or equipment infrastructure.
  • 20. The social-cultural impacts were acknowledged as important but were “difficult to grasp and measure and warrant further investigation”.

There appeared to be a “complex push-and-pull relationship between TNE activity and TNE regulations, where TNE activity reaches a certain critical mass and elicits a regulatory response from the government”, the British Council said.

“While TNE regulations are not a requirement for TNE activity to take place, they have an important role to play in relation to registration, licensing, accreditation, quality assurance and recognition of qualifications and for ensuring the sustainability of TNE going forward.”

There was no one, or ‘universal right’ way for a country to approach TNE, the report said. “There are a variety of approaches. Each host country must develop its own path to ensure that TNE complements its domestic higher education system and meets the articulated goals and outcomes for international collaboration and provision.

“This will ensure that the outcomes and impact of TNE are relevant to local and national needs and priorities.”

At its annual international education conference Going Global 2014, the British Council will launch the findings of another study investigating the academic, economic, social and cultural impact of TNE on host countries.

Global: Why are research universities going global?



Despite the significant increase in the number and type of international activities – from branch campuses to MOOCs and aggressive international student recruitment – many institutional efforts appear to be launched without a clear idea of best practices or how specific activities might be productive and meaningful for a particular institution.

Empirical knowledge of how and why institutions expand these activities, and whether they are successful, remains largely anecdotal.

Why do universities embark on new projects and activities that engage the institution outside of its national boundaries? What motivates individuals and their institutions to include transnational relations among their core strategic interests and concerns when considering the future path for success? Why are more foreign students and faculty recruited and why are curricula and research agendas more international and global in scope?

The motivation of institutions, and their leaders, appears to be multiple and complex. As part of our larger effort to generate a taxonomy of different kinds of international engagement by universities, and reflecting a recent research paper published as part of a larger project based at the University of California, Berkeley, we offer here an exploration of possible institutional logics and rationales used to justify what are sometimes significant financial and institutional commitments.

1. Pedagogical and curricular logics

International activities that involve student learning and experience in collaboration with foreign partners commonly have curricular or pedagogical rationales.

This is clearly true with dual, double or joint degree programmes, for example. They can also apply to efforts in individual courses or seminars to integrate peers in other countries through various learning technologies or through punctual meetings or events.

Mobility and exchange programmes, as well as group study abroad, are perhaps the most common expressions of pedagogical and curricular logics that include international experience as a key element of learning.

Some colleges and universities have set goals for increasing the number of students participating in mobility programmes, to recognise the pedagogical value of international experience in their curriculum. Cost, however, is a limiting factor as it is often more expensive to go abroad than to remain at home for study.

For advanced postgraduate students, the pedagogical issue is different and more individualised. Faculty member collaboration must be central to placements or projects of postgraduate students at a partner institution abroad. Issues of mentorship and research activity become crucial to integrating foreign experiences into the academic programme.

2. Research, data access and expertise logics

As research and discovery of new knowledge is a primary function of the university, there can be no boundaries or limits to where the scholar or scientist may find the natural, physical, human, social or cultural phenomenon that they study.

Certain disciplines, fields and areas of study depend on the collection of data, specimens and samples that require direct access to natural and social-cultural sources to successfully pursue their research or inquiry.

Epidemiology, anthropology, foreign language and culture, astronomy, biosciences and environmental sciences are examples of disciplines requiring access to sources and data beyond national boundaries. It is increasingly difficult to identify any area of study that does not in some way require international if not global relationships and connections.

Establishment of relations between individual scholars and scientists in other countries has been a reality both informally and formally for generations. As institutions adopt more proactive and formal policies and initiatives to establish connections abroad, the logic of research needs, data access and research collaboration are often rationales for these initiatives.

It is a compelling logic because it supports a fundamental mission of the university and is often led by faculty members and departments.

3. Network development logics

In many respects, the telecommunications and internet revolution resulted from a logic of the power of networks. The notion that networks of many kinds – social, professional, institutional and electronic – can overcome geographic, cultural, time zone and national boundaries underpins much of what constitutes the phenomenon of globalisation.

It is not surprising that institutions draw upon a network logic as a rationale for more international initiatives.

Institutional efforts to establish relations with universities abroad are often based on the logic of constructing a global network of partners that will somehow increase the probability that faculty, students and alumni will have access to individuals and institutions in nations and regions that they may not otherwise obtain.

European universities have perhaps the most developed and sophisticated network structures and processes as a result of their geographic proximity and push for greater regional integration. Institutions in other nations and regions are increasingly active in network building because it has become such a fundamental element of organisational and professional life everywhere.

This makes the network logic very flexible and adaptable to many contexts, objectives and strategies. If there is no other logic or rationale for engagement across national borders, the assumed necessity of networking is often sufficient.

4. Competitive logics

Universities and other higher education institutions compete with one another in many ways. Competition for students, faculty, funding and the Holy Grail of prestige pervades institutional actions of all sorts. International initiatives necessarily include competitive logics as well.

Competitive logics underpin international activities that seek to gain access to new sources of students and faculty or offer alternative revenue sources. Universities always seek to have partnerships or agreements with foreign institutions that they believe have at least the same level of prestige or recognition as them. If a partnership can be developed with an institution of higher prestige, that is even better.

Marketing and branding logics are motivated by competition. Perhaps more prevalent in the United States because the culture is permeated by philosophies and beliefs rooted in the supposed superiority of free market capitalism, universities have increasingly sophisticated communications, marketing and public relations units that work to put every university initiative or action in the most positive light possible.

The signing of an exchange agreement or collaboration with a foreign institution is always an opportunity to call a press conference and highlight the university’s international focus and global connection. Little matter whether or not the agreement in question involves core activities and significant resources or simply the possibility of student or faculty exchange.

In an increasingly globalised world, it is important to build an image or brand that somehow demonstrates relevance of teaching and learning and connections to international and global realities.

5. Market access and regional integration logics

Recently, the dean of Yale School of Management announced a new international strategy to create a network of partner business schools in countries with rapid economic growth and new business investments.

These relationships, it is hoped, will provide opportunities for students and faculty to engage with their international counterparts to create professional networks that provide learning and research experiences as well as potential business opportunities in the future.

The global economy is increasingly linked to emergent economies such as Brazil, Russia, India and China. It is not surprising that numerous universities in Europe and North America appear to have targeted these countries as high priority locations for the development of relationships, activities and programmes.

The logic seems to be that these countries will increasingly be influential in world affairs, and thus establishing relations with local institutions and professional peers will create long-term benefits for attracting students and faculty as well as pursuing research agendas and fundraising opportunities.

In Europe, the Bologna reforms and other initiatives that encourage greater integration of education and research systems stimulated the creation of numerous partnerships, alliances, consortia and networks of universities between and among European institutions.

Bologna’s creation of common degree structures and common academic credit and records systems go a long way towards the creation of a region-wide education space that can contribute to the construction of the regional economy as well as political and social networks that cross national boundaries.

Recent efforts to develop common quality, accreditation, qualification and professional licensing standards are also linked to a desire for further integration of national systems and the creation of greater mobility in labour markets.

The logic of regional and transnational integration coming out of Bologna appears to underpin many of the international projects and initiatives of European universities across a broad range of countries. One can also observe regional and market access logics in other areas of the world.

The ASEAN University Network, or AUN, functions as a vehicle for inter-university collaboration and regional higher education integration. In addition to regular meetings of rectors of member universities, AUN has activities related to credit transfer regimes, quality assurance processes and academic programmes in South East Asian Studies.

It also serves as coordinating body for mobility agreements and scholarships with countries and regions outside South East Asia – for example, the Erasmus Mundus programme of the European Union and a Chinese government scholarship programme.

East Asia has significant student mobility in the region driven, by geographic and cultural proximity. Increasingly, large numbers of students from Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are attending universities in China and vice versa.

Australian universities are among the most active in recruiting international students from Asia and in establishing partnerships and satellite operations in the region. A regional and market access logic appears to underpin many Australian initiatives in the Asian Pacific region.

6. Institution building, technology transfer, development

A significant number of international projects at universities are related to efforts aimed at helping less economically developed nations create or improve programmes and practices and enable institutions to contribute to economic and social development in their countries.

Government agencies responsible for foreign assistance and some philanthropic foundations contract with universities to undertake ‘capacity building’, joint research and training activities in places like Africa, Latin America and South and South East Asia.

Agriculture, health and education sectors are often the focus of such projects. Institutions can make use of these institution-building and technology-transfer projects as vehicles for building partnerships and opportunities for teaching and research activity abroad.

The issue of who benefits more from these endeavours remains an open question because host country institutions have historically suffered from ‘brain drain’ and a lack of sufficient resources to sustain activities over time.

7. Revenue and resource-driven logics

As the demand for higher education, advanced research capacity and elite university status increases globally, the relative scarcity of student places, talented researchers and scholars and prestigious institutions increases the monetary and financial value of whatever services that leading universities are able to offer or provide.

At least this is the perspective of economists and business people. It is also a view held by many governments and national policy-makers.

Increasingly, it appears that universities are adopting logics for international-global projects that are pecuniary in nature. Obtaining new sources of revenue has become a major motivation for seeking international relationships and the recruitment of students and faculty from abroad.

The rapidly growing market of international students during the past decade combined with decreasing government funding for higher education in numerous countries has led to aggressive policies of international recruitment by institutions in Australia, the UK and New Zealand.

Continued growth in demand for places in universities and colleges from abroad is leading more and more institutions to launch efforts to increase the number of foreign students who typically pay higher fees than their local counterparts.

Canada, China, Japan, France, Spain, The Netherlands and South Africa have succeeded in attracting rapidly increasing numbers of foreign students, often with strong support from government agencies. Fee-paying degree students are not the only opportunity for sources of revenue from abroad.

Institutions in the US and Europe recognised for their research achievements and capacity have increasingly negotiated agreements with national governments in South East Asia and the Middle East to fund major scientific research projects and to assist in the creation of local research capacity by helping in the development of new research-oriented universities or advanced research centres.

Some prestigious institutions have agreed to create degree programmes based in a host country in return for what appear to be significant investments or donations to university endowments.

It should not be assumed that the generation of revenue is the sole motivation for these endeavours. Even those projects that have large financial inducements are also justified as being useful vehicles for international exchanges of students and faculty, contributing to curricular or pedagogical improvement or the creation of research opportunities.

Financial incentives are, nonetheless, common rationales for a growing number of colleges and universities, many with diminishing or constrained funding.

8. Social responsibility logics

Some international activity at institutions of higher education is motivated by students and faculty who want to assist individuals and communities in poor countries by volunteering time, labour and knowledge.

These activities may or may not be part of the formal curriculum and are often funded by outside organisations such as NGOs, foundations and individual donors.

Students volunteer time, labour and expertise to individuals and communities by providing services such as improving water quality or constructing or maintaining schools, hospitals and housing units.

Some universities in the US have faculty and students engaged with ‘social entrepreneurship’ activities. The idea is to use some basic business and organisational techniques and an entrepreneurial or new business philosophy to assist NGOs and community-based social or health service organisations to become more effective and efficient and able to generate revenue to support their activities.

The Talloires Network is an example of an international network of universities with a shared interest in ‘civic or community engagement’. It sponsors conferences, a newsletter and information sharing on different programme models that provide opportunities for students to become involved in communities locally, nationally and internationally.

9. National security logics

In the US, some universities receive research funds and postgraduate student fellowships from the government to support the study of languages and societies that are viewed as important to national security. Most often these are ‘not commonly taught’ languages and the countries are located in regions where there is the potential for conflict.

Some government funding for research with international partners in areas such as computer science and engineering are also justified on national security grounds. Although some institutions and individuals may not support the idea of a university assisting the government on issues related to national security, these funds have sometimes been used to support the broader international engagement of the institution.

National security logics do not appear to be very common outside the US, although one might argue that there is some correlation between the size of national security budgets and the likelihood that some state funding of international initiatives is linked to security logics.

In countries such as China, Israel, India, Brazil, the UK, France, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia, with sizeable defence budgets, one might suspect that national security logics are part of the rationale for investing in research and projects focused on global and international issues and relations.

Conclusion

As international engagement has become more central to the life and success of the university, we must expand our knowledge on the range and variety of these engagements, and how and why institutions make the choices they do, and determine the patterns of success and failure.

While universities have long been active internationally, many recent initiatives are relatively untried and extremely entrepreneurial. This calls for more and better empirical research at the level of individual institutions.

We hope to contribute to this research agenda through our project Research Universities Going Global based at the Center for Studies in Higher Education at Berkeley and the International Centre for Higher Education Research based at the Universität Kassel.

* Richard J Edelstein is a research associate and John Aubrey Douglass a senior research fellow at the Center for Studies in Higher Education, University of California, Berkeley.