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Monday, July 8, 2013

Somalia: UN envoy decries journalist’s murder, underscores need for press freedom


Stop killing journalists. Photo: UNESCO

8 July 2013 – The United Nations envoy in Somalia today underscored the importance of protecting journalists and defending press freedom, following the killing of a television reporter on Sunday.
Libaan Abdullahi Farah ‘Qaran,’ a reporter for Kalsan TV based in Gaalkacyo, the capital of the north-central region of Mudug, was reportedly shot dead while returning home from work.

Nicholas Kay, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative and head of the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM), expressed his heartfelt condolences to the family and friends of the deceased, and to all media professionals in Somalia.

“UNSOM is dedicated to working with Somali authorities to strengthen the security and justice sectors in order to ensure that Somalia is safe and that perpetrators of violent crime are brought to justice,” he stated in a news release.

Mr. Kay also noted that this is a “politically tense” period in Puntland ahead of local elections, and he called for restraint on the part of all political actors.

UNSOM said the latest killing brings to five the number of journalists murdered this year in Somalia, which continues to be one of the most dangerous places in the world to be a media professional.

EU condemns human rights abuses in Djibouti



The European Parliament has condemned the excessive use of force against opposition members who were demonstrating in Djibouti, PANA reported Monday, quoting a resolution from the parliamentarians.

In the resolution, the EU parliament urged Djiboutian authorities to halt their repression against opposition members and free all those detained for political reasons.

It called for an investigation into cases of human rights violations in the country.

The European MPs also condemned the sexual abuses on women while demanding that authorities of the East African country should guarantee the right for peaceful protests and freedom of the press.

"If Djiboutian authorities continue to violate rights of their citizens, then they are exposed to sanctions from the European bloc in line with the Cotonou Agreement," the statement warned

Militant’s capture creates problem for Somalia

By Katrina Manson in Nairobi
Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys

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The capture of a senior al-Qaeda-linked Islamist in Somalia may seem like a fresh victory for the western-backed government. But the arrest of Hassan Dahir Aweys, the spiritual leader of al-Shabaab, late in June has presented the fragile administration with a difficult dilemma.

In recent years, UN-backed African troops have pushed al-Shabaab militants out of the capital Mogadishu, increasing hopes for stability in a country known for piracy and terrorism and torn apart by civil war for nearly 20 years.

Now international diplomats want Mr Aweys to face justice in court, either in Somalia or elsewhere, for his alleged role in suicide bombings and terror attacks in the Horn of Africa. “We believe Aweys should be brought to justice,” Brian Phipps, acting special representative for Somalia for the US, told the Financial Times.

But the government in Mogadishu fears this will destabilise a fragile peace. “It is a nightmare. I wish we had not got him,” a senior government official told the FT. “We are risking attack from al-Shabaab; we are risking attack from the clan,” he said. The weak and isolated government relies on support from Mr Aweys’ clan, which has complained about the handling of the case.

Officials in the Mogadishu government have suggested Mr Aweys could be sent to the Gulf state of Qatar, a nation that has funded Islamists in the past, including Mr Aweys. Qatar is home to a Taliban representative office, with the aim of facilitating talks between the Afghan militants and the west. It is not clear under what conditions Qatar would accept Mr Aweys or if indeed it would. Officials in Qatar could not be reached for comment.

In any case, Mr Aweys, listed by both the UN and the US as a terrorist since 2001, is subject to a UN travel ban and cannot leave Somalia. The UN’s Somalia envoy, Nick Kay, said “the decision is for the Somalis” but urged the president and leadership to comply with Security Council resolutions that prevent him from travelling.

Though Somalia is in theory bound by the travel ban, there are possible temporary exceptions to it. Mr Aweys – in his late 70s with a distinctive orange-dyed beard – remains under house arrest by Somali intelligence service, on what officials said were doctors’ orders.

“[Next week] what will happen is interrogation or investigation or questioning will start and from then on all options are on the table,” said Abdirahman Omar Osman Yarisow, spokesman for the president. “If he starts to choose the path of peace, then he has to renounce violence and ask forgiveness of the people and then ... make a decision to apply for an exemption [to the travel ban] to travel due to health reasons.”

Citing health grounds could help the Security Council justify lifting the travel ban temporarily, officials said. Any suspension or movement to Qatar would probably come with conditions restricting his movement and political activity.

“I wouldn’t be surprised if the US was prepared to be pragmatic about this; having him in a gilded cage in Qatar is better than having him roaming around at large in Somalia. He’d effectively be neutralised; this takes him out of play,” said Matt Bryden, Somali expert and director of Sahan Research think-tank.

Mr Aweys fled for his life last month after splits within al-Shabaab turned violent. Members of his clan then tried to secure his safe passage to Mogadishu. But on arrival in the capital, those accompanying him were beaten by government security forces and Mr Aweys was arrested.

The government holds little sway beyond the capital over which it claims authority and the nature of his arrest could reignite tensions within an administration that relies on support from Mr Aweys’ clan.

“Aweys doesn’t have a large number of supporters or followers. He’s a marginal player but circumstances have propelled him back to centre stage. Now [his clan] is up in arms, whether they like Aweys or not, against the government and the way they feel the government has handled his case,” said Mr Bryden.

Officials are also mindful of the fact that the treatment of Mr Aweys may influence the behaviour of other senior recent al-Shabaab defectors, notably Mukhtar Robow. Mr Robow, who is still at large, fought in Afghanistan.

Despite the splits in al-Shabaab, it is unclear that the movement has been weakened by the infighting. Hardline leader Ahmed Abdi Godane, who favours international jihad over the others’ more nationalist agenda, has successfully ousted the pragmatists. But consolidating his power over a more isolated extremist movement may make fundraising and recruitment harder.

“[Aweys] is another piece off the chess board but he was never really a danger anyway – the queen’s still on the board,” said one official in the Somali government, referring to Mr Godane.

Additional reporting by Simeon Kerr

Ethiopia To Build Africa's Tallest Building: Chuan Hui International Tower and Park Hyatt Addis Ababa to have 99 floors



Chuan Hui International Tower and Park Hyatt Addis Ababa
Press Release

Guangdong Chuanhui Group, a private Chinese developer has announced plan to build  Africa’s tallest building by 2017 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.  The site for the Chuanhui International Tower, 99-story office-hotel tower, is around the Addis Ababa Exhibition Center. The developer says it has acquired the 41,000 sq meter lot and the building plans have been approved.

Guangdong Chuan Hui Group is delighted to announce new details about the projects being developed in Ethiopia in general and the Chuan Hui International Tower in Addis Ababa in particular. After negotiations with the Addis Ababa Municipal Authority the Chuan Hui group has secured 41,000 sq m of land in Urael district for the construction of the hotel complex. At the meeting, Mr. Yanlin Liu expressed the future blueprint for Sino-Ethiopian Chuanhui Investment Holding Group: first, to establish the Chuanhui Industry Zone---the largest cement production zone in Ethiopia.

Chuanhui Industry Zone will expand another twenty hectors of the land based on the previous forty hectors. The total area for the Industry Zone will reach sixty hectors. Besides the self-built cement plant, it will continue to attract foreign investors and foreign capitals to expand the scale the cement production as far as possible; second, to build the Park Hyatt Addis Ababa hotel which will become the landmark in Ethiopia.

The area of the land is around fifty thousand square meters. Once the Park Hyatt Addis Ababa is completed, it will provide and create working opportunities for local people and will also promote the development of local tourism; third, to build the biggest Diesel Generator Supply-Maintenance Center in Ethiopia.

Guangdong Chuanhui Group has reached the cooperative agreement with Shandong Zibo Diesel Generator Corporation; forth, to build the Automotive Supply and Maintenance Center. Guangdong Chuanhui Group will cooperate with JAC Group to explore the automotive market. Fifth, Guangdong Chuanhui group will again collaborate with Hyatt Corporation to build the Hyatt Regency hotel in the new Addis Ababa Exhibition Center.

The Chuan Hui International Tower will have 99 floors and rise to a total height of 448 meters currently under consideration, as per the revised plans. Under these new plans, floors 78 to 94 will be occupied by 217 rooms, all of five star quality. The hotel will be managed by the Park Hyatt hotel group. Floors 3 to 55 will be premium office space. The Park Hyatt Addis Ababa will have at least five restaurants, with Chinese cuisine, Ethiopian cuisine, Italian cuisine, and Modern cuisine being represented, as well as a coffee shop and cafe. There are possible plans for a revolving, or at least roof top, restaurant and lounge.

The 2600 m2 of conference space will include a plenary hall, a Grand Ballroom and many conference and breakout rooms. Also planned are 10000m of garden grounds, and a 1100-spot underground parking garage. We are currently considering naming the building the Meles Zenawi International Centre, in tribute the the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The three ground levels and two basement levels will have 27000 m2 of retail space, accommodating around 60 stores, such as Woolworth's, Nando's, Nakumatt, Kaldi's Coffee, and several other luxury international brands. As a public service, a 1500 m2 library will included in the project. With the Addis Ababa Exhibition Center, we hope the Chuan Hui International Tower will be the keystones of the Urael New Area.

Guangdong Chuan Hui Science and Technology Development Group Co., Ltd., founded in 1989, referred to as Chuan Hui Group, one of the Guangdong Province of the earliest private group companies. Our company was established in 1990, when registered as "Chuan Hui Industrial Co., Ltd.; 1992, with the development of new, registered as" Chuan Hui Industrial Development Co., Ltd.; 1993, the formal establishment of a dubbed the place where name and level of Huiyang County, Sichuan Hui Enterprise Group, December 1994, the company approved as a provincial private sector, Guangdong Province Chuan Hui Enterprise Group was registered in December of that year. 1999, officially renamed as "Chuan Hui, Guangdong Science and Technology Development Group Co., Ltd., has been in use ever since.




Bin Laden raid files reportedly purged from Pentagon computers, sent to CIA



Shown here is a view of Usama bin Laden's compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan, on May 3, 2011. (AP)
Associated Press

The nation's top special operations commander ordered military files about the Navy SEAL raid on Usama bin Laden's hideout to be purged from Defense Department computers and sent to the CIA, where they could be more easily shielded from ever being made public.

The secret move, described briefly in a draft report by the Pentagon's inspector general, set off no alarms within the Obama administration even though it appears to have sidestepped federal rules and perhaps also the Freedom of Information Act.

An acknowledgement by Adm. William McRaven of his actions was quietly removed from the final version of an inspector general's report published weeks ago. A spokesman for the admiral declined to comment. The CIA, noting that the bin Laden mission was overseen by then-CIA Director Leon Panetta before he became defense secretary, said that the SEALs were effectively assigned to work temporarily for the CIA, which has presidential authority to conduct covert operations.

"Documents related to the raid were handled in a manner consistent with the fact that the operation was conducted under the direction of the CIA director," agency spokesman Preston Golson said in an emailed statement. "Records of a CIA operation such as the (bin Laden) raid, which were created during the conduct of the operation by persons acting under the authority of the CIA Director, are CIA records."

Golson said it is "absolutely false" that records were moved to the CIA to avoid the legal requirements of the Freedom of Information Act.

The records transfer was part of an effort by McRaven to protect the names of the personnel involved in the raid, according to the inspector general's draft report.

But secretly moving the records allowed the Pentagon to tell The Associated Press that it couldn't find any documents inside the Defense Department that AP had requested more than two years ago, and could represent a new strategy for the U.S. government to shield even its most sensitive activities from public scrutiny.

"Welcome to the shell game in place of open government," said Thomas Blanton, director of the National Security Archive, a private research institute at George Washington University. "Guess which shell the records are under. If you guess the right shell, we might show them to you. It's ridiculous."

McRaven's directive sent the only copies of the military's records about its daring raid to the CIA, which has special authority to prevent the release of "operational files" in ways that can't effectively be challenged in federal court. The Defense Department can prevent the release of its own military files, too, citing risks to national security. But that can be contested in court, and a judge can compel the Pentagon to turn over non-sensitive portions of records.

Under federal rules, transferring government records from one executive agency to another must be approved in writing by the National Archives and Records Administration. There are limited circumstances when prior approval is not required, such as when the records are moved between two components of the same executive department. The CIA and Special Operations Command are not part of the same department.

The Archives was not aware of any request from the U.S. Special Operations Command to transfer its records to the CIA, spokeswoman Miriam Kleiman said. She said it was the Archives' understanding that the military records belonged to the CIA, so transferring them wouldn't have required permission under U.S. rules.

Special Operations Command also is required to comply with rules established by the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff that dictate how long records must be retained. Its July 2012 manual requires that records about military operations and planning are to be considered permanent and after 25 years, following a declassification review, transferred to the Archives.

Also, the Federal Records Act would not permit agencies "to purge records just on a whim," said Dan Metcalfe, who oversaw the U.S. government's compliance with the Freedom of Information Act as former director of the Justice Department's Office of Information and Privacy. "I don't think there's an exception allowing an agency to say, `Well, we didn't destroy it. We just deleted it here after transmitting it over there.' High-level officials ought to know better."

It was not immediately clear exactly which Defense Department records were purged and transferred, when it happened or under what authority, if any, they were sent to the CIA. No government agencies the AP contacted would discuss details of the transfer. The timing may be significant: The Freedom of Information Act generally applies to records under an agency's control when a request for them is received. The AP asked for files about the mission in more than 20 separate requests, mostly submitted in May 2011 -- several were sent a day after Obama announced that the world's most wanted terrorist had been killed in a firefight. Obama has pledged to make his administration the most transparent in U.S. history.

The AP asked the Defense Department and CIA separately for files that included copies of the death certificate and autopsy report for bin Laden as well as the results of tests to identify the body. While the Pentagon said it could not locate the files, the CIA, with its special power to prevent the release of records, has never responded. The CIA also has not responded to a separate request for other records, including documents identifying and describing the forces and supplies required to execute the assault on bin Laden's compound.

The CIA did tell the AP it could not locate any emails from or to Panetta and two other top agency officials discussing the bin Laden mission.

McRaven's unusual order would have remained secret had it not been mentioned in a single sentence on the final page in the inspector general's draft report that examined whether the Obama administration gave special access to Hollywood executives planning a film, "Zero Dark Thirty," about the raid. The draft report was obtained and posted online last month by the Project on Government Oversight, a nonprofit watchdog group in Washington.

McRaven, who oversaw the bin Laden raid, expressed concerns in the report about possible disclosure of the identities of the SEALs. The Pentagon "provided the operators and their families an inordinate level of security," the report said. McRaven also directed that the names and photographs associated with the raid not be released.

"This effort included purging the combatant command's systems of all records related to the operation and providing these records to another government agency," according to the draft report. The sentence was dropped from the report's final version.

Since the raid, one of the SEALs published a book about the raid under a pseudonym but was subsequently identified by his actual name. And earlier this year the SEAL credited with shooting bin Laden granted a tell-all, anonymous interview with Esquire about the raid and the challenges of his retiring from the military after 16 years without a pension.

Current and former Defense Department officials knowledgeable about McRaven's directive and the inspector general's report told AP the description of the order in the draft report was accurate. The reference to "another government agency" was code for the CIA, they said. These individuals spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter by name.

There is no indication the inspector general's office or anyone else in the U.S. government is investigating the legality of transferring the military records. Bridget Serchak, a spokeswoman for the inspector general, would not explain why the reference was left out of the final report and what, if any, actions the office might be taking.

"Our general statement is that any draft is pre-decisional and that drafts go through many reviews before the final version, including editing or changing language," Serchak wrote in an e-mail.

 The unexplained decision to remove the reference to the purge and transfer of the records "smells of bad faith," said Steven Aftergood, director of the Project on Government Secrecy at the Federation of American Scientists. "How should one understand that? That adds insult to injury. It essentially covers up the action."

McRaven oversaw the raid while serving as commander of the Joint Special Operations Command, the secretive outfit in charge of SEAL Team Six and the military's other specialized counterterrorism units. McRaven was nominated by Obama to lead Special Operations Command, JSOC's parent organization, a month before the raid on bin Laden's compound. He replaced Adm. Eric Olson as the command's top officer in August 2011.

Ken McGraw, a spokesman for Special Operations Command, referred questions to the inspector general's office.

The refusal to make available authoritative or contemporaneous records about the bin Laden mission means that the only official accounts of the mission come from U.S. officials who have described details of the raid in speeches, interviews and television appearances. In the days after bin Laden's death, the White House provided conflicting versions of events, falsely saying bin Laden was armed and even firing at the SEALs, misidentifying which of bin Laden's sons was killed and incorrectly saying bin Laden's wife died in the shootout. Obama's press secretary attributed the errors to the "fog of combat."

A U.S. judge and a federal appeals court previously sided with the CIA in a lawsuit over publishing more than 50 "post-mortem" photos and video recordings of bin Laden's corpse. In the case, brought by Judicial Watch, a conservative watchdog group, the CIA did not say the images were operational files to keep them secret. It argued successfully that the photos and videos must be withheld from the public to avoid inciting violence against Americans overseas and compromising secret systems and techniques used by the CIA and the military.

The Defense Department told the AP in March 2012 it could not locate any photographs or video taken during the raid or showing bin Laden's body. It also said it could not find any images of bin Laden's body on the USS Carl Vinson, the aircraft carrier from which he was buried at sea. The Pentagon also said it could not find any death certificate, autopsy report or results of DNA identification tests for bin Laden, or any pre-raid materials discussing how the government planned to dispose of bin Laden's body if he were killed. It said it searched files at the Pentagon, Special Operations Command headquarters in Tampa, Fla., and the Navy command in San Diego that controls the Carl Vinson.

The Pentagon also refused to confirm or deny the existence of helicopter maintenance logs and reports about the performance of military gear used in the raid. One of the stealth helicopters that carried the SEALs in Pakistan crashed during the mission and its wreckage was left behind.

The Defense Department also told the AP in February 2012 that it could not find any emails about the bin Laden mission or his "Geronimo" code name that were sent or received in the year before the raid by McRaven. The department did not say they had been moved to the CIA. It also said it could not find any emails from other senior officers who would have been involved in the mission's planning. It found only three such emails written by or sent to then-Defense Secretary Robert Gates, and these consisted of 12 pages sent to Gates summarizing news reports after the raid.

The Defense Department in November 2012 released copies of 10 emails totaling 31 pages found in the Carl Vinson's computer systems. The messages were heavily censored and described how bin Laden's body was prepared for burial.

These records were not among those purged and then moved to the CIA. Pentagon spokesman Lt. Col. James Gregory said the messages from the Carl Vinson "were not relating to the mission itself and were the property of the Navy."

Ethiopia & Djibouti Concluded Electric Power Interconnection Agreement



Written by Meraf Leykun   

Ethiopia and Djibouti concluded a two billion dollar electric power interconnection agreement. The agreement was signed on 3 July 2013 at the Addis Ababa Hilton during the 12th Joint Ministerial Meeting. The agreement is the second of its kind signed between the two countries.

Tedrose Adhanom, Ethiopian Foreign Minister and his Djiboutian counter part signed the agreement.

The 230KV transmission line project stretching from Ethiopia's Afar region to Jaba in Djibouti will enable Ethiopia to export up to 75MW of electricity to Djibouti.

The project is expected to be financed jointly by the two countries.

Source: Fortune

Leaked Pakistan report details bin Laden's secret life (Dilkii Usaama Bin Ladin waa fal dambiyeed -Pakistan)

Al Jazeera says the report calls the handling of bin Laden affair a 'national disgrace.'

This undated file photo shows al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan.(Photo: AP)

Story Highlights
  •     Bin Laden lived undetected in Pakistan for nine years

  •     A daughter recalls the night of the U.S. raid

  •     The report calls on Pakistani leaders to apologize to the nation

Warbixin ay soo saartay dowladda Pakistan ayaa sheegaysa in dilkii Usaama Bin Ladin uu ahaa fal dambiyeed uu Obama amarkiisa bixiyay.
Guriga uu degganaa Bin Ladin ee Abottabad
Warbixinta ayaa sheegtay in dilkii, Usaama Bin Ladin, oo muddo laba sandood laga joogo uu ahaa fal dambi ah oo uu si cad u amray madaxweyne Barack Obama.
Dawlada Maraykanku waxay sheegtay in haddii uu Bin Ladin is dhiibi lahaa nolol lagu qaban lahaa oo aan la dileen.
Warbixintaas oo si qarsoodi ah hoos looga dhiibay TV-ga Al-Jazeera, waxaa kale oo ay aad u cambaareysay dawlada Pakistan.
Waxay ciidammada dalka ku eedeeysay in ay ka baaqsadeen in ay ogaadaan in Usaama Bin Ladin uu dalka Pakistan joogay.
Warbixintu waxay saraakiisa Pakistan ku eedaysay, "karti darro weyn" markii ay ogaan waayeen in Bin Ladin uu dalkaas degganaa muddo 9 Sanadood ah.
Magaalada Abottabad ee Bin Ladin lagu dilay waxaa deggan ciidammada dalka Pakistan, waxaana ku yaalla kulliyad militery.
Bin Ladin ayaa muddo 6 sanadood ah degganaa magaalada Abottabad.

Leaked Pakistan report details bin Laden's secret life


by Doug Stanglin, USA TODAY

Osama bin Laden lived undetected in Pakistan for nine years before he was killed by U.S. forces according to leaked Pakistani government report that blasts the country's civilian and military leadership for "gross incompetence" over the bin Laden affair.

It finds that Pakistan's intelligence establishment had "closed the book" on bin Laden by 2005, and was no longer actively pursuing intelligence that could lead to his capture.

The 336-page Abbottabad Commission report, obtained by Al Jazeera, blasts the government and military for a "national disaster" over its handling of bin Laden and calls on the leadership to apologize to the people of Pakistan for their "dereliction of duty."

The report, never released publicly, was ordered after the May 1, 2011 raid by U.S. special forces on bin Laden's compound in Abbottabad. The al-Qaeda leader was killed and his body removed during the raid.

READ: The full report

According to Al Jazeera, the report finds the government's intention in conducting the inquiry was likely aimed at "regime continuance, when the regime is desperate to distance itself from any responsibility for the national disaster that occurred on its watch." It says that the inquiry was likely "a reluctant response to an overwhelming public and parliamentary demand."

The report blames "Government Implosion Syndrome" for lack of intelligence on Bin Laden's nine-year residence in Pakistan and its response to the U.S. raid.

Al Jazeera quotes the report as saying the commissions finds that "culpable negligence and incompetence at almost all levels of government can more or less be conclusively established."

The reports focuses intently on the night of the raid, interviewing bin Laden's family and members of the household extensively.

The report said accounts differ as to whether the al-Qeda leader was killed by the first shot fired at him when he went to the bedroom door as soldiers came up the stairs or later when they stormed the room.

Pakistani police stand guard beside a sealed main gate leading to the hideout house of slain Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad on May 4, 2011.(Photo: Aamir Qureshi AFP/Getty Images)
"He did not use his wife or daughter as a shield to protect himself," the report says. "He was not armed when he was shot."

One of his daughters, identified as Surnayya, told the commmision that she saw one of the U.S. helicopters land from her window and immediately rushed upstairs to bin Laden's room.

"Although she did not see her father fall, she saw him on the floor," the report says. "He had been hit in the forehead and she knew he was dead. His face was 'clear' and recognizable. According to her, blood flowed 'backwards over his head.' However, because of the dark she could not see very clearly. The American soldiers asked her to identify the body. She said, 'my father.'"

In summing up its assessment of the killing of bin Laden, the commission spares few words:

    The whole episode of the U.S. assassination mission of May 2, 2011 and the Pakistan government's response before, during and after appears in large part to be a story of complacency, ignorance, negligence, incompetence, irresponsibility and possibly worse at various levels inside and outside the government.

Among other findings:

  • Bin Laden entered Pakistan in mid-2002 after narrowly escaping capture in the battle of Tora Bora in Afghanistan. Over nine years, he moved to various places inside the country, including South Waziristan and northern Swat Valley.
  • In Swat, the al-Qaeda leader reportedly met with Khalid Shaikh Mohammad, the alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, in early 2003. About a month later, KSM was captured in Rawalpindi in a joint U.S.-Pakistani operation, and Bin Laden fled the area.
  • Bin Laden, along with two of his wives and several children and grandchildren, moved into the custom-built compound in Abbottabad, a military garrison town, in 2005 and lived there until the U.S. raid.
  • The presence of a CIA support network to help track down bin Laden without the Pakistani establishment's knowledge was "a case of nothing less than a collective and sustained dereliction of duty by the political, military and intelligence leadership of the country."

Somali American caught up in a shadowy Pentagon counterpropaganda campaign


Abdiwali Warsame
Two days after he became a U.S. citizen, Abdiwali Warsame embraced the First Amendment by creating a raucous Web site about his native Somalia. Packed with news and controversial opinions, it rapidly became a magnet for Somalis dispersed around the world, including tens of thousands in Minnesota.

The popularity of the site, Somalimidnimo.com, or United Somalia, also attracted the attention of the Defense Department. A military contractor, working for U.S. Special Operations forces to “counter nefarious influences” in Africa, began monitoring the Web site and compiled a confidential research dossier about its founder and its content.

In a May 2012 report, the contractor, the Northern Virginia-based Navanti Group, branded the Web site “extremist” and asserted that its “chief goal is to disseminate propaganda supportive” of al-Shabab, an Islamist militia in Somalia that the U.S. government considers a terrorist group. The contractor then delivered a copy of its dossier — including Warsame’s Minnesota home address and phone number — to the FBI. A few days later, federal agents knocked on the webmaster’s door.

Although he did not know it, Warsame had been caught up in a shadowy Defense Department counterpropaganda operation, according to public records and interviews.

In its written analysis of his Web site, Navanti Group identified “opportunities” to conduct “Military Information Support Operations,” more commonly known as psychological operations, or “psy-ops,” that would target Somali audiences worldwide. The report did not go into details, but it recommended that the U.S. military consider a “messaging campaign” by repeating comments posted on the United Somalia Web site by readers opposed to al-Shabab.

Military propaganda and the spread of disinformation are as old as war itself, but commanders usually confined the tactics to war zones.

With the Iraq war over and U.S. combat operations scheduled to finish in Afghanistan by the end of next year, however, the Pentagon has begun shifting psy-ops missions to other parts of the world to influence popular opinion. Many of the missions are overseen by the Special Operations Command, which plays a leading role in global counterterrorism efforts.

In the past, psychological operations usually meant dropping leaflets or broadcasting propaganda on the battlefield. Today, the military is more focused on manipulating news and commentary on the Internet, especially social media, by posting material and images without necessarily claiming ownership.

Much of the work is carried out by military information support teams that the Special Operations Command has deployed to 22 countries. The command, which is based in Tampa, also operates multilingual news Web sites tailored to specific regions.

The Southeast European Times covers the Balkans with original news dispatches and feature stories written in 10 languages. Magharebia covers North and West Africa in Arabic, French and English. Readers have to scour the Web sites to find an acknowledgment that they are sponsored by the U.S. military.

Given the global nature of online communications, the Pentagon’s information operations are perhaps inevitably becoming entangled on the home front.

At a time of intense focus on the targeting of Americans’ communications by the National Security Agency, Warsame’s case also illustrates how other parts of the U.S. government monitor the material that some Americans post online.

The Pentagon is legally prohibited from conducting psychological operations at home or targeting U.S. audiences with propaganda, except during “domestic emergencies.” Defense Department rules also forbid the military from using psychological operations to “target U.S. citizens at any time, in any location globally, or under any circumstances.”

Last year, however, two USA Today journalists were targeted in an online propaganda campaign after they revealed that the Pentagon’s top propaganda contractor in Afghanistan owed millions of dollars in back taxes. A co-owner of the firm later admitted that he established fake Web sites and used social media to attack the journalists anonymously.

In written responses to questions for this article, Navanti Group said it did nothing improper in regard to United Somalia. The firm, which specializes in “understanding social media and Internet trends” in Africa, said it was just conducting research and did not target Warsame or his Web site as part of a counterpropaganda campaign.

The company said it assumed that the Web site was based overseas. Once Navanti discovered that Warsame lived in Minnesota, “we immediately turned that information over to the U.S. Government and to relevant law enforcement agencies, as both regulations and our own guidelines dictate.” Navanti also said that it did not know that Warsame was a U.S. citizen and that it collected only public information about him.

“We don’t deal with domestic. End of issue,” Andrew Black, Navanti’s chief executive, said in an interview. “We turned it over to the cognizant authorities. That’s where we stopped. That’s really important that that is where we stopped.” The firm “followed the law,” he added.

Navanti’s report, however, indicates that the company knew at an earlier stage that Warsame resided in the United States. It describes him as “a young man who lives in Minnesota, is known for his extremist believes [sic] by Minneapolis Somali residents.”

The two unnamed Navanti employees who wrote the analysis — both native Somalis — also cited secondhand information that their “friends in Minnesota” had provided about Warsame, according to the report.

Black declined to identify the arm of the Defense Department that Navanti was working for or to explain what the military was doing with the information that his company collected and analyzed. It’s unclear whether the military carried out a messaging campaign aimed at Warsame’s site.

“We do work for the government,” Black said. “I’m not going to be able to provide specifics on things. . . . It’s for the client if they choose to share stuff.”

Public records, however, show that Navanti was working as a subcontractor for the Special Operations Command to help conduct “information operations to engage local populations and counter nefarious influences” in Africa and Europe.

Navanti was hired to perform “research and analysis” about al-Qaeda and affiliated groups in Africa, according to contracting documents posted online by the government. The partially redacted documents state that the company’s research methods “fit the unique needs” of military information support operations.

In 2010, the U.S. military stopped using the phrase “psychological operations” because of its negative connotations. Instead, it adopted a blander term, “military information support operations,” or MISO.

Lt. Col. Damien Pickart, a Pentagon spokesman, said Navanti’s research is unclassified. He said in an e-mailed statement it is “designed to address planning gaps” for Special Operations forces in Africa and Europe, “not just specific capabilities like Military Information Support Operations.”

“If a U.S. person was identified as a potential risk or threat as a result of a search — as in the case of the research on Al Shabaab websites like Somalimidnimo.com — they direct the contractor to discontinue that research,” Pickart added.

He said Navanti “is not involved in production and dissemination of MISO products.” But he declined to say how the military might have used the firm’s research.

Warsame has not been charged with a crime, and it is unclear whether he is under formal investigation by the FBI.

Kyle Loven, a spokesman for the bureau in Minneapolis, declined to comment.

‘I don’t support al-Qaeda’

Between shifts as a city bus driver, the 30-year-old Warsame runs his Web site from home — a one-man show.

Most of the news and commentary is in Somali, though several items each day are posted in English, including links to CNN. United Somalia aggregates items from other sites and submissions from readers, but Warsame also posts original articles and interviews under his byline.

It takes only a cursory glance at the Web site to see that Warsame views the world through the lens of a fundamentalist Muslim. He strongly opposes military intervention in Somalia by the United States, Ethiopia, Kenya and other countries. He features material portraying al-Shabab as freedom fighters, not terrorists. He also says that he welcomes dissenting views.

But Warsame said he steers clear of posting anything that could be construed as fundraising or recruiting followers for al-Shabab. Such activities are prohibited by U.S. law and have been under scrutiny by the FBI.

The Justice Department has prosecuted several Somali Americans in Minnesota on charges of providing material support to al-Shabab. Warsame has closely covered their cases on his Web site and advocated for their defense.

“I’m an American citizen,” Warsame said in an interview at a cafe in Minneapolis, home to the largest concentration of Somali refugees in the country. “I don’t support al-Qaeda. I don’t support al-
Shabab. I don’t send them money. I’m not supporting killing anyone.”

“I just want the community to know what’s going on,” he added. “My job is to allow people to express their views. It’s news. It’s public information. People want to know what the professors are saying, students are saying, what the single moms are saying, what al-Shabab are saying.”

In June 2012, Warsame said, a Google Alert notified him that his Web site had been mentioned in a document posted on the Internet. It was Navanti’s research report, posted on opensource.gov, a federal Web site.

The four-page paper described United Somalia as an al-Shabab propaganda arm. It said the Web site “blends extremist religious ideology with nationalist sentiment in an attempt to gain Somali and foreign support” for al-Shabab.

Warsame may have been a relatively new American, but he displayed a firm grasp of his civil rights and a knack for defending himself.

He downloaded the report and re-posted a copy under a bold headline in imperfect English, “Breaking News: The Somalimidnimo’s website, it’s writers and editors were threatened in-order to suppress the free press.”

He also translated the document into Somali. Dozens of other Somali-language news sites around the world quickly re-posted the document.

“Their research was partial, unprofessional and with malicious intent,” he said of Navanti. “I took it as a personal threat and betrayal of freedom of speech.”

Soon after, Warsame received a letter from an attorney for Navanti, accusing him of violating copyright law by re-publishing the company’s research. Warsame responded by publicizing the letter and ignoring a demand to remove Navanti’s report from his Web site.

Around the same time, FBI agents visited Warsame’s apartment and later phoned him, asking to meet. “I said, ‘I don’t want to talk to you without a lawyer,’ ” he recalled saying. He consulted a federal public defender and a private lawyer.

At first, Warsame said, the FBI told him that he was under criminal investigation. But after his attorneys intervened, he said, the bureau stopped calling.

Navanti defends role
In its written response to The Washington Post’s questions, Navanti said it gave its report on United Somalia to the FBI “out of an abundance of caution” because of the law enforcement agency’s role “in investigating people inside the United States with possible ties to an extremist group such as al-Shabaab.”

The defense contractor also accused the Web site and Warsame of aggregating propaganda on behalf of al-Shabab “for the purposes of recruitment and incitement.”

But Navanti’s dossier does not specify any instances in which the Web site may have crossed a line by recruiting al-Shabab followers or inciting violence. Black, the company’s chief executive, likewise could not cite examples.

“We’ve got clear evidence that his Web site is part of the information domain of al-Shabab,” Black said. “This is the United States. We have freedoms and liberties. You’re allowed to defend yourself. And that’s fine. But that’s not between us and him. That’s between him and the FBI.”

Black disputed that Warsame was a legitimate journalist or that his Web site could be considered a news outlet.

“I have a very hard time seeing his work as journalistic. I don’t see Walter Cronkite coming through his words here,” Black said. “He’s got comments on his front page that Osama bin Laden blew himself up to avoid being captured. I’m not sure this guy is going for a Pulitzer.”

Warsame said he began reporting about a decade ago, when he lived as a refugee in Kenya, by submitting pieces to a Web site called Somali Talk.

He wrote more frequently after he and his family moved to Minnesota in 2005. Five years later, he started United Somalia. He is a dues-paying member of Investigative Reporters and Editors, an association of professional journalists, and estimated that he has conducted hundreds of interviews.

Warsame said his site attracts more than 100,000 readers a month, with a dedicated following from North America to Europe to Australia.

Asked for an outside perspective, Matt Bryden, a former senior U.N. official in Somalia, said the Web site appeals to “a range of readers” who dislike the weak national government in Mogadishu. He said the site “publishes a combination of news and commentary, some of which is pro-Shabab.”

“It is certainly more widely read and more popular than most other pro-Shabab Web pages,” added Bryden, who works as director of Sahan Research, a think tank in Nairobi. “Other Shabab- affiliated Web sites tend to be more exclusively jihadist in content, which makes them appeal to a narrower audience.”

As an American, Warsame said, he treasures his free-speech rights and doesn’t hesitate to take unpopular stands, such as the time he ripped Muslim clerics for participating in an interfaith prayer service at a church. The largest mosque in Minnesota banned him from its premises because of his writings.

“Sometimes he has controversial things, which I may not agree with, but his Web site is definitely well read,” said Abdinasir Abdi, a friend, law student and Somali community activist in Minneapolis. “The irony is that if he was in any country other than the U.S. right now, I don’t think he’d survive.

Source: Washpost

At Least 40 Die as Soldiers Said to Open Fire on Morsi Backers

Khaled Abdullah/Reuters
By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK and KAREEM FAHIM

CAIRO — Egyptian security officials and members of the Muslim Brotherhood said that more than 40 supporters of deposed President Mohamed Morsi were killed as violence erupted outside a military officers’ club early Monday where the supporters had been holding a sit-in for days demanding his release from detention.

A spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood said the supporters were killed by soldiers and police officers during an “unprovoked” attack during dawn prayers using tear gas and live ammunition.

Security officials said the death toll stood at 43 civilians and one security officer. They added that more than 300 people had been wounded.

Al Jazeera broadcast footage of a field hospital run by Mr. Morsi’s supporters, showing what appeared to be several bodies lying on the ground and doctors treating bloodied patients. Army tanks blocked approaches to the officers’ club, as well as another square nearby where the field hospital was located.

Witnesses in the area where the shooting took place said they saw Mr. Morsi’s supporters performing the dawn prayers. Shortly afterward, the witnesses said, they heard the sound of heavy automatic weapons and pro-Morsi supporters were seen fleeing frantically, seeking to take cover behind debris on the streets and billboards.

It was the second explosion of deadly violence outside the Republican Guard officers’ club since the military intervened on Wednesday to depose Mr. Morsi, following mass protests against his rule. Mr. Morsi’s supporters believe the former president is being held inside the club, and have held rallies at its gates, demanding his release.

The killings came a day after the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies vowed to broaden their protests against the president’s ouster and American diplomats sought to persuade the Islamist group to accept his overthrow, its officials said. But the killings on Monday seemed certain to inject perilous new factors into the country’s fragile political calculus.

Continuing a push for accommodation that began before the removal of Mr. Morsi last week, the American diplomats contacted Brotherhood leaders to try to persuade them to re-enter the political process, an Islamist briefed on one of the conversations said on Sunday, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations.
Mahmoud Khaled/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
“They are asking us to legitimize the coup,” the Islamist said, arguing that accepting the removal of an elected president would be the death of Egyptian democracy. The United States Embassy in Cairo declined to comment.

Even as both sides continued their street demonstrations on Sunday, Egypt’s new leaders continued their effort to form an interim government. Squabbles about a choice for prime minister spilled out into the open on Saturday, exposing splits among the country’s newly ascendant political forces.

State news media quoted a spokesman for Adli Mansour, the interim president, on Sunday as saying there was a “tendency” to name Mohamed ElBaradei, a Nobel Prize-winning diplomat, as vice president, and a former chair of Egypt’s investment authority, Ziad Bahaa el-Din, as interim prime minister.

On Saturday, state news media said Mr. ElBaradei had been chosen as prime minister, but the presidency later backed away from the report after ultraconservatives known as Salafis, who fault Mr. ElBaradei for being too secular, apparently rejected the appointment. It was not clear on Sunday that the Salafi party, Al Nour, was any more inclined to accept Mr. ElBaradei as vice president.

Mr. Bahaa el-Din, a lawyer who served in the investment authority and on the board of the Central Bank under former President Hosni Mubarak, was abroad and was considering the request, according to a spokesman for his political party, the Egyptian Social Democratic Party.

The lack of agreement means that Egypt has been without a fully functioning government since Wednesday, when the defense minister, Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi, announced that Mr. Morsi had been deposed.

The power vacuum has left confusion about who is responsible for making decisions in the interim, and in particular for law enforcement. Over the past few days, the authorities have arrested Muslim Brotherhood officials and shut down television stations, including Islamist channels, though it is not clear on whose orders the security services were acting.

On Sunday, Al Jazeera reported that prosecutors had interrogated its Cairo bureau chief, Abdel Fattah Fayed, for hours before releasing him on bail.

Al Jazeera’s Web site said Mr. Fayed, who had turned himself in, was charged with running an unlicensed satellite channel and “transmitting news that could compromise Egypt’s national security.” On Wednesday, as part of what appeared to be a coordinated sweep against news media outlets seen as sympathetic to Mr. Morsi, security officials raided the offices of Al Jazeera’s local Cairo station and several other channels.

Since then, thousands of Islamists have held a vigil for Mr. Morsi at their new base in Rabaa al-Adawiya Square, and in recent days outside the officers’ club of the Republican Guard, where some believed Mr. Morsi was being held.

Leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamist group that nominated Mr. Morsi for president, have sought to convince the world that his removal was both illegal and untenable. They now say they intend to escalate their demonstrations across Egypt.

In the square, Brotherhood officials pledged that their growing protests would force the military to release Mr. Morsi, insisting that no one else would negotiate on their behalf. “I think the military has to yield; they won’t have any choice,” said Gehad el-Haddad, a Brotherhood spokesman.

“We are stepping it up every few days, with protests around the country,” Mr. Haddad said. “We are logistically capable of carrying this on for months.”

He said the protests themselves would turn into gathering places for the observation of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan when it begins this week.

To bolster its claims to legitimacy, the Muslim Brotherhood’s political party, the Freedom and Justice Party, sent out an e-mail to reporters with mathematical calculations that it said indicated about five million supporters had gathered in the area.

At the same time, supporters of the military takeover redoubled their efforts to gain international support for Mr. Morsi’s ouster. Several current and former Egyptian officials appeared on American talk shows on Sunday to argue that the military seizure of power did not constitute a military coup d'état, which under United States law would require an automatic cutoff of $1.5 billion in annual aid.

“The military had the choice between intervention and chaos, and they had to respond to that,” Nabil Fahmy, a former Egyptian ambassador to the United States, said on the NBC News program “Meet the Press.”

In Cairo, hundreds of thousands of Mr. Morsi’s opponents gathered in Tahrir Square and outside the presidential palace, in what protesters said was an effort to counter claims to legitimacy made by the deposed president’s supporters.

In a mirror image of the pro-Morsi protests, many at the gathering seemed far less interested in swaying the Islamists than proving, to both Egyptians and the world, that their numbers were greater.

And several protesters said they were there to thank the army for its role in removing Mr. Morsi. Many in the crowd held portraits of General Sisi or banners praising the military. Jets and helicopters that flew overhead gave the demonstration the feel of a ticker-tape, postwar rally.

But in an alley near the square, a group of young protesters talked about the toll of Egypt’s conflict, still far from over. They were longtime activists, and all had friends who had died in protests during Egypt’s transition. Now, their conversations with friends in the Muslim Brotherhood had become arguments.

Mai Mandour, a 23-year-old law student, said her brother had told her that Islamist neighbors had started shaving their beards. “Everyone’s worried about a civil war,” she said.

Mayy El Sheikh and Asmaa Al Zohairy contributed reporting.

When the khat is away, the mice will play





The government still hasn’t got the message. On Wednesday I saw that Theresa May has  has decided to ban khat, a herbal stimulant popular among Somali, Yemeni and Ethiopian communities. This goes against advice from the government’s own Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD), which claimed there was “insufficient evidence” that khat caused health problems.

I agree with the ACMD that khat should remain legal, but for different reasons. The legal status of recreational drugs should not be decided by their healthiness. They should all be legal. Individuals should be free to harm their own bodies if they wish to do so. The government should be limited to providing information about the risks, providing customer protection through licensing and quality control, and helping those who struggle with addiction.

With this new ban, khat will go the way of other recreational drugs. Where there is demand, there will be a supply, regardless of the government’s ban. People who want to buy khat will now have to go through the black market. They will become involved with drug dealers who they would otherwise have no business with. These dealers will be unregulated, of course, so there will be none of the customer protection found in a legal market.

The BBC report says: “Somali groups in the UK had told the ACMD that use of khat was a ‘significant social problem’ and said it caused medical issues and family breakdowns.”

Banning khat will likely exacerbate this problem. People whose khat habit is causing a problem will be less likely to seek help, for fear of being branded a criminal and punished by the state. The real problem is pushing the drug business underground. Dealers are risking years in jail for responding to a legitimate demand, so the incentive to obey other aspects of the law is limited and some have no qualms about cutting the drugs with more harmful substances, or assaulting their customers to keep them obedient.

These dealers would not exist if drugs were legal. I realise that while cigarettes are still legal, there is a significant black market in them. This is mostly due to the huge taxes the government hits them with: 82% of the price of a packet of fags is tax. But when recreational drug users can only get their highs illegally, the black market is much bigger. As ever, the example of alcohol prohibition 1920s USA is illustrative.

Finally, legalising recreational drugs would help the government’s finances as well: the tax revenues would be huge. In 2011/12, the government received £2.8m through taxing khat. That was £13.8m worth of khat – the overall drugs market is estimated at between £2.15bn and £6.54bn. But instead, the government ignores advice it has requested,  as it did in the case of ACMD chairman David Nutt in 2009. Nutt himself uses a clever analogy to refute the khat ban.


But it seems that the state’s illogical control freak attitude will stubbornly persist.

The government should legalise not only khat, but all other recreational drugs. This would correct the current infringement on liberty, make it easier for addicts to get help, bring in tax revenue, and destroy the black market and related crime.