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Tuesday, July 23, 2013

Royal baby: UK PM statement



Prime Minister David Cameron gave a statement from Downing Street after the Duchess of Cambridge gave birth to a baby boy.

The Prime Minister said:
It’s wonderful news from St Mary’s Paddington, and I’m sure that right across the country, and indeed right across the Commonwealth, people will be celebrating and wishing the Royal couple well. It is an important moment in the life of our nation, and I suppose above all it is a wonderful moment for a warm and loving couple who have got a brand new baby boy.
It’s been a remarkable few years for our Royal family - the Royal Wedding captured people’s hearts, the extraordinary and magnificent Jubilee and now this Royal birth. All to a family that has given this nation so much incredible service and they can know that a proud nation is celebrating with them a very proud, happy couple tonight.

PRESS STATEMENT - WAXAANU SOO DHAWAYNAYAAN IDAACADA QURAANKA KARIIMKA AH EE LAGA FURAY SOMALILAND


“inkastoo hirgalinta Idaacada Quraanka Kariimka ah ay uu sida fiinta uga sii qaylinayay Wasiirkii hore ee Warfaafinta Somaliland ayaa waxan is waydiiyay oo tolow ma ILAAHII abuuray ayay Mucaaridadii Siilaanyo la gashay Boobe” .......................Gudoomiyaha HORNWATCH




Date:                         22 July 2013

Subject:       Press Statement

Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika waxay si wayn u soo dhawaynayaan IDAACADA QURAANKA KARIIMKA AH ee uu Madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyada Somaliland Mud. Ahmed Mohamed Siilaanyo ka hirgaliyay taariikhda markii ugu horaysay caasimada Somaliland.
“Guul uu aadami suurtogaliyo tii ugu waynayd ayuu Madaxwayne Siilaanyo ka hirgaliyay dalka Somaliland taasi oo ah Idaacad FM ah oo  24 saacadood 7 maamlmood ee todobaadkii dadwaynuhu si joogto ah uga dhagaysanayaan Qawlka RABI koree oo nasahnaaye” sidaasi waxa yiri Gudoomiyaha Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika ee HornWatch Mr. Suleiman Ismail Bolaleh.

Isagoo hadalkiisa sii wata waxa uu yiri Mr. Bolaleh “inkastoo hirgalinta Idaacada Quraanka Kariimka ah uu sida fiinta uga sii qaylinayay Wasiirkii hore ee Warfaafinta Somaliland taasi oo aan anigu is waydiiyay oo tolow ma ILAAHII abuuray ayay Mucaaridadii Siilaanyo ula gashay Boobe mise .... waxa uu ka dhex arkay .....”.

Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika ee HornWatch waxay u aragtaa suurtogalinta Idaacada Quraanka Kariimka ah mid wax ku ool u ah dib u soo celinta dhaqanka suuban ee Islaamnimada ee guud ahaan mujtamaca, gaar ahaan waxay si aan la qiyaasi karin idaacadani wax uga taraysaa horumarinta barashada xifdiga Quraanka Kariimka ah iyo aqoonta faraha badan ee ku duugan, waxay kobcinaysaa guud ahaan Akhlaaqda wanaagsan, run sheegnimada, amaano xafidka mujtamaceena.

Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika ee HornWatch, waxay EEBE uga baryaysaa Madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyada iyo dhamaan cid kasta oo hirgalinteeda kala qaybqaadatay ka hirgalinta Idaacada Quraanka Kariimka ah dalka Somaliland in uu RABI ajar iyo xasanaad ugu bedelo, ugana dhigo sahay ay si fudud kaga gudbaan Jidka Siraad maalinta xisaabta wayn ee Aakhiro.

Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika ee HornWatch waxay ku dhiirigalinaysaa xukuumada Somaliland in ay magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland ka hirgaliyaan idaacadan oo kale, sidoo kale waxanu ugu baaqaynaa Ganacsatada Somaliland in lacagtooda ku iibsadaan inta aanay dhiman ka hor Janadda EEBE oo ay qaybo ka mid ah maaliyada ILAAHAY siiyay ku bixiyaan sidii looga hirgalin lahaa Idaacado Quraanka Kariimka ah Gobolada iyo Magaalooyinka dalka ee wali dhegaysiga Idaacada Quraanka Kariimka ahi aanay gaadhin.

ILAAHAY AYAY MAHADI U SUGNAATAY
Suleiman Ismail Bolaleh
Gudoomiyaha
Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika (HornWatch)

Maamulka Axmed-Siilaanyo ee Somaliland - Qalinkii: Ibraahin Yuusuf Axmed ”Hawd”

Danta xisbiyada laga yeeshaa haddii ay tahay dimuqraadiyadayn, dawladnimo wanaag iyo xaqsoor, oo ay tahay in ay weel u noqdaan aragtiyaha iyo danaha ka la duduwan ee qaybaha bulshada, kuwa Somaliland iyaga ayaa sabab u noqda qabyaaladda iyo qaybinta dadweynaha, waayo fikir kale oo ay ku dhisan yihiin baan jirin.




Sannadkii 1992 ummad caydhowday oo wada qaawan oo qori garabka u saaran mooyee aan wax kale haysan baa dawladnimada Somaliland laga dhex yagleelay. Haddana fawdo iyo colaad lagu ka la irdhoobay baa maamul dhab u shaqaynaya loo gudbiyay. Haddana reero qabyaaladaysan iyo afmiishaarro bahaloobay baa hannaan dimuqraadiyadeed laga suurtageliyay oo habsami iyo nabad madaxnimada lagu la ka la wareegay. Hawlahaasi ma ay fududayn ee mar walba arrintu waxa ay saarrayd mindi jirjirkeed. Maantana maamulka jira waxaa laga sugayaa dawladnimadaa in uu sii ambaqaado oo waxa ka dhiman ku kordhiyo. Taas ayaa noqon lahayd tallaabadii ugu dambaysay ee lagu gaadhi lahaa maamul wanaag, caddaalad iyo xasillooni bulsheed oo buuxda.

Madaxweyne Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud ”Siilaanyo” iyo jaalleyaashiisa Kulmiye waa la ogaa wixii ay qoob iyo qaylo dalka ku waaleen xilligii ay Rayaale iyo Udub talada hayeen. Eedaha iyo foolxumada ay sheegi jireen soohdin ma lahayn. Dacwad ay joogto carrabka ugu hayn jireen waxa ay ahayd garsoorkii iyo hantidhawrkii in ay xukuumadda ku milmeen, sidaa darteed dulimiga iyo musuqu faraha ka baxeen. Tu kale ha joogtee taasi runtood bay ahayd. Waxaa kale oo run ah maantaba taa in aan waxba iska beddelin. Wax waliba waa tabtii ay ugu yimaaddeen. Maanta madaxweynaha iyo wasiirradiisa yaa la xisaabtama? Marka ay xilkooda iyo hantida yare ee umadda ku tagrifalaan awooddee baa qabata ama qaban karta? Sidaas ayay ahaanaysaa ilaa la helayo hay’ado dawladeed oo xukuumadda ka madaxbannaan.

Dhaqanka siyaasadeed ee Somaliland sidiisaba waxaa ku jira laba cilladood oo ragaadiyay. Ta hore waa bulshada oo aan ka la garanayn dawlad iyo reer, cudurkaas oo siyaasiga xumi weligiiba ku shaqaysto isaga oo ay la tahay in ay tol’la’ayda ugu badinayso. Ta labaadna waa hay’adihii dawladnimada oo isugu urursan golaha fulinta (xukuumadda), golahaas oo ay awoodda oo dhami gacanta ugu jirto. Garsoorka iyo hantidhawrka oo ah laba tiir oo aanay la’aantood dawladnimo hagaagsani suurtoobi karin maanta Somaliland laga ma yaqaan, haddii ay jiraanna ma aha wax xukuumadda ka madaxbannaan. Inta aanay labadaasi awood iyo madaxbannaani lahayn laga ma yaabo in la helo dawladnimo hagaagsan, ama in musuqmaasuqa laga baxo, ama xaqsoor la helo.

Bulshaduna dhaqanka caynkaas ah ayay qaayibtay oo maalinba kooxda talada haysa ayaa ah “dawladda”, kooxdaas ayaana dalka waxa ay doonto ka samaysa. Muwaaddinku waxa uu xabsiga ku galaa telefoon nin siyaasi ahi diro. Wargeyska sidii Xiddigta Oktoobar noqon waayaa waa xaraan. Khasnadda qaranka iyo jeebka siyaasigu waa isku mid qudha. Madaxweynuhuna waa ilaah la caabudo iyo sheyddaanka la iska naaro isku mar qudha iyada oo labada jeerba lagu qiimaynayo maskax garashadeedu liidato.

Bilawgii waxaa wax lagu soo dhisay habka tolnimada iyo hiddihii soojireenka ahaa. Berigaa dad baa moodayay in ay tahay si badownimo ah oo aan dawladnimo ku shaqayn karin. Guul bay se dhashay oo maanta shisheeye iyo sokeeyaba waxaa la isla qiray fikraddaasi in ay ahayd mid kudayasho u leh Afrikada burburtay oo dhan. Ha ahaatee maalintaaba qof waliba wuu garan karayay in ay tahay xaalad kumeelgaadh ah oo laga bixi doono. Mar uun bay garashada qummani diidi doontaa dawladnimo casri ah in aan lagu wadi karin ”reer hebelow waa idinku intaa annaga waa nagu intan”.Laba iyo labaatan sannadood ka dib arrintu weli waxa ay taagan tahay bartii laga soo unkay. Waxa qudha ee soo kordhay waa ururrada siyaasadeed oo qudhoodu tolal ku wada tiirsan.

Danta xisbiyada laga yeeshaa haddii ay tahay dimuqraadiyadayn, dawladnimo wanaag iyo xaqsoor, oo ay tahay in ay weel u noqdaan aragtiyaha iyo danaha ka la duduwan ee qaybaha bulshada, kuwa Somaliland iyaga ayaa sabab u noqda qabyaaladda iyo qaybinta dadweynaha, waayo fikir kale oo ay ku dhisan yihiin baan jirin. Dadka xisbiyada ku wada jiraa ma laha aragti midaysa aan ahayn in ay madaxnimada wadajir u ugaadhsadaan. Haddii wax kale oo mideeyaa jiri lahaayeen qofku sida xoolo baadi ah marba dhan u ma tasoobeen ee xisbiga ay isku fikirka yihiin buu ku ekaan lahaa. Fariidnimada ugu weyni maanta waa in ay dhawr nin oo ka la reero ahi calan xisbi isku wada sawiraan si ay u qaldaan bulshada miskiinadda ah ee indhaheedu ina hebelkooda uun garanayaan. Wax kale oo meesha yaallaa ma jiraan. Udub oo ahaa xisbigii ugu adkaa waxa uu jiray oo keliya intii ay kooxdiisu talada haysay, maalintii xilka laga wareejiyay ayuuna nin waliba reerkoodii u carraabay. Ifafaalaha Kulmiye ka muuqdaana kaa ka ma duwana. Doorashadooda soo socota haddii ay isla dhaafaan ayay nasiib lee yihiin.

Dawladnimada sidaa u aragga xun nin wal oo maanta hoggaamiye ka noqda hawl weyn baa hor taalla. Haddana dhanka kale madaxnimada xilligan waxaa ku jirta fursad taariikheed oo wanaagsan, waayo waxa aad reebi kartaa raad iyo waxqabad qiimi leh oo lagugu xusuusto. Haddii halkaa laga eego Axmed-Siilaanyo dharaartii uu xilka la wareegay guul baa u dagatay. Waa ruugcaddaa aan Geeska Afrika oo dhan cidina ugu aqoon iyo waayo’aragnimo badnayn dawladnimo waxa ay tahay. Sidaa darteed qabyada iyo cudurrada jira oo dhan wuu ka dheregsanaa. Wax walba in lagu bixiyo in la ka la furfuro tolnimada iyo dawladnimada, iyo hirgelinta hay’adaha dawladnimada isu dheellitira, ayaa ah labada waajib ee ugu horreeya waxqabadka laga sugayay.

Axmed-Siilaanyo in uu garsoorka iyo hantidhawrka curyaansan dhaqaajiyo ilaa imika Ilaahay ma waafajin. Mar haddii aanay taasi dhicin wax waliba waxa ay isaga socdaan sidii xumayd ee uu ugu yimid. Musuqmaasuqa aan cidina ka xisaabtami karin, ku tumashada xorriyadda muwaaddinka iyo batraannimadii siyaasigu weli waa tabtii. Weli se waqti buu haystaa. Inta xilligiisa ka hadhay ma ku dhacaa taabbagelinta hay’ado dawladeed oo hawlahooda u madaxbannaan, gaar ahaan garsoor iyo hantidhawr masuuliyiinta la xisaabtami kara? Ma ka badbaadi karaa muddada xilkiisa in aanu ku dhammaysan in uu madaxweyne uun iska ahaado dabadeed wax walba sidoodii kaga tago ee wax looga aayo ka tago? Wayddiintaasi macno weyn bay u lee dahay taariikhda Somaliland iyo ta qof ahaaneed ee Axmed-Siilaanyo labadaba.

Rabadaan wanaagsan!

Monday, July 22, 2013

Ethiopia: Nile Insurance Sold Bank of Abyssinia Shares 224% their Par Value


 

Bank of Abyssinia shares auctioned by Nile Insurance S.C has attracted bid 224 percent above their par value. Nile Insurance S.C is disposing shares it owned in the bank following a 2008 law which caps the maximum amount of shares a shareholder can hold in a bank to 5 percent of the bank's capital.

In a bid to comply with the law, Nile Insurance, is reducing its shares worth 49.2 million Ethiopian birr to 31.5 million birr by offering for sale 708,704 shares. The National Bank of Ethiopia has set a three year timetable, which will expire in August 2013, for "influential Share holders" to reduce their interest to the maximum amount required by the law.

The starting price for the 360,000 Bank of Abyssinia shares owned by Nile Insurance was set at 40 birr inclusive of 60 percent of premium added by the insurance company. When bids were opened six weeks ago, the average offer was 46 birr per share.

With the absence of secondary share market in Ethiopia to determine the value of share, financial institutions have recently started to determine the amount of premium to add to the par value by assessing the assets of the bank and demand from outsider.

Over 20 bidders made offer above the average price during the current auction. Financial institutions also take the offer received through auction as an indicator of the market value of the shares.

"The gap between the amount the highest bidder offered for a share and the face value is a good indicator of the positive perception potential shareholders have towards the banks financial standing" Dawit G. Amanuel, CEO of Nile Insurance, told Fortune.

Satisfied with the previous action, Nile has floated another batch of 551,894 shares this past week, with a value of 13 million birr. The bid is expected to be opened on July 31, 3013.

Source: Fortune

Somaliland: a fragile corner of peace


An roadside independence monument in Hargeisa shows a fist holding up the map of Somaliland. The lack of international recognition has lead to robust yet lopsided growth. Photo: Aman Sethi
Hargeisa - Somaliland is fascinating experiment in minimalist state building. Down the street the porter walked, wheelbarrow piled high with thick wads of Somaliland shillings held together with elastic bands. Along the pavements, tea-sipping money traders sat behind similar stacks of wealth, trading shillings for dollars, pounds, euros and even slivers of gold.

The shilling is the official currency of the self-proclaimed sovereign Republic of Somaliland; but the currency, much like the republic, is yet to be recognized by any country in the world. The 3.5 million residents of this breakaway territory along the Gulf of Aden carry a veritable currency basket in their pockets – personal savings are in dollars, but shopping is in shillings.

The money traded on the streets, residents say, is a testament to the safety and security of their town.

On May 18 1991, the northern province of Somaliland broke away from Somalia. Somalia was torn apart by two decades of internecine violence, but in Somaliland, clan elders set about assembling their own nation state with an elected government at the capital in Hargeisa, a judiciary, a nominally independent central bank with a national currency, and relative security.

Twenty two years on, international isolation has resulted in a stilted economy without a formal banking or energy sector, but a robust money transfer industry, high cell phone penetration, and reasonably fast internet.

Hargeisa is a dusty town of about a million residents, its streets peaceful, bazaars raucously decorated in the red, green and white colours of the flag, and supermarkets stocked with milk from Saudi Arabia, chicken from Brazil, and iPhones from Dubai.

While Somalia has been ravaged by clan conflict, Somaliland is controlled by an uneasy alliance of the majority Isaaq clan and several smaller groups. A clique of business families have created a minimalist state confined to providing security and stability for a fast growing private sector that has created significant wealth for some, even as more than half the urban population and a quarter of the rural population rely on foreign remittances to make ends meet.

“When our first president came he didn’t have a pencil on his desk, nor a paper,” said Abdulkader Hashi, a former petroleum engineer who returned from the Kuwait oilfields to set up The Mansoor, Hargeisa’s biggest hotel.

Mr. Hashi mobilized the Somaliland diaspora, telling his friends, “Give money to the government, bring your goods and we’ll waive customs duty. We bought the stationery, knocked on the door of the President and said, let your people go to work. We opened offices, police stations, we paid them. We called judges, put them in office, paid them.”

Driven by clans of currency, spectrum, a Somali state thrives

The Shilling is the official currency of Somaliland, but is not recognized by any other country. Most residents keep their money in dollars, and buy shillings from the street. Photo: Aman Sethi

Across town from Hargeisa’s money exchange market is a large green building that looks and acts very much like a bank, but isn’t one. Dahabshiil is Africa’s largest money transfer company and has 24,000 agents in 144 countries; its operational headquarters are in Hargeisa, and the company is one of the cabal of businesses keeping Somaliland together.

A recent study by the FAO estimates that Somalia, including Somaliland, receives “a minimum of $ 1.2 billion per year” as remittances, compared to international aid that averaged $ 834 million a year between 2007 and 2011. Most of the money remitted, the study found, was spent on food and household expenditure like school fees and medical expenses. A recent decision by Barclay’s bank in London to withdraw banking services for companies like Dahabshiil has prompted an international advocacy campaign to protect remittance dependent families in the Horn of Africa.

Dahabshiil is the largest money transfer agency in Africa. A recent study estimates Somalia receives at least $ 1.2 billion a year from its diaspora. Photo: Aman Sethi
“You can walk into a Dahabshiil office anywhere in the world, give the name, location and contact number of the intended recipient and the money is transferred instantly,” said Amina Issa, a Dahabshiil spokesperson. The company also provides payroll services for the Somalia operations of international organisations like the United Nations.

“There is no commercial banking system here,” said Ms. Issa, “So we offer our customers a basic deposit account for keeping money safe.” The account comes with a chequebook for $5 and an ersatz debit card that works with select retailers, but offers no interest on savings.

A banking law is expected soon, but for now there are no regulations to govern Dahabshiil’s operations in Somaliland, no minimum cash reserve ratios, depositors insurance, or loan regulations. In a recent survey by the Somaliland National Industry Association, 90 percent of respondents identified the lack of institutional finance as the most critical challenge facing new enterprises.

“If you are on the inside, it is easy to get capital on an informal, family basis,” said a local businessman, “But if you are on the outside, it is impossible to raise money.”

Dahabshiil, however, is in the enviable position of holding depositor’s money at zero interest with no regulations to govern how the money is invested. The company has since opened its own bank in Djibouti, launched SomTel, a cellular service across Somaliland, and continues to run its own general trading arm.

As the biggest source of dollars in Somaliland, Dahabshiil plays a role in keeping the exchange rate at 6500 Somaliland shillings to the dollar. This gives the company an unusual edge when trading across currencies.

“When there is a dollar shortage, we borrow dollars from Dahabshiil and inject them into the market. If there are excess dollars, we buy them using shillings,” said Abdilahi Hassan Aden, Director General of the Somaliland Central Bank. The Central Bank, Mr. Aden said, relies on companies like Dahabshiil for dollars because no international body recognizes the Somaliland shilling.


A recent study estimates Somalia receives at least $ 1.2 billion a year from its diaspora. More than half Somaliland's urban population and a quarter of rural residents rely on remmitances for basic needs. Photo: Aman Sethi
There is no formal currency exchange in Hargeisa, so when the shilling fell to 7500 to the dollar, Hargeisa residents said bank officials drove down to the money exchange with a vehicle full of dollars. “They made a mistake,” said one irate businessman, “They started selling shillings first. We had to tell them to stop.”

In 1996, Abdikarim Dirie gave up his job as an accountant in Toronto and returned to Hargeisa to manage his family business. “At the time, we only had fixed telephones in Somaliland and so I saw an opportunity,” he said.

In 2000, Mr. Dirie set up TeleSom as a shareholder company and raised money through his network of investors, including the Djibouti-based Salaam Group that has the same telecom, banking, and money transfer profile as Dahabshiil.

“We relied on expatriates initially. Very expensive, very difficult to persuade them to come here, the city was just emerging from the war,” Mr. Dirie said, describing how he built the company, “In 2002… we succeeded in training local staff to replace the expatriates. It was a major turning point.”

Today, TeleSom is the largest cellular operator and private sector employer in Somaliland with 1 million subscribers and a staff of 1800. Somaliland has amongst the lowest call rates in the world and 85 percent of the territory is connected to the cellular grid.

There is no telecom regulator to monitor tariffs or auction out spectrum. Instead, the Somaliland Association of Telecom Operators (SATO) regulates the industry. Two years ago, SATO retroactively assessed how many subscribers each company had and formalized their spectrum accordingly.

“I called all the operators to my office and discussed all the spectrum we have. When we agreed on the spectrum, I assigned each company a frequency, and all these documents were then sent to the ministry,” said Yusuf Ahmed Omar Hashi, SATO’s Secretary General, describing how the telecom operators divided the spectrum amongst themselves.

By fixing the price of spectrum, this fraternal dialogue reduced the fixed costs of setting up a cellular service and could explain Somaliland’s low call tariffs. But this could also explain why the Somaliland government is perennially cash strapped. SATO members point out that they pay corporate taxes and an annual license fee but declined to reveal the respective amounts.

SATO also failed to hammer out an inter-operability agreement between networks, so it very cheap to call within a network but prohibitively expensive to call a rival. A call between Somtel number and Telesom numbers are treated as international calls and routed via satellite.

In private conversations, Somaliland’s businessmen puzzle over a disjointed economy that is intensively competitive like in the telecom sector, yet riddled with glaring market failures like the telcos’ refusal to connect their networks.

International recognition, and its attendant benefits, is still many years away as international agencies like the AU and the UN are invested in the idea of a united Somalia.

In the meantime, clan elders and investors realize that the booming remittance industry indicates that the domestic economy has failed to produce employment. The money traders and their cash piles are feeling the pressure of a recession in Europe and the changing demographics of the Somali diaspora.

“The remittances will last another ten years at most,” said Mohammed Igeh, an energy investor who recently returned from Norway, “I have been sending money home to my parents, but my daughters in Norway? No way. They were born there, they live there. They don’t even know anyone in this country.”

Source: The Hindu

Genel decides risk is worth it searching for oil in Somaliland


Tony Hayward, chief executive of Genel Energy, is sanguine about the risk
By Tim Webb

Finding oil could be the least of Genel Energy’s problems. If the explorer fronted by Tony Hayward finds as much of the black stuff as it expects to, it may find itself in the middle of several territorial disputes in one of the world’s most volatile regions.

Next year Genel will drill its first wells in Somaliland, the breakaway East African territory that declared independence from Somalia more than 20 years ago after a bloody civil war.

The prize could be huge. At 40,000 sq km, its acreage in the nation is biggest than the whole of the Kurdish region. 

Genel decides risk is worth it searching for oil in Somaliland: Finding oil could be the least of Genel Energy’s problems. If the explorer fronted by Tony Hayward finds as much of the black stuff as it expects to, it may find itself in the middle of several territorial disputes in one of the world’s most volatile regions.

Mary Harper: Somalia's lifeline under threat

Mary Harper: Somalia's lifeline under threat: Sending money to Somalia: a personal experience Whenever I want to send money from the UK to friends in Somalia, I go into a little s...

Witness - Sisters of Somalia


Asha Hagi Elmi is a humanitarian activist, internationally recognised for her work helping to build peace and defend the rights of women in Somalia. Witness journeys with Asha to the refugee camps of Mogadishu, swelled to bursting point in 2011 by tens of thousands of Somalis fleeing drought and the threat of famine

Sunday, July 21, 2013

Somalia - Al Shabaab 'Infiltrates' Intelligence Services in Mogadishu: UN


Mogadishu — The UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea's new annual report to the UN Security Council portrays a harrowing picture of security institutions in Mogadishu, where senior government officials are allegedly working in cohorts with Al Shabaab militants, further destabilizing Mogadishu's fragile security, Garowe Online reports.

The UN investigators found that the Somali government officials in Mogadishu "use Al Shabaab agents", adding that the "Monitoring Group has received information relating to the infiltration of Al-Shabaab networks into the National Intelligence and Security Agency of Somalia," according to the UN report, issued to the UN Security Council in New York earlier this month.

Continuing, the UN reports raises particular concern regarding the role of former director of NISA, Mr. Ahmed Mo'alim Fiqi nominated by former TFG President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, and the report says that Mr. Fiqi who resigned in March 2013 as director of NISA "enjoys a close relationship with Al Shabaab".

"Senior TFG officials have voiced concerns that Fiqi used Al-Shabaab agents to target political opponents within the government. One senior security official that worked with Fiqi informed the Monitoring Group that several Al-Shabaab suspects he arrested claimed to be working as agents for Fiqi," the UN report states.

Al Shabaab's infiltration in Mogadishu was partly aided by former TFG President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed's unexplained decision to release "more than 200 Al Shabaab prisoners" in Mogadishu, in August 2012. By September 12, 2012, "two of the suicide bombers involved in the attack on the Jazira Hotel in Mogadishu on 12 September 2012, when President Hassan Sheikh was addressing his first press conference as President, were former prisoners who had been released in August," the report notes.

Moreover, the report condemns the role of a certain Mr. Artan Abdi Ibrahim (Artan Bidar), "a known security consultant in Mogadishu who has provided private security protection for Government officials but who has been also identified by senior security officials as an agent for Al-Shabaab," the report says.


The report accuses Mr. Artan Bidar of engaging in "contract killings" and that he is under investigation since 2012 by security services "for the alleged assassination of at least several individuals in Mogadishu". Continuing, the report notes, "In addition to independently providing assassins for contract killings, Artan Bidar coordinates with Al-Shabaab hit squads through family connections with Ali Dheere," the spokesman for Al Shabaab militants, with whom Artan Bidar shares clan affiliation.

Somali government forces, aided by AMISOM peacekeepers successfully removed Al Shabaab military component from Mogadishu, but Al Shabaab militants continue to carry out targeted assassinations and devastating bomb attacks. Last week, the militants are suspected of fatally shooting Deputy Commissioner of Mogadishu's Yaaqshiid district, Ms. Rahmo Dahir.

On April 14, at least 20 people were killed when Al Shabaab militants raided Mogadishu's courthouse; again on June 19, at least 22 persons including four foreigners were killed in a daring Al Shabaab attack on a U.N. compound in Mogadishu.

Somaliland: National Political Parties Registration and Verification Committee declares political consultative council illegal




Take disciplinary measures against chairman, they advice UCID
 

By M.A.Egge

The national political parties registration and verification committee (NPPR&VC) have categorically termed null and void the legality of the recently announced formation of a national consultative council by opposition members.

In an official press released the NPPR&VC said the consultative council had no room in the legal status of national organizations in the country hence they advised the UCID political party to take legal steps and act accordingly with their chairman’s misdemeanor for being a prime member of the illegal entity.
The committee clarified that Articles 9, 22 and 32 of the constitutional laws of the land was clear on political organizational regulations. These, they said, were further vividly expounded by laws number 14 and 20 of the land.

It is on the fundamental basis of the said rules that the NPPRXVC declared the organization as an illegal one hence thus gave advice on reprimanding the UCID boss through applicable disciplinary measures.
All the seven members of the committee signed the press statement.
They are:
  1. Abdirizak Jama Omar
  2. Aden Gedi Qayat
  3. Omar Hassan Ahmed
  4. Hassan Ahmed Duale
  5. Mohammed Abdi Malik
  6. Ismael Abdi Ali
  7. Abdalla Ibrahim Mohammed