KHATARTA INTERNETKA IYO KHALWADA CASRIGA AH

W/Q Cabdirahman Jama Cilmi

Asalaama Caleykum Waraxmatullahi Wabarakaatuhu.

Allah ayaa mahad ideylkeed u sugnaatay macbuulka xalaasha noo jideeyey xaaraamta oo dhan naga reebay,dabadeedna waxaa Amaan iyo nebedgelyo usugnaatay Suubanihii Nabi Maxamed nabad iyo naxariis dushiisha ha ahaato.

Sidaynu wadagaraneyno Jinsi walba oo noole ah ILAAHAY ( bini-aadam iyo xawayaan ) waxaa ILAAHAY dhexdooda dhigay is fahan gaara oo xambaarsan dhamaan qeybaha nolosha.

Bini-aadamka ILAAHAY wuxuu casa wajalla ka abuuray Rag iyo Haween islamarkaana wuxuu dhexdooda dhigay dareen iyo baahi ka dhexaysa oo ay midba midka kale iska kaafiyaan ( mutual interest ).

Dareenku waa baahi Dabiici oo ALLE ku abuuray jinsiga kana dhexaysa isuna soo jiida, marwalba oo ay is ogaadaan, isbartaan,is arkaan kulmaan ama isu baahdaan.

Hadaba maadaama ILAAHAY ku abuuray Dareen ama xiiso isu soo jiida (attractions)

waxaa ILAAHAY u dejiyey Xeer iyo Qeynuun sharci ah oo ay isugu yimaadaan iyo Xuduud kama dambeysa oo aysan ka talaabsan karin. Xuduudaha Dareenkooda xakameyn kara oon laga talaabi karin oo ah qodobo asaasi ah basic principles waxaa ka mida;

1- Xijaab inuu jiro

2- Indhaha oo lalaabo ( aan Fiirada lagu xeeldheeraan )

3- Khalwada oo noocey tahayba laga dheeraado .

4- Hadalka oo nugeylka dareen qalbi abuuri kara laga sooco.

Xijaabka:

Xijaabku waa labo qeybood: Xijaab Guud &  Xijaab gaara.

Xijaabka Guud: waxaa ILAAHAY ka bilaabay cibaadaadka iyo rugaha lagu cibaadeysto sida masaajida iyo Musalayaasha lagu tukado. Raga waxaa lagu amray inay masaajida Jamaacada ku tukadaan iyadaana u ajar badan 27 jeer in guriga lagu tukado.

Taas lidigeed dumarka waxaa lagu booriyey una kheyr badan inay guryahooda ku tukadaan. Hadaba Culimadu waxay halkaa ka fahmeen kalana soo bexeen inay ILAAHAY Masaajida iyo musalayaasha cibaadada ladoonayo in Xijaabku ka hirgalo dadkuna ku kala xijaabnaadaan amaakinta loo kala cayimay.

waxaa isxasuusin mudan in dumarku masaajida tegi karaan hadii waxa ay masjidka u aadayso aysan gurigeeda kahelikarin ama reerkeedu u faa’iidayn karin.

Marka waa inuu ruuxa Muslimka ah fahmaa xigmada guud ee xijaabku inay tahay wax walba rag iyo haweenka ladoonayo inay ku kala xijaabtaan Madasha iyo meel walba oo laysugu imaanayo.

Hadii Raga iyo Haweenku meel laysugu keeno, shir,aroos, Masaajid, Madarisad aana lakala soocin lana kala fogeyn waxaa jabaya Xijaabkii guud waayo? isdhexgalku wuxuu meesha ka saarayaa ahmiyadii guud ee xijaabka, marhadii meel lawada fadhiyana lama kala xijaabna walowba dumarku dhar ku filan wataan waa laysla Khilwoon karaa ( hoos ayaa laysugu dhigikaraa )

Waxaa Tusaale waafiya iyana ah Public schoolada, iskuulada Wiilasha iyo Habluhu meel wada fariistaan waxna kuwada bartaan wadankay doontaba ha ahaadeene iskuulku noocuu doono hanoqdo mid hoose/sare, college, jaamacad, waayo wiil kurey ah 15 jir iyo ka weyn iyo Gabadh gashaanti ah oo is dhinac fadhiya waxaa weheliya, naf, sheydaan, dhalinyaronimana waa waqti shido badan.

cidina mawaardiyeynkarto waayo ruux bini-aadama oo naftiisa xakameynkara ayaaba iska yar ilaa ILAAHAY ruux uu sugo mooyaane isna dadaal layimi. Waxaa isweydiin leh iskuulku muxuu ku eedoobay waxbaa laga bartaaye? Jawaab kooban: xijaabkii guud ee kala xadidayey labada jinsi ayaa meesha ka maqan.

B- Xijaabka Gaarka ah ku dheeraan meyno waayo? waa in ruuxu cowradiisa asturo iyadoo laraacayo qaabka shareecadu u dejisay gaar ahaan in labarto lana fuliyo shuruudaha xijaabka ee gabadha looga baahan yahay. hadii gabadhu xijaaban tahay laakiin xijaabka aanay qaabkiisa raacin waxaa meesha ku jira Nusqaan u baahan in dhameystir.

2- Rag iyo Haweenba waxaa ILAAHAY ku amray inay indhahooda laabaan oo aanay Jinsiga kale araga ku fiiqin si aanay u imaan dareen xiiso iyo shahwad xambaarsan. sidaa awgeed ayaa layiri marka koowaad hadaad ruuxa fiiriso dambi kuma lihid laakiin inaad ku dheygagto ama araga marlabaad iyo ka badan ku celceliso ayaan Shareecadu kuu ogoley.

3-KHALWADA

Khalwada macnaha ay xambaarsan tahay waxaa weeye in aysan kulmin meelaba labada jinsi iyagoo aan shareecadu isu xalaaleyn.

Rasuulku naxariis iyo nabadgelyo korkiisa ha ahaatee waxaa laga weriyey qofkiin yuusan haweeney gaar lanoqon ilaa inay weheliyaan Dad maxramkeeda ah mooyaane.

Fiiro gaara: Waxaa laga yaabaa inaad Khalwada u taqaan in nin iyo qof dumara ay qol galaan keligood kadinkana ay soo xirtaan ama guri keligood wada joogaan ama gaari keligood wada raacaan, hadaba intaasoo dhan waa khilwa laakiin intaa kuma eka.

Tusaale; hebla ayaa kaa hortimi adigoo wado maraya waad nabdaadisay waad wada istaagteen halkaa ayaad sheeko kasii ambaqaadeen dadkuna wadada waa wada marayaa intaasiba waa nooc Khalwada kamida ee ogsoonow maadaama aad hadalkiina gaar isula tihiin labadiinu.

Marwalba oo labada Jinsi ku kulmaan hadal u gaara oo cidkale ka warqabin waxay keenaysaa khilwo inay dhacdo.Khalwadu waxay ka dhicikartaa, schoolada, xafiisyada,gawaarida dhexdooda,guryahaba iyo Aaladaha casriga ee lagu sheekaysto.

Khalwada Casriga ah

Internetka iyo wakaaladihiisa warbaahinta oo dhan waxay xambaarsan yihiin Khalwadu inay baahdo oo badato.Telefoon,email, skype,twitter,facebook.cating,iyo wixii lamida oo dhan waa aalad labo ruux kuwada gooni noqonkaraan, waxay meesha ka saarayaan inuu ruuxu hamrado,yaxyaxo, xishood dareemo, baqo, waxayna sahlayaan inaad sidaad doontaba ujeedadaada u tiraahdo, intaa waxaa dheer Muuqaalo iyo fariimo culus oo laysku weydaarsan karo ruuxuna shucuurtiisa kusoo bandhigi karo maqal iyo muuqaal.

Gabadhii iyo wiilkii qalabkaa faraha badan kuwada xiriira iyagoo aan lala ogeyn laysuna ogolaan culimadu wey ka deyriyeen waayo waxay kulansanayaan asbaabtii Khalwada casri ah waxaana ka dameyn foodxumo iyo sino.

Waxaa marka loo baahan yahay in ILAAHAY laga cabsoodo dibna loogu noqdo qalabka aynu guryaha iyo jeebabka kuwadano iyo danuubta ay xambaarikaraan.

waxaa wanaagsan in aad looga fiirsado loogana fekero ubadkeena yaryar ee telephoneda loo wada iibiyey waxa arintaasi u keeni karto.

Waxaana wanaagsan in hadii daruuro ay tahay xad iyo xuduud telephonekooda waalidiintu ka warqabaan ugu yaraan inaad daqiiqadahooda xadido, marwalbana aad dabataagnaato waayo? ha oran cunugeygu waa kheyrqabe waan ku kalsoonahay cid nafteeda ku kalsoonaankartaa majirto waayo? nafta lama aaminikaro yar iyo weyn shaydaana ruux walba wuu weheliyaa.

Caruurta ilaalintoodu makala laha wiil iyo gabadh weliba wiilasha ayaa farodheer.

weliba Shaydaan ogaada oo intii technologygu soo baxday fasax ( vacation ) ayuu ku jiraa waayo isba aalada ayuu isticmaalaa sida bini-aadamku ugu liibaaney.

4- Allah subxaanahu watacaalaa wuxuu quraanka ku soo arooriyey hadii dumarka soor adeeg iyo wixii lamida laweydiisanayo in xijaab idiin dhexeeyo.

sidoo kale in hadalka aan lajilcin si aanay u dhicin in qalbigu waswaaso oo jirada gashaa ay keento in fidno iyo fisqi, iyo faaxisho ka dabatimaado.

Waa arrin u baahan afsoomaali badan in dib loogu noqdo oo dhexmara labada jinsi haday tahay bariido, salaan, kaftan, dan iyo xaajo.

Gunaanadkii:

ILAAHAY halaga dhowrsado inaga ayey danteena tahay, xijaabka kiisa guud iyo kiisa gaaraba haladhowro, Khalwada noocey tahayba halaga dheeraado, technologygana halaga faa’iideysto hana laga digtoonaado khaasatan caruurteena.

Warsan iyo Salaama

Cabdirahman Jama Cilmi

Our moral obligations in Somalia

Michael Shank

By Michael Shank,

When pundits and politicos in Washington think of Somalia, the first thing they likely think of is al-Shabaab, the violent rebel group that sprung from the military wing of the Islamic Courts Union that once ran the country.  That’s especially true in light of last week’s news that Doctors without Borders is pulling out of Somalia after 20-plus years in the country, due to an increase in violent attacks.  That’s also likely what the Department of Homeland Security was thinking when they detained me for questioning at JFK Airport after I returned from Somalia this week.

The al-Shabaab fit nicely into the characteristics of the West’s war on terrorism as well as the conservative’s narrative about Islam and violence. But there is much that is misunderstood about this movement and the country that is trying to quell it.

First, al-Shabaab, which means “youth” in Arabic, is largely made up of young persons who were previously unemployed, aimless and impoverished.  They are recruited with nothing more than a $20 gift or a cell phone.  Additionally, much of the mid-level leadership is filled by marginalized clans, persons who didn’t get to participate in the political process, at least not in a meaningful way like the handful of majority clans have historically.

My research, including this recent trip to the country, has shown that the majority of al-Shabaab is not composed of people who are inherently set with a sinister agenda for Somalia and the West, but rather people in search of job security and political power.  The good news here is that these needs can be met through more legitimate means; it’s up to the Somali government and the international community to make sure they’re met.

While this may not be an easy task, the outline of it is clear.  First order of business:  Ensure that Somalia’s president and prime minister’s spots, ministerial posts, and members of parliament are better balanced, more inclusive, and more representative, as they have, for decades, been dominated by a few clans only.  Second order of business: prioritize socio-economic development, something that has not been placed on the West’s agenda for the Horn.

As I walked the streets of Mogadishu, thousands of youth milled about, aimless, listless and jobless.  But in speaking with the women and youth organizations and coalitions operating throughout the country, the United States has not invested in strategies to get these kids off the streets and into jobs.  This is a missed opportunity, one that does not require much funding, and one that should be remedied 

immediately.  

That the U.S. Department of Justice’s Terrorist Watchlist creates obstacles to aid — e.g. support for socio-economic development and job creation for youth who are at risk of recruitment by al-Shabaab — is problematic.  Somalias most recent famine, in 2010-2012, which killed over 250,000 Somalis, is believed to be partially a result of the World Food Programme retracting its food distribution out of fear it would end up in the hands of al-Shabaab.

There must be a better way.  While I understand why policymakers wouldn’t want U.S. aid to end up in the hands of people who do violence, what about U.S. aid for preventing people from doing violence?  These Somali youth need our help and if we fail to offer it to them, they will go to the loudest local recruiter, who, in many cases, is the Shabaab.

Second, the Somali leadership, within the government and without, is categorically against the al-Shabaab’s agenda and the violence it is waging.  In their view, and mine, these are criminals doing criminal acts, and not representatives of Islam at all.  And while it is deeply unfortunate that the U.S. government dealt so poorly with the Islamic Courts Union in 2006, when they first emerged as a more mainstream and less violent movement, that is the past that cannot be undone.  What can be changed, however, is how we now engage the Somali government, its people, and its threats.

That path is clear; it is up to us to support it.  In meetings with Somalia’s Prime Minister, Ministers of Defense, Interior and National Security, and Foreign Affairs, as well as the Speaker of the Parliament and myriad members of the parliament, they discussed how the Shabaab can be dismantled on several fronts.  Whether it’s disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs and rigorous religious retraining and rehabilitation for former fighters — or, for future fighters, something more preventative like skills training and job placement to ensure that the Shabaab’s recruitment strategies (often a simple offer of a free cell phone) are ineffective – the West must be ready to reconsider how we prevent violence overseas because the current approach isn’t working.  We’re allowing new recruits to be swept up for something as simple as a cell phone.  Certainly we can do better.

Somalia needs America to do better. There’s incredible opportunity for engagement but we’re not seizing it, and, instead, sticking to our old ways in America’s so-called “war on terror.”   Ways that are military-focused, not socio-economically inclined, and engaging only segments of the population, not the disenfranchised and marginalized.  If we want to win over Somalis, an about-face is needed, and it is needed now.

This is a critical moment in Somalia’s national rebuild and we can help tip the scales towards something very positive.  But it requires a serious rethink on how we wage war.  In Somalia, a war on poverty and unemployment would go a lot farther in meeting our objectives than our current strategy – and for a lot less money.   The time for that rethink is now.

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Michael Shank, Ph.D., is director of foreign policy at the Friends Committee on National Legislation and Adjunct Faculty at George Mason University’s School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution.

Amanda Lindhout book reveals Somalia captivity despair

Amanda Lindhout, after a year of being starved, beaten and sexually brutalized in Somali captivity, says she was on the verge of suicide.

A House in the Sky, a memoir by Amanda 
Lindhout and Sara Corbett, describes 
Lindhout's traumatizing months as a captive in Somalia.

By: Chris Purdy The Canadian Press,  

After about a year of being starved, beaten and sexually brutalized, Amanda Lindhout decided it was time to kill herself.

The Alberta woman, taken hostage in Somalia in August 2008, says she reached her breaking point after spending three days trussed up like an animal, her hands and feet pulled so tightly behind her back that she could barely breathe.

When her captors did untie her, they told her it was only a reprieve. They promised to use the same torture technique on her again each day until they got their ransom money.

Left alone, Lindhout resolved she was better off dead. She would take a rusty razor to her wrists.

But as she held the blade in her hand, a small brown bird flew into the doorway of the room where she was being held. It hopped on the dirty floor, looked at her and flew away. It was the first bird she’d seen since shortly after she was taken.

“I’d always believed in signs … and now, when it most mattered, I’d had one,” she writes. “I would live and go home. It didn’t matter what came next or what I had to endure. I would make it through.”

In her memoir, set for release next month, the 32-year-old details the brutal 15 months she spent in captivity along with Australian photographer Nigel Brennan. A House in the Sky is co-written with Sara Corbett, a contributing writer with the New York Times Magazine.

The book reveals how Lindhout and Brennan’s families eventually gave up on the Canadian and Australian governments and co-ordinated the pair’s release themselves. The final price: $1.2 million.

About $600,000 went as ransom to the kidnappers, who had originally asked for $3 million. The rest was spent on other costs, including a $2,000-per-day fee for a private hostage negotiator.

The two families split the bill evenly. While Brennan’s family was more well off, Lindhout’s parents needed donations to come up with their half.

Lindhout admits she was naive, travelling to a dangerous country for the thrill of adventure. The former cocktail waitress had saved her tips to backpack around the world before turning to freelance journalism to further fund her travels.

On earlier travels to Afghanistan, she had sold a story to her hometown newspaper, the Red Deer Advocate, and some photos to an Afghanistan magazine. She decided to take a chance on heading to Somalia.

“The reasons to do it seemed straightforward. Somalia was a mess. There were stories there: a raging war, an impending famine, religious extremists and a culture that had been largely shut out of sight.”

She knew it was dangerous but hoped it would launch her career. She called Brennan, a former boyfriend, and invited him to take photos while she did TV news.

They had only been in Somalia a few days when they got into a hired car and headed for a refugee camp outside Mogadishu. On the way, they were snatched by armed men.

Lindhout later learned the group had been watching their hotel and were actually targeting a writer and a photographer working for National Geographic. The kidnappers were surprised to end up with her.

Lindhout and Brennan had entirely different experiences in captivity. Brennan was kept in a room with windows, furniture and books to read. Lindhout was holed up in a dark room with rats. It was simple: he was a man; she was a woman.


Back in Canada, Lindhout’s family feared she was being sexually assaulted, but Canadian officials assured them Muslims were unlikely to do such a thing. However, she says one captor did routinely force himself on her.

Things got worse when she and Brennan tried to escape in early 2009. They ran to a nearby mosque for refuge but some of their captors caught up with them. No one there would help, except one older woman.

She clung to Lindhout as the men dragged her hostage out. Lindhout says she later heard a gunshot; she never learned the fate of her helper.

The kidnappers blamed Lindhout for the escape, even though it had been Brennan’s idea. The next day, in a prayer room, they put a sheet over her head, stripped down her clothes and took turns violating her body.

In November 2009, Lindhout was told she and Brennan were being sold to a rival group. As they were being passed over to strangers, Lindhout clung to a car door and had to be pulled away, screaming.

Moments later she realized they were actually being rescued. A ransom had been paid.

Lindhout was taken to a hospital in Kenya. She had broken teeth, aching ribs from being kicked and a skin fungus across her face. Her hair was falling out. She was malnourished and had trouble walking because she had been shackled for so long. Back in Canada she underwent extensive treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder.

What kept her going for 459 days in captivity?

Lindhout writes she got through the most painful times by constructing, in her mind, a house in the sky where she got to eat whatever she wanted and embraced her friends and family.

She made a promise to herself that, if she were ever freed, she would try to honour the woman who tried to save her at the mosque. In 2010, she founded the non-profit Global Enrichment Foundation to help support education for women and girls in Somalia and Kenya.

Now living in Canmore, Alta., Lindhout says she still thinks about her kidnappers but tries not to hate them, recognizing they are products of a violent environment.

“Forgiving is not an easy thing to do. Some days it’s no more than a distant point on the horizon. … Some days I get there and other days I don’t.

“More than anything else, it’s what has helped me move forward with my life.”

Islamists Killed While in Custody, Egypt Confirms

Bryan Denton for The New York Times

Supporters of the deposed Egyptian president, Mohamed Morsi, marched in Cairo on Sunday, but several marches were scaled back or rerouted.

By ROD NORDLAND
CAIRO — The Egyptian government acknowledged that its security forces had killed 36 Islamists in its custody on Sunday, as the country’s military leaders and Islamists vowed to keep up their fight over Egypt’s future.

The deaths were the fourth mass killing of civilians since the military took control on July 3, but the first time so many had died while in government custody.

The news of the deaths came on a day when there appeared to be a pause in the street battles that had claimed more than 1,000 lives since Wednesday, most of them Islamists and their supporters gunned down by security forces. The Islamists took measures on Sunday to avoid further confrontations, including canceling several protests over the military’s ouster of a democratically elected Islamist-led government.

While confirming the killings of the detainees on Sunday, the Ministry of the Interior said the deaths were the consequence of an escape attempt by Islamist prisoners. But officials of the main Islamist movement, the Muslim Brotherhood, described the deaths as “assassinations,” and said that the victims, which it said numbered 52, had been shot and tear-gassed through the windows of a locked prison van.

The killings were the latest indication that Egypt is careering into uncharted territory, with neither side willing to back down, Egyptians increasingly split over the way forward and no obvious political solution in sight. The government is considering banning the Brotherhood, which might force the group underground but would not unravel it from the fabric of society it has been part of for eight decades.

Foreign governments also remain divided over the increasingly bloody showdown. United States officials said they had taken preliminary steps to withhold financial aid to the Egyptian government, though not crucial military aid, and the European Union announced Sunday that it would “urgently review” its relations with the country, saying the interim government bore the responsibility for bringing the violence to an end.

But the Egyptian military retains the support of the oil-rich states of the Persian Gulf, especially Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which have pledged billions in aid to the new government.

Although it appeared that security forces were more restrained on Sunday — with no immediate reports of killings in the streets — Maj. Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi, the country’s military leader, spoke out on national television in defiant and uncompromising tones, condemning the Islamists again as “terrorists,” but promising to restore democracy to the country.

The government has been pursuing a relentless campaign to paint the Islamists as a threat, and has increasingly lashed out at journalists who do not echo that line, especially the foreign news media.

Acknowledging but rejecting the widespread international criticism of the security force’s actions, the general said that “citizens invited the armed forces to deal with terrorism, which was a message to the world and the foreign media, who denied millions of Egyptians their free will and their true desire to change.”

The Muslim Brotherhood had announced that it would stage nine protest marches in and around Cairo on Sunday as part of its “week of departure” campaign that began Friday to protest the military’s deposing of the country’s first democratically elected president, Mohamed Morsi.

All but three of the marches were canceled, and even those that continued were rerouted to avoid snipers who were waiting ahead, along with bands of government supporters, the police and the military, some in tanks. The authorities, too, appeared to avoid aggressively enforcing martial law provisions, including a 7 p.m. curfew, that would have led to clashes with the protesters.

Protesters who gathered at the Al Rayyan mosque in the Maadi area of Cairo had aimed to march from there to the Constitutional Court, Egypt’s supreme court, whose chief justice, Adli Mansour, has been appointed interim president by the country’s military rulers.

Marching in the 100-degree late afternoon heat, the protesters were fatalistic about the threats they faced. Mohammad Abdel Tawab, who said his brother was killed Friday at Ramses Square, had heard the reports of pro-government snipers and gangs ahead. “They will kill us, I know, everybody knows, but it doesn’t matter,” he said.

A woman, Samira, dressed in an abaya with only her eyes visible, marched holding her 1-year-old daughter, Sama. “Whatever will happen to us, will happen,” she said. “God has written it already.”

Protest leaders, however, were more cautious, and repeatedly rerouted the march at the last moment to avoid confrontations, turning down narrow lanes where residents in upper stories sprayed them with water — it was not always clear whether the gesture was in support or in contempt.

In the last mile, the leader of the march, Mohammad Salwan, ordered everyone to get on the metro train for the final approach to the court, and then the protesters dissipated instead of trying to breach barricades set up by pro-military factions.

“We know there are snipers along the route, and we want to avoid losing any more lives,” he said.

Similarly, a protest in Giza was called off after it was threatened by military supporters, and the only other one to be held was in a strongly pro-Brotherhood area, Helwan, in south Cairo. Another march, to the presidential palace in Heliopolis, was also canceled.

“The leadership decided things were getting out of control and they couldn’t afford more casualties,” said a Brotherhood member who writes for one of the group’s publications and who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak for the organization.

Even on Saturday, which had seemed relatively quiet, 79 people were killed in violence around Egypt, according to the government press agency, MENA, in an announcement on Sunday. It provided few details.

Brotherhood leaders in particular have paid a heavy price, with the children of many top officials among the dead. They include Asmaa el-Beltagy, the daughter of a senior Brotherhood leader, Mohamed el-Beltagy, killed at Rabaa Square on Wednesday; Ammar Badie, 38, son of Brotherhood spiritual leader Mohamed Badie, shot during clashes on Friday in Ramses Square; Habiba Abd el-Aziz, 26, the daughter of Ahmed Abd el-Aziz, the media consultant to ousted President Morsi, killed at Rabaa from a bullet wound to the head on Wednesday; and the grandson of the movement’s founder.

There were scant details on the prison killings on Sunday, and no explanation for why the victims were inside a prison van and had reportedly taken a prison official hostage.

The Ministry of the Interior issued conflicting and confusing accounts of what had happened, at one point claiming the prisoners had taken a guard hostage, then saying militants had attacked the prison van to free the prisoners, who were killed in the process, and then saying tear gas being used to suppress the escape had caused the prisoners to suffocate. Later, the ministry claimed the deaths had happened in the prison, not in the van.

The violence came a day after a blistering speech in support of the Muslim Brotherhood by Turkey’s prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who likened Egypt’s military leader, General Sisi, to President Bashar al-Assad of Syria.

“There are currently two paths in Egypt: those who follow the pharaoh, and those who follow Moses,” he said. Speaking before the European Union’s announcement of a review of relations, he also criticized other countries’ position regarding the military government.

 “The Organization of the Islamic Conference and the European Union have no face left to look at in the mirror,” he said.

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Mayy El Sheikh, Kareem Fahim and David D. Kirkpatrick contributed reporting.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: August 18, 2013

An earlier version of this article misidentified Asmaa el-Beltagy, who was killed at Rabaa Square. She was the daughter, not the son, of a senior Muslim Brotherhood leader, Mohamed el-Beltagy.

Egypt bloodletting rages with Islamic militants killing 25 police in Sinai Peninsula

Egyptian army soldiers take out barbed wire that was surrounding the Supreme Constitutional Court in Cairo ahead of planned demonstrations, Aug. 18, 2013. Supporters of ousted president Mohamed Morsi canceled some Cairo marches today for 'security reasons', as the country's military chief vowed to face down violent protests following Egypt's bloodiest week in decades. / Getty

CAIRO - Islamic militants on Monday ambushed two mini-buses carrying off-duty policemen in the northern region of Egypt's Sinai Peninsula, killing 25 of them execution-style in a brazen daylight attack that deepens the turmoil roiling the country and underscores the volatility of the strategic region.


The killings, which took place near the border town of Rafah, came a day after 36 detainees were killed in clashes with security forces. In all, nearly 1,000 people have been killed in clashes between security forces and supporters of ousted President Mohammed Morsi since last Wednesday.

Tensions between the sides have been high since the army ousted Morsi in a July 3 coup, following days of protests by millions of Egyptians demanding the Islamist president leave and accusing him of abusing his powers.

But Morsi's supporters have fought back, staging demonstrations demanding that he be reinstated and denouncing the military coup.

How events play out in Cairo could largely determine whether Egypt can step back from the brink of chaos. It will also have significant bearing on the debate playing out in Washington over whether the U.S. government should end the lifeline of financial aid to Egypt's military. Of the $1.5 billion in aid the U.S. sends Egypt every year, $1.3 billion is earmarked for the country's security forces.

As CBS News correspondent Jeff Pegues reported on the CBS Evening News, there is increasing pressure on the Obama administration from within the Beltway to cut off that aid.

In an attempt to counter the perception of undue force by state security personnel, Egypt's Foreign Ministry accused the foreign media on Sunday of telling only half of the story, and handed out photos showing what it purported to be armed men among the pro-Morsi protesters. It was a clear attempt, reported CBS News correspondent Charlie D'Agata, to label the Muslim Brotherhood and other Morsi backers as terrorists.

On Wednesday, the military raided two protest camps of Morsi's supporters in Cairo, killing hundreds of people and triggering the current wave of violence.

Gen. Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi, the country's military chief, said Sunday that the crackdown, followed by a state of emergency and a nighttime curfew imposed in Cairo and several other flashpoint provinces, is needed to protect the country from "civil war." El-Sissi has vowed the military would stand firm in the face of the rising violence but also called for the inclusion of Islamists in the post-Morsi political process.

Sinai, a strategic region bordering the Gaza Strip and Israel, has been witnessing almost daily attacks since Morsi's ouster — leading many to link the militants there to the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamist group from which Morsi hails.

Egyptian military and security forces have been engaged in a long-running battle against militants in the northern half of the peninsula.

Al Qaeda-linked fighters, some of whom consider Morsi's Brotherhood to be too moderate, and tribesmen have used the area for smuggling and other criminal activity for years and have on occasion fired rockets into Israel and staged cross-border attacks. A year ago, 16 Egyptian border guards, a branch of the army, were slain in Sinai near the borders with Gaza and Israel in a yet unresolved attack that is widely blamed on militants.

In Monday's attack, the militants forced the two vehicles to stop, ordered the policemen out and forced them to lie on the ground before shooting them, the officials said. The policemen were in civilian clothes, said the officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the media. There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack, which also left two policemen wounded.

The officials initially said the policemen were killed when the militants fired rocket-propelled grenades at the two minibuses. Such confusion over details in the immediate aftermath of attacks is common. Egyptian state television also reported that the men were killed execution-style.

The killings, which took place near the border town of Rafah, compound Egypt's woes a day after police fired tear gas to free a prison guard from rioting detainees, killing at least 36.

The deaths of the 36 and the 25 policemen take to nearly 1,000 the number of people killed in Egypt since Wednesday's simultaneous assaults on two sit-in protest camps by supporters of Morsi.

In the deaths Sunday of the prisoners captured during clashes the past couple of days in Cairo, officials said detainees in one of the trucks transporting them had rioted and managed to capture a police officer inside. The detainees were in a prison truck convoy of some 600 prisoners heading to Abu Zaabal prison in northern Egypt.