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Wednesday, July 3, 2013

Egyptian military ousts Morsi, suspends constitution

Egypt teeters on the brink: Deadly clashes erupt as President Mohamed Morsi vows to stay in office despite protests calling for his resignation and military-set deadline of intervention.
By Abigail Hauslohner, William Booth and Sharaf al-Hourani,
 
CAIRO — The Egyptian military removed President Mohamed Morsi from power Wednesday and suspended the constitution in moves it said were aimed at resolving the country’s debilitating political crisis.
 
In a televised address to the nation after a meeting with a group of civilian political and religious leaders, the head of the powerful armed forces, Gen. Abdel Fatah al-Sissi, said the chief of Egypt’s constitutional court “will assume the presidency” on an interim basis until a new presidential election is held. Sissi said the interim president will have the right to declare laws during the transitional period.
 
The announcement came as huge crowds of pro- and anti-government protesters massed in the streets of Cairo and the army deployed armored vehicles. In the afternoon, a top adviser to embattled Morsi had declared that a military coup was underway and warned that “considerable bloodshed” could ensue.
 
Up until the announcement, the Egyptian military had denied that it was staging it a coup. According to the official Middle East News Agency, top commanders were backing Muslim and Christian religious leaders, youth representatives and the head of a liberal opposition alliance in jointly presenting a “roadmap” for a political transition.
 
The plan is the result of an emergency meeting between military and civilian leaders, including top Muslim and Coptic Christian clerics and opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei, the state-run news agency reported.
 
Without mentioning Morsi by name in a heavily anticipated eight-minute speech at 9 p.m. Wednesday night, Sissi said the military had responded to the people’s demands in an act of “public service.”
 
“The armed forces have tried in recent months, both directly and indirectly, to contain the internal situation and to foster national reconciliation between the political powers, including the presidency,” Sissi said. But those efforts had failed, he said. The president, he added, “responded with negativity in the final minutes.”
 
In a meeting with “religious, political and youth symbols,” the military accepted a “roadmap that will achieve a strong Egyptian society that does not alienate any of its children or strains, and ends this division,” Sissi said.
 
The announcement sparked cheers and celebration among Morsi opponents packed into Cairo’s Tahrir Square.
 
But in eastern Cairo, supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, an entrenched Islamist movement that backs Morsi, erupted in angry chants following Sissi’s speech, and stones started flying. The Brotherhood’s two main political channels immediately vanished from the airwaves.
 
Ahead of the announcement of the roadmap, dozens of armored vehicles were deployed at eastern Cairo’s Rabaa Adawiya Mosque and outside Cairo University, where hundreds of thousands of Morsi supporters gathered. The president’s supporters and opponents waited all day to see whether Egypt’s army would take action, as promised, once its deadline for Morsi and his opponents to forge a political agreement had expired.
 
At Rabaa al-Adawiya, Morsi supporters rallied even as army troops set up roadblocks along a main street leading to the mosque. From a stage before the crowd, Muslim Brotherhood officials told the crowd before the military’s announcement that they were calling on all supporters to come out into the streets to join them. One speaker urged the audience to remain peaceful. The army was still with them, he said, and was trying to resist pressure from Morsi’s liberal opposition to carry out a coup.
 
Earlier, Essam al-Haddad, a top presidential aide, declared Egypt’s predicament “a military coup.” In a post on his office’s official Facebook page at 5:30 p.m. Wednesday, he warned that no coup could succeed without bloodshed.
 
“In this day and age, no military coup can succeed in the face of sizable popular force without considerable bloodshed,” Haddad wrote. Hundreds of thousands of people have gathered to support the president and Egypt’s pursuit of democracy, the statement continued. “To move them, there will have to be violence.” There would be “considerable bloodshed.”
 
“As I write these lines I am fully aware that these may be the last lines I get to post on this page,” Haddad wrote. “For the sake of Egypt and for historical accuracy, let’s call what is happening by its real name: Military coup.”
 
There were unconfirmed reports, meanwhile, that Morsi and the top leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamist movement that constitutes the president’s main base of support, were being banned from travel.
 
Two top Brotherhood officials reached by phone on Wednesday dismissed rumors that Morsi and his aides had been put under house arrest or barred from leaving the country. “This is not true. This is all empty talk,” said Abdullah Shehata, a prominent Brotherhood member. “Everything is fine.”
 
The military denied Tuesday that it had any intention of launching a coup against Morsi, 61, who took office June 30, 2012, as Egypt’s first democratically elected president.
 
An armed forces spokesman reached by telephone Wednesday night said the military was preparing to hold a news conference. Asked whether Wednesday’s events could be considered a coup, he said hurriedly, “No. God willing, no.”
 
At Cairo University, several thousand Morsi supporters milled about as the sun set Wednesday, and armored vehicles packed with troops pulled up alongside the demonstrators. As they watched the troops arrive, many of the president’s supporters said they were prepared to fight.
 
“If the army comes out tonight, or tomorrow, the whole country might turn into another Syria,” said Alaa Hossam, a government bureaucrat and Morsi supporter. “It doesn’t mean that we will go fight the liberals,” he added. “It means we will fight against the army.”
 
Asked whether Morsi is finished, a former member of Egypt’s powerful military council, Gen. Mamdouh Abd al-Haq, said, “God willing.” In a telephone interview Wednesday night, Abd al-Haq declined to comment on what lies ahead for Egypt. But he said, “It is clear what is happening.”
 
Morsi posted a Facebook message about an hour before the 5 p.m. deadline (11 a.m. Eastern time) calling for a coalition government and an independent committee to propose amendments to the constitution. They were concessions that Morsi’s opponents dismissed as nominal — and far too late.
 
Celebratory cheers, whistles and fireworks erupted from the thousands of flag-waving, anti-government protesters in Tahrir Square shortly after 5 p.m., as the rumors circulated that the military had placed Morsi and his inner circle under house arrest.
 
News agencies reported that top military commanders summoned civilian political leaders, including prominent Morsi critics, to an emergency meeting Wednesday. ElBaradei, a former diplomat who once headed the International Atomic Energy Agency, was among those who attended, along with Muslim and Christian religious leaders, the agencies said.
 
An Egyptian military spokesman, Ahmed Mohamed Ali, said Wednesday night that top military commanders had concluded a meeting with “a number of religious, national and youth symbols,” and that a statement would be issued shortly.
 
Gamal Abdel Fatah, the head of Egypt’s international media center, denied reports that the military had taken over state media operations at the towering downtown headquarters of Egypt’s state television. “The army is protecting the building, but the situation is normal inside the building,” Fatah said.
 
In Washington, the Obama administration continued to insist Wednesday that it was not taking sides in the Egyptian crisis. But a State Department official pointedly criticized Morsi for failing to reach out to Egyptian protesters during his televised address to the nation Tuesday night.
 
“There was an absence of significant specific steps laid out in President Morsi’s speech,” State Department spokeswoman Jennifer Psaki said. “We had said that he must do more to be truly responsive and representative to the justified concerns expressed by the Egyptian people. And unfortunately, that was not a part of what he talked about in his speech.”
 
Psaki, responding to reporters’ questions about the unrest in Cairo, said the administration could not independently confirm that the Egyptian military was mounting a coup against Morsi, and she declined to criticize the military’s move Wednesday to seal off the presidential palace. “We think that all sides need to engage with each other and need to listen to the voices of the Egyptian people,” Psaki said.
 
Among those awaiting the military’s statement in Cairo Wednesday afternoon was Mohamed Farouk, a bus driver who stood shoulder to shoulder with other Egyptians in a huge throng at Tahrir Square. “I’m very excited to be here among these crowds as we wait for such a historic moment,” he said. “I trust that the army will force [Morsi] to step down, as the deadline has already passed. And I’m very optimistic about the future of Egypt after Morsi.”
 
Ahmed el-Shennawy, an accountant, said, “Not since Adam’s time have there been so many people on the street. You see the square is completely full, even in the burning sun.” Shennawy said he had voted for Morsi but rapidly lost faith in the Islamist leader as the year wore on and the nation’s economy slumped. “He thought he was like a god, but he was never accepted by real, free Egyptians,” he said.
 
“Today: dismissal or resignation” read the bold, red headline in Wednesday’s edition of the state-run al-Ahram newspaper. It was the same font and color that the paper used for its historic front page on February 12, 2011, the day after the ouster of longtime autocrat Hosni Mubarak. That headline stated: “The people toppled the regime.”
 
Officials with the Muslim Brotherhood, which backs Morsi, said they refused an invitation Wednesday afternoon to meet with ElBaradei and the Tamarod group, which helped organize the massive demonstrations that spurred the military to say it would act. Instead, top Brotherhood officials took to a stage before thousands of the president’s supporters in eastern Cairo, striking angry and defiant tones.
 
Burnt cars and motorcycles, shards of twisted metal, broken glass and shell casings littered the streets around Cairo University on Wednesday, where supporters and opponents of Morsi had clashed overnight, leaving at least 18 people dead and hundreds injured, according to state television.
 
“We swear to God that we will sacrifice even our blood for Egypt and its people, to defend them against any terrorist, radical or fool,” the army said in a message posted to its Facebook page overnight.
 
On Wednesday afternoon, Egypt’s Interior Ministry posted a Facebook message saying police and state security forces were committed “to the safety of the Egyptian people, side by side with the armed forces.”
 
Morsi delivered a fiery televised speech Tuesday night that made it clear he would not cede power. Waving his hands and shaking his fists, he swore that he was committed to the process that led to the historic elections last year and said that any attempts to subvert the constitution were “unacceptable.”
 
Morsi acknowledged that he had made mistakes during his year in office as Egypt’s first democratically elected president. But he appealed to Egyptians to give him more time to deal with the country’s problems.
 
The speech represented a direct challenge to the nation’s military and a signal that efforts to mediate the crisis have so far failed. Earlier on Tuesday, Morsi met with his defense minister, Abdel Fatah al-Sissi, in an apparent bid to reach an accord.
 
Although Sissi was appointed by Morsi, the general’s announcement Monday afternoon that he would give the president and his opponents 48 hours to resolve their differences before the military implemented its own “road map” for the country was seen here as a direct threat to Morsi’s hold on power.
 
Morsi’s backers in the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood described the statement as a pledge for “a coup” and vowed that they would not go quietly if their president were forced out.
 
As night fell Tuesday, bursts of automatic gunfire crackled along the Nile as the president’s supporters and opponents came to blows in the working-class neighborhood of Kit Kat in central Cairo and near the university, where the president’s supporters had gathered.
 
On Wednesday, the two camps staged rival protests in neighborhoods across the city, awaiting the countdown to the military’s deadline.
 
By afternoon, fewer than 200 Morsi supporters milled about near the main gate of Cairo University, where thousands had gathered the day before. At another gate a few blocks away, opposition protesters gathered to block Islamists from approaching the area.
 
“They have beards! They have beards! There are beards inside!” shouted one of those anti-government demonstrators, Mohamed Mustafa, as a minibus approached the gate, packed with more than a dozen Brotherhood supporters.
 
Mustafa, a lawyer, and his friends, rushed the bus and forced the passengers to flee, leaving behind pro-Morsi banners, several gallons of kerosene and cloth sacks of marbles, stones, nails and screws, which the activists concluded would have been used in slingshots.
 
Seven of Morsi’s cabinet ministers have resigned in the past two days, including the foreign minister on Tuesday, according to local news media reports. A governor, a military adviser and the cabinet’s spokesman also quit their posts. The ultraconservative Salafist Nour party, which won the second-largest bloc in parliament, distanced itself from Morsi on Tuesday, saying that it supported the protesters’ calls for early elections.
 
Egyptian police officers have said they will no longer protect the president or his Muslim Brotherhood backers, and protesters have pressed in closer to the palace where Morsi is thought to be staying.
 
The demonstrations that have raged for nearly a week have been tarnished by a wave of sexual assaults and rape, Human Rights Watch reported Wednesday, saying that at least 91 women had been attacked in just four days of protests.
 
One of the victims required surgery “after being raped with a ‘sharp object,’” the rights group said in a statement, citing reports from the Egyptian activist group, Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment. The group runs an emergency hotline and rescue efforts for assault victims in Tahrir Square.
 
Egypt’s government and police force have long neglected what Human Rights Watch calls an “epidemic” of sexual violence in Egypt. Attacks on women, particularly at protests, have been on the rise in recent months.
 
Analysts say that if Morsi is sidelined — or forced out entirely — his Islamist backers will probably have two options: They either agree to participate in whatever political role the military allows them to occupy, or they go on the offensive.
 
“Rarely in history do elected presidents leave power without a lot of bloodshed,” said Joshua Stacher, an Egypt expert and a political scientist at Kent State University in Ohio. “The Brotherhood is viewing what happened yesterday as an existential threat.”
 
Egypt’s Islamists, empowered by Mubarak’s fall and the country’s young democracy, have no intention of going back to the prisons and the torture chambers that they suffered at the hands of previous military regimes, Stacher said. 

“So they’re going to fight their way out, because they believe they have an electoral mandate, which they do,” he said.

Amro Hassan contributed to this report.

 

 

Somalia: Somalia’s shameful protest letter on Kenya to African Union

SOMALIA’S SHAMEFUL PROTEST LETTER ON KENYA TO AFRICAN UNION
Khalif Abdi Farah alias Firimibi
Northern Forum for Democracy
norfod5@yahoo.com
July 03 2013

Somalia Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign
Affairs Minister, Fawsiya Yusuf Haji Adam.
It’s either the world isn’t fair enough to Somalis that, they cobbled together something that the UN hurriedly celebrated as a government after a fair period of transition or it’s the illegitimacy of asking some innocent tribal elders nominate a president with no set criterions that has given birth to a weird form of leadership which is peddling some form of a confused Somalia leadership led by one Hassan Sheikh Mohamud controlled by his ideologically linked ‘Damul jadid’ junta of the Al-qaeda management base in Qatar and Eqypt.
Pundits closely watched his manoeuvres to oppose the liberation of Jubaland from the Alshabaab terror group and the subsequent lawful formation of a federal government by all local stakeholders. As if that wasn’t enough, this President of Somalia who
 is so much toyed around by the British government for nothing has under the watch of the global security networks planned, organized, resourced and mobilized both Alshabaab and some crooked militia groups from Moqadishu to cause mayhem in Kismaayo and true to his words and those of his Prime Minister and cabinet members in the security portfolio ensured the occurrence of three key fights that even the aides of his Defence Minister got killed besides several Alshabaab.
It’s good to note that, Kenyan defence forces restrained themselves to an extent that, they dangerously risked the lives of Kenyan men and women by even allowing terror groups to be hitting their main base at Kismaayo airport just to remain neutral lest the Moqadishu junta claim Kenya’s involvement in the fracas they knowingly mooted to occur.
What even puzzles many further is that, the AMISOM command that has a Djaboutian as their spokesperson openly concurs with the wrongs that Moqadishu government does in Kismayu and we challenge interested parties to listen to all his speeches in Somali language that are contrary to the officially released English version. Sounds funny that, AMISOM is now talking of investigating Kenya’s involvement in the Kismaayo attacks when no one including General Guti has raised a finger over the organization, deployment and commitment of crime by President Hassan’s government in Jubaland including the unlawful dispatch of some Kenyan trained Somali forces from Gedo together with Alshabaab fighters who sojourned at Alshabaab camps where they hosted them with bulls slaughtered for them and eventually caused several attacks in Kismaayo by even setting an IED bomb for KDF and Sierraleonian forces.
What adds an insult to injury is the below protest and defamatory letter conjured and created in Villa Somalia against the forces of Kenya without whom Ashabaab would have thrived in Somalia. More so, a letter talking of the behaviour and action of a force from a sovereign state and not even the regional blocs like IGAD, East Africa community or even the Foreign and
Defence ministries of Kenya are put into picture yet Somalia’s President and Foreign Minister find it fit to share with some God knows ghetto sites like Galgadud.com?. This is indeed a clear reflection of the dangerous crooks who now claim to be leaders in Somalia yet are busy backstabbing Kenya with no appreciation of the immense sacrifice that our country has made for Somalia.
We are seriously and with no two way about it demand our able, appropriate and competent Foreign Minister Madam Amin ‘Jawahir’ Mohamed respond to this horrible diplomatic miscarriage and make it clear to Somalia and the world that, we will sacrifice more and be in Somalia for a while until and when that country will get rid of Alshabaab and have some form of a decent government.
Let the ‘Damul jadid’ Junta at Villa Somalia be told in black and white that, Kenya is very much aware of their current intense mobilization of Alshabaab, militias from Galgadud, Hiraan, Lower Shabelle, Middle Shabelle, Benadir, Bay and Bakool and that their intention of frontally waging a multi-prong war against Kenyan forces based in Gedo and Lower Juba will meet a fatal blow as Kenya has the capacity to defend the innocent residents of Jubaland and its forces for as long as the Moqadishu government wish to be in war with Kenya.
Yes, Kenya has a known and distinguished reputation as an International peace keeper in over 30 countries and your flimsy accuses against Kenyan forces based on your cheap clan agenda will not deter us from Keeping Jubaland free from Terror forces and its better if only the President and his team focus their energy in charting a clear path to make Somalis trust each other and have the confidence to become a nation again.
Khalif Abdi Farah alias Firimibi
Northern Forum for Democracy
Email: norfod5@yahoo.com
 

Spy agencies win millions more to fight terror threat

Britain's intelligence agencies will emerge as the biggest winners from the Government’s review of public spending, The Telegraph can disclose
MI6, MI5 and Government Communications Headquarters will see an increase in their combined £1.9 billion budget Photo: PA
By Robert Winnett, Political Editor

MI6, MI5 and Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) will see an inflation-busting increase in their combined £1.9 billion budget, underlining the Government’s concern over the growing terrorist threat following the Woolwich attack.

Police spending on counter-terrorism will also be protected and will rise in line with inflation.

The percentage increase in the budgets of the intelligence agencies – at more than three per cent in addition to inflation – will be the largest of any item of government spending including the NHS, schools and international development.

It will lead to the agencies receiving about another £100 million in funding annually from 2015.

Local councils are also expected to emerge as winners with increased funding for elderly social care. Money from the ring-fenced NHS budget is expected to be diverted to help fund care homes and home visits for frail pensioners.

George Osborne will on Wednesday unveil the Government’s spending plans for the 2015-16 financial year following months of Whitehall wrangling.

The Spending Review, which will cut a further £11.5 billion in public expenditure, is regarded as especially sensitive as the cuts will be implemented just weeks before the next general election.

The biggest losers will include the Business department, the Culture department, the Home Office and the Justice department, which are expected to each lose about eight per cent from their budgets.

The Ministry of Defence will see its budget cut by about £1 billion, although this will not involve further reductions in front-line troops.

Mr Osborne is also expected to set out plans for long-term caps on welfare spending and other areas of government expenditure which are not tightly controlled.

The Chancellor will detail proposals to divert the money saved from Whitehall spending to fund long-term infrastructure projects such as widening major roads.

He is expected to say: “Britain is moving from rescue to recovery. But while the British economy is leaving intensive care, now we need to secure that recovery.

“We’re saving money on welfare and waste to invest in the roads and railways, schooling and science our economy needs to succeed in the future.”

The intelligence agencies have recently faced criticism that they are struggling to deal with emerging threats, amid suggestions that MI5 and MI6 could have done more to prevent the murder of Drummer Lee Rigby in Woolwich. One of the suspects had attempted to travel to Somalia and both were known to the intelligence services.

GCHQ’s activities have also come under scrutiny following accusations that it may be abusing its power in secretive projects with the United States to monitor internet traffic.

The Chancellor is understood to have contacted the heads of the three agencies last Friday to inform them of their spending increases. MI5, MI6 and GCHQ have seen their budgets fall in real terms by more than 10 per cent since 2010 and there were fears that they would face a further round of cuts.

A Whitehall source said: “This has been one of George’s personal priorities. It is vitally important we look after these budgets and they were settled last week with agreement at the very highest level.”

Mr Osborne and the Prime Minister are understood to believe the agencies need more resources to tackle the growing terrorist threat from sub-Saharan Africa and Syria, and the rising problem posed by cyber terrorism.

In the wake of the GCHQ snooping row, William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, praised the agencies’ work and cooperation with US counterparts.

Speaking in America, he said “we should have nothing but pride” in the “intelligence-sharing relationship between Britain and the United States”. He added that both countries’ intelligence work operated “under the rule of law” and “only exists to protect” people’s freedoms.

Mr Osborne confirmed on Tuesday that the NHS and schools budgets would continue to rise.

Money is also expected to be diverted from the health budget to local authorities to fund social care. Norman Lamb, a health minister, recently warned of an impending crisis in social care as councils struggled to fund enough places for ailing pensioners.

Last week, council leaders warned Mr Osborne that street lights may have to be switched off and libraries closed unless NHS funding was diverted to help pay for elderly care.

They said the amount of money spent on social care has been cut by a fifth in less than three years and they were preparing to reduce budgets further.

Mr Osborne agreed for £2 billion to be transferred from the NHS to the social care sector in his previous Spending Review, but councils said much of the money has gone on propping up the system because of the ageing population.

Ministers are also expected to set out the entitlement criteria for state help. The Government has pledged to cap the maximum bill that anyone faces for social care at £72,000 from 2016, and the details of how this will work are to be announced this week.

Earl Howe, a health minister, was asked about the growing problem in social care, with hospitals often forced not to discharge elderly patients who are infirm but not ill because they have nowhere to go. He said there would be “more news” about increased funding for social care on Wednesday and sources confirmed that the social care budget would rise after several years of cuts.

Danny Alexander, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, also hinted that the Government may speed up the introduction of its community budgets programme, which is designed to make public sector services share operations.

He urged MPs to “listen carefully” to the Chancellor’s statement for more news after being asked about the programme’s national implementation.

Tuesday, July 2, 2013

Somalia money business warns 'money will go underground' if banks shut down transfer channel

Abdirashid Duale, chief executive of Dahabshiil, Somalia's largest money transfer company

JOHANNESBURG –  The chief executive of Somalia's largest money transfer company is warning that money wired into the country could "go underground" if Somalis aren't able to send money to family members through banks.

Abdirashid Duale, chief executive of Dahabshiil, Somalia's largest money transfer company, is asking Barclays to reconsider a recent decision to stop facilitating money transfers to some of Somalia's money transfer companies.
He said Tuesday that regulatory bodies won't be able to monitor transfers if banks shut off the transactions.

A study released last month by the U.N.'s food and agricultural agency estimates that Somalia's diaspora community sends some $1.2 billion into Somalia annually, money that is desperately needed in one of the world's poorest countries.

Banks worried about anti-terror regulations have grown wary of facilitating transfers into Somalia.

Why Somalia Matters - New INDEPTH BOOK ABOUT SOMALIA

A new book is a powerful antidote to the view of Somalia as the locus of cartoonish violence and exotic pirates.

by Michael Maren

The World’s Most Dangerous Place: Inside the Outlaw State of Somalia, by James Fergusson, Da Capo Press, 432pp, $27.50.

At one point in The World's Most Dangerous Place, his exhaustively reported chronicle of the Somali nation, Scottish journalist James Fergusson interviews a Somali restaurant owner in Minneapolis about the upcoming Tom Hanks "pirate" film, Captain Phillips. "I can tell you what this movie is going to be already," Abdi Ahmed tells Fergusson. "They will have a bunch of American people kidnapped, and Tom Hanks will save them, and a bunch of skinny black guys will get killed."

In other words, why bother to pay attention to any of it? Indeed, that's how many people—even I, who spent many years reporting from Somalia—have regarded the place of late. With alarming consistency, the country has cycled through peace conferences, changes of leadership, famines, and fighting.

The names change; a new set of colorful characters takes the stage and assume the title of "president" while commanding armies that are indistinguishable from the clan militias that roam the countryside looting, raping, and killing. The babies I saw crying at United Nations feeding centers in 1993 are now carrying AK-47s, killing on behalf of clan militias or the bloodthirsty Al Qaeda–linked al-Shabaab. They are perpetuating the new climate of fear, creating the new famines that will disenfranchise a new generation of Somalis to accelerate the cycle of violence.

Fergusson first arrived in Somalia in 2008 after covering Afghanistan and areas more central to the West's focus on militant Islam. But with the rise of al-Shabaab his curiosity was piqued: "An African Taliban, at war in a country more corrupt than Afghanistan! That was a place I was very curious to see." Fergusson's curiosity never wanes, and it propels this book, carrying the reader through the tangled maze of international acronyms and complicated clan lineages that play such a large role in the country's structure. Understanding a particular gun battle, for example, requires you to see the distinction between the Hawiye, Habr Gedir, Suleiman subclan and the Hawiye, Habr Gedir, Sacad sublcan (and to understand this hundreds of times over for other clans and subclans). With that knowledge comes the understanding that relationships between and among factions in Somalia cannot be taken at face value. Payments from costal pirates to al-Shabaab, for example, are a simple business arrangement, but U.S. officials have a history of mistaking it for a military alliance.

The subtleties of clan rivalry—as complex as any family relationships—were lost on many when the world intervened during the famine of the early 1990s. These details, the root causes of gun battles and alliances that tore the country apart, were usually cut from news reporting by editors who thought it too arcane to keep readers engaged. Fergusson doesn't shy away from those data, but he also avoids getting all wonky about his newly gained knowledge as well. First and foremost, he is an engaging storyteller with a fine eye for a telling detail. We see through his narrative how these clan divisions might explain the political fracturing of the nation over the past two decades as well as the breakdown of clan authority that has led to the rise of sharia courts and then the dangerous al-Shabaab.

Unfortunately, and through no fault of his own, Fergusson's access in Somalia, particularly in Mogadishu, was extremely limited. He was not free to stroll the alleyways of Mogadishu's Bakara Market chatting with money changers and arms dealers. He did not roam the countryside to Baidoa and areas where al-Shabaab found most of its support. Had he done that, it's likely he wouldn't have survived to tell the story. Much of his reporting from that city came from behind the barbed-wire fences of what is called the Bancroft Hotel, named after the American contractors who built it, and with the protection of Ugandan soldiers who are part of AMISOM (African Mission in Somalia). He does find refugees from Baidoa, and devotes a chapter to the travails of a young man Aden Ibrahim, who had found refuge behind the sandbags of the military compound. "He was a walking epitome of the Somali catastrophe," Fergusson  writes. Indeed, Aden's story is the most compelling chapter in the book.

I also wish that Fergusson had focused some on the ongoing U.S. intervention in Somalia. There have been numerous reports of a "secret CIA prison" in the country, for example, and the level of U.S. involvement with Ethiopia's battle against al-Shabaab is not entirely clear. What is certain is that much of al-Shabaab's credibility as a nationalist organization came from its opposition to these foreign invaders. It may be too early to tell that story, or perhaps it's not one that interested Fergusson, but when it is told there will be valuable lessons the next time westerners want to intervene against the fundamentalist threat.

Some of the other insightful material in the book comes from his interviews with the youth of the Somali diaspora London and Minneapolis. Both cities have become recruiting grounds for militants, and Fergusson's interviews bring us close to the kids who might indeed become the next generation of terrorists and the Somali community leaders who are trying hard to make sure that doesn't happen. In London, for example, imams host a phone-in radio show to give kids advice on how to live like a good Muslim in the West.

What Fergusson makes clear in all this reporting is that Somalia matters. It matters for humanitarian reasons; his descriptions of famine and suffering are moving, as these things tend to be. And it matters because ultimately what happens in the empty wastes of Somalia will find their way to our shores one way or the other. At a time when most American news organizations have closed or cut back their bureaus in Africa, and when covering Somalia more often than not means flying in for a day or two to interview foreign officials, Fergusson has produced an extraordinary chronicle that reminds us why we once regarded this as an important place.

The book is a powerful antidote to the current American view of Somalia as the locus of cartoonish violence and exotic pirates, fodder for late-night jokes and action-movie heroes. The introduction to The Worlds's Most Dangerous Place, written just before the book went to press, strikes an optimistic note. Al-Shabaab is on the run, and perhaps the title of his book may be overstated at this time. And when you meet the Somali characters Fergusson portrays, you may feel his very very cautious optimism. Yet it's very hard to not feel like we know the end of the next chapter in this story, a bunch of skinny black guys getting killed.
----------------
Michael Maren is currently a filmmaker. He worked in Somalia for USAID in the early 1980s and returned as a journalist from 1993 to 1996. He documented his experience there in The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity (Free Press).

Exclusive: Somalia Central Bank a 'slush fund' for private payments - U.N.

People walk outside Somalia's central Bank in Hamarwayne district, south of capital Mogadishu May 16, 2013. REUTERS/Omar Faruk
By Michelle Nichols and Louis Charbonneau

UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - Money at the Central Bank of Somalia is not used to run government institutions in the war-torn Horn of Africa country, with an average 80 percent of withdrawals made for private purposes, according to a U.N. report seen by Reuters on Monday.

The confidential report by the U.N. Group of Experts to the Security Council's Somalia and Eritrea sanctions committee blamed a patronage system - dubbed the "khaki envelope" practice after the color of the stationery carried to the Ministry of Finance - for preventing the creation of state institutions.

"In this context, the fiduciary agency managed by PricewaterhouseCoopers was reduced to a transfer agent that could not ensure accountability of funds once they reached the Somali government," the report said.

"Indeed of $16.9 million transferred by PWC to the Central Bank, $12 million could not be traced," it said. "Key to these irregularities has been the current governor of the Central Bank, Abdusalam Omer."

PricewaterhouseCoopers, Omer and the Somalia U.N. mission did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Omer, 59, is a dual Somali-U.S. national who left Somalia at age 16 and returned in January to become governor of the Central Bank in a country with a shattered economy and broken financial system.

The overthrow of a dictator in 1991 plunged Somalia into two decades of violent turmoil, first at the hands of clan warlords and then Islamist militants, who have steadily lost ground since 2011 under pressure from an African Union military offensive.

Somalia was virtually lawless and unable to assert authority until a Western-leaning government was elected last year.

The U.N. report said all bank decisions were made by Omer because there were no board members in place and the bank does not operate as a government body subject to policy decisions or oversight from integrity institutions and parliament.

"On average, some 80 percent of withdrawals from the Central Bank are made for private purposes and not for the running of government, representing a patronage system and a set of social relations that defy institutionalization of the state," it said.

The experts said Somali Finance Minister Mohamud Hassan Suleiman had tried to reduce the scale of the patronage system, but "it is so pervasive as to be beyond his control without a fundamental restructuring of the system."

CENTRAL BANK A "SLUSH FUND"

Under the patronage system, a person can ask Somali leaders for a private payment "that cannot be resisted for personal or other reasons," the U.N. report said. A senior politician signs a note authorizing the payment, which is honored either directly at the Ministry of Finance or the Central Bank, the report said.

"This custom is also called the 'khaki envelope' procedure on account of the color of the envelopes seen carried to the Ministry of Finance," it said. "Since banks in Somalia, including the Central Bank, cannot make electronic transfers internally or externally, all transactions are made in cash."

The report found that between September, when the new government of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud came to power, and April, almost three-quarters of withdrawals from the Central Bank were made for private individuals.

"Such statistics indicate that the CBS has effectively functioned as a 'slush fund' for the (patronage) system rather than as a financing mechanism for government expenditures," the U.N. experts said.

The report noted that Mohamud's government "cannot necessarily be faulted for the continuing patterns of corruption per se, but it can be held responsible for the appointment of individuals involved in past or present corruption."

According to Central Bank accounts, a cashier at the Ministry of Finance, Ahir Axmed Jumcaale, was responsible for withdrawing the greatest amount of funds.

The report said that between 2010 and 2013 Jumcaale withdrew $20.5 million in his name, which was then used for individual payments under the patronage system by successive finance ministers or finance officials.

An individual named Colonel Abdiqaadir Moalin Nuur took out $4.7 million between 2010 and 2013, the second largest amount of money, according to the report, which said there was no explanation for his withdrawals.

The International Monetary Fund officially recognized the Somali government in April, ending a 22-year hiatus, and last week offered technical support and advice, a first step in efforts to secure debt relief for the country.

Also last month, the Central Bank of Somalia published its first annual report since civil war erupted in 1991, putting the total debt at $3.2 billion. To win debt relief offered to poor nations, it has to draw up a financial management plan.

(Editing by Christopher Wilson)

Somalia: The Godane Coup and the Unraveling of Al-Shabaab


ANALYSIS
The week of June 19th was a bloody milestone for the course of jihad in Somalia as the leaders of Al-Shabaab clashed in Barawe, a coastal city in the south. That conflict led to the killing of some of the top echelon of the terror group and the escape of others. What this violent encounter portends for the future, however, is far more serious than it appears at first glance.

In a single stroke, Ahmed Abdi Godane, the emir of Al-Shabaab who goes by the nom de guerre of "Abu Zubeir," managed to re-align the radical group's leadership dynamics and further consolidated his power by getting rid of his major detractors. His loyalists killed two co-founders of Al-Shabaab, including his former deputy and longtime friend, Ibrahim Al-Afghani, and chased away Hassan Dahir Aweys and Mukhtar Robow, the former spokesman for the terror group.

Aweys is now in custody in Mogadishu, as the government decides his fate. Robow, on the other hand, is believed to have fled to the Bay and Bakol region where his Rahanweyn clan is based. Al-Afghani, Aweys and Robow have complained about Godane's authoritarian tendencies and the heavy-handed approach in dealing with foreign jihadists. On April 26th, an Al-Shabaab assassin loyal to Godane attempted to kill the American jihadist and Alabama native, Omar Hammami, after the latter had gone public in criticizing Al-Shabaab.

Godane's latest attempt to finish off his rivals in the movement has paved the way for his sole leadership of Al-Shabaab which has historically been ruled instead through collective leadership. The clash offers a blunt assessment of what has gone wrong with the group's leadership and how conflicts are resolved. Godane has opted for a violent method of conflict resolution which will likely lead to questions about his legitimacy as the supreme leader of jihad in Somalia.

It is, however, too early to gauge the impact this conflict may have on the young fighters of the militant group. At least currently, Godane has the support of Shaikh Hassan Hussein Adam, an influential young cleric based in Kenya and a sympathetic supporter of Al-Shabaab. A month ago, "Shaikh Hassan," as he is popularly known, issued a fatwa (religious edict) that permitted the extermination of Godane's rivals because they were sowing discord and dissension in the ranks of the mujahidin in Somalia.

The escape of Mukhtar Robow also poses a serious problem for Godane. Most of Al-Shabaab's foot soldiers belong to the Rahanweyn clan. In a country where clan sometimes supersedes religious loyalty, it is not clear what Robow's influence will be on his fellow Rahanweyn fighters. Hassan Dahir Aweys' surrender to the Somali government is not likely to cause any ripple effects for the Al-Shabab fighters because the septuagenarian radical leader and his group, Hizbul Islam, only joined Al-Shabaab in 2009. Robow, however, has been a major leader of Al-Shabaab since its formation a decade ago and, hence, his loyalty remains unquestioned.

The recent clash is likely to dampen and perhaps even rupture Godane's ties with Al-Qaeda central and further cements the perception in some Al-Qaeda circles that Al-Shabaab is interested in a local jihad rather than a global one. Two months ago, Ibrahim Al-Afghani wrote an open letter to Ayman Al-Zawahiri, the leader of Al-Qaeda, in which he criticized Godane for targeting foreign jihadists, imprisoning them in secret detention centers in the areas the terror group controls, and even killing them. For the last several weeks, reports that are critical of the course of jihad in Somalia have appeared on websites sympathetic to Al-Qaeda.

The American jihadist, Hammami, was most vociferous in his lashing out at Godane and publicly requested that Al-Qaeda intervene. There were even unconfirmed reports that Al-Qaeda had asked Al-Shabaab to appoint Ibrahim Al-Afghani as its emir but Godane maneuvered to block that al-Qaeda instruction. At any rate, the recent upheavals in the Somali branch and the purging of some of its leaders will not endear Godane to Al-Qaeda central. In addition, the marginalization and hunting down of foreign fighters, such as Omar Hammami, will also soil the reputation of Al-Shabaab as the main attraction for global jihad.

For the last few weeks, Al-Shabaab has increased its attacks in Mogadishu, raising the perception that the militant group is still a force that can destabilize the nascent government of President Hassan Mohamoud. To the contrary, the recent spike of violence in the capital is an indicator that the group is far weaker than it was thought to be. The group has been successful in attacking soft targets, such as the UN compound, perhaps to distract its fighters from debilitating fragmentation among its leaders. It is unlikely that this terror group will vanish from the political scene in Somalia in the near future, Godane and his followers will continue to exploit the government's inability to exert its control outside Mogadishu.

Godane's coup, while in essence a movement that is eating its own children, may, indeed, pave the way for the fragmentation of the militant group along clan lines. The nagging question then will be to what extent Godane, a northerner operating in the deep south of Somalia, is able to remain head of what is generally a southern jihadi phenomenon? Moreover, the influx of foreign jihadists into Somalia has, for all practical purposes, decreased and further eroded the place of that country in the annals of global jihad.

Hassan M. Abukar is a Somali writer and a political analyst.

Surgeon Fahima Osman leaves her underdog status behind

An undated but recent image of Fahima Osman credit: Sandy Nicholson. fahimaosman@hotmail.com For Focus Canada Day feat (Sandy Nicholson)
by ERIN ANDERSSEN, The Globe and Mail

Standing in the bare-bones operating room in Hargeysa, Somaliland, Fahima Osman knew her patient, a 26-year-old man with a bowel obstruction, wouldn’t make it without surgery. Back home in Canada, she’d have no doubt she could save him – as she did a few months later for an elderly Toronto woman who went home just three days later. But here, the hospital lacked a proper life-support system and optimal anesthetic. Even sutures were in short supply.

In the end, although the surgery itself went well, the young man died as soon as his breathing tube was removed. Looking down at him, Dr. Osman realized, “I don’t have the heart for this.”

Not an easy conclusion because, if anyone can claim to have heart, it’s Fahima Osman. She first appeared in The Globe and Mail a decade ago as part of The New Canada, a series that explored the rise in interracial marriage, the shift in gay rights and the goals of young aboriginal Canadians in an attempt to see a changing nation from the perspective of the diverse, educated 20-somethings who define the next generation.

About to become the first Canadian-trained doctor in Toronto’s Somali community, Dr. Osman was a remarkable example of an immigrant success story. A refugee to Canada at the age of 11, she had been raised by loving parents with no formal schooling in a large family where money was always tight.

In 2003, she was 25, a year away from graduating and planning to become a surgeon in Canada. But she also dreamed of volunteering back in Somaliland, the former British protectorate that had become part of Somalia only to break away after her parents had left.

“We are all brothers and sisters in the world,” she said in 2003. “We all have a duty to help each other. It was just a matter of luck that we’re born privileged and not a kid starving in Africa.”

However, determination and a bright mind aren’t always enough.

Dr. Osman had trained well – working as an emergency-room surgeon at Toronto’s North York General hospital, as well as in rural communities in northern Ontario, believing the experience would help her most on the ground in Somaliland.

Yet she wasn’t ready for the shortages in basic medical supplies and staff she would encounter. Other doctors did their best under the circumstances, but she felt helpless. Losing the young man in 2011 was her breaking point. “It was a case that opened my eyes,” she says. “I was naĂŻve before. You want to save the world. You live and you learn.”

Rather than just give up, she returned to Canada to build her surgical career and find another way to help. She also fell in love, marrying Hosni Zaouali, a Tunisian who was completing his MBA in Quebec when they met at a fundraiser in Montreal. He is now the co-founder and director of Voila Learning, a nonprofit that tutors Canadians in French online, and uses the proceeds to support a virtual school for young Africans.

Last month, Dr. Osman completed a fellowship in breast cancer surgery at the University of Toronto, and is currently in Paris, on her own initiative, to study oncoplastic surgery, a cutting-edge technique that improves the cosmetic appearance of the breast after the tumour is removed.

Two years ago, still thinking of Somaliland, she started work on a master’s degree in public health at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, to learn more about developing the health care system in low-income countries. “I need to help myself before I help anyone else,” she says.

Dr. Osman realized that what Somaliland needs aren’t more Canadian-trained doctors doing their best to patch holes, but locally trained surgeons and specialists to build a better system, one that truly understands the country’s culture and circumstances. So she now plans to create a foundation to work toward that goal by providing money and mentors. She has already begun to build links with more advanced medical schools in neighbouring Ethiopia, since there are no surgical-residency programs in Somaliland.

After all, Dr. Osman understands better than most the value of mentors and support networks, particularly when you are a trailblazer in your community.

“Everybody loves an underdog,” she says, “and my story was that.”

Growing up, she had no professional role models and no outside incentives to succeed, other than her family’s belief in her abilities and the decorative A-plus letters she hung all around her bedroom. Even a high-school guidance counsellor once chided her for aiming too high.

In university, she jokes, she became a “doctor groupie,” badgering friends with relatives in the medical profession, doggedly pursuing anyone willing to offer advice over coffee.

She focused on her own goals for so long, she says, that it was only last year, sitting in a class on social capital at Johns Hopkins, that she truly realized how she had beaten the odds just to be in that lecture hall. Her more well-off peers had built-in stepping stones, thanks to their parents and the opportunities that circumstance afforded them.

Poor kids, even the best students, have to be “exceptional” to succeed – just like a country struggling to build a medical system virtually from scratch. “They have to work 10 times harder to become successful,” Dr. Osman says.

And so Fahima Osman, older, wiser and no longer defined by her underdog status, has one piece of advice for Canada: Look out for young people like her, who have big goals and bright talents but may need a helping hand.

That means preserving social programs in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, she says, and having successful professionals reach out to students to guide their choices. If the country needs inspiration, it can find her in surgery, still trying to saving the world, one way or another.

Chinese factory accused of poisoning Somaliland water supplies

The tanning factory has been accused by local people of dumping dangerous chemicals and causing health complaints
Bags of corrosive material lay open, spilling harmful substances on to the floor of the Jeronimo compound. Photograph: Sean Williams
by Sean Williams, guardian.co.uk


A Chinese-owned tanning factory based in Somaliland has been accused of dumping dangerous chemicals in waterways. But the government has failed to intervene for fear of spooking foreign investment, according to local people.

Jeronimo Group of Industries and Trading PLC, a subsidiary of Chinese glove-making firm Phiss, is the first and only foreign-owned company in the breakaway east African state. It has been operating a factory in the village of Dar-Buruq, 60km outside the capital Hargeisa, since 2008.

People living near the factory have made numerous complaints about respiratory problems. A former worker at Jeronimo named Ibrahim said that one day, while mixing chromium compounds without a mask, he was overcome by the smell and fell down, hitting his head. "The company did not take me to the hospital," he says. "To this day I still have breathing problems." Other locals confirmed many health complaints had been made.

When the Guardian investigated the Jeronimo compound it found an unbearable smell, and workers with no face masks or proper shoes and sacks of corrosive material spilling onto the factory floor.

Industrial waste is dumped in local waterways, the company admits, but it is adamant it has adhered to local and international rules governing the tanning industry. Livestock, which comprises up to 80% of local trade, has disappeared as animals refuse to drink the water and their herders move elsewhere, said one village elder. "[The livestock industry here] is dead, which has also created poverty," says Mohammed, a local government official. "The water here was free; God-given. Now people have to buy it from travelling sellers. A 20-litre jerry can costs 10,000 Somaliland shillings ($0.80). It is too much."

Foreign investments like Jeronimo are seen as vital in proving Somaliland's worth as an independent nation, a point not lost on Dar-Buruq's residents. "We've talked to ministers, deputy ministers. Each time our arguments are passed on to someone else," one village elder says. "The government considers that it is fighting a broader war internationally to attract foreign investors. So if this one is clamped down on it will have a negative impact on that."

President Ahmed Mahamoud Silanyo's government has done little to stop the factory from dumping waste, despite continued appeals from locals.

Somaliland's chamber of commerce secretary general, Ibrahim Ismail Elmi,said that while a seven-minister delegation was sent to inspect Jeronimo in 2008, the situation has been "under review" ever since.

But another senior official, who asked to remain anonymous, added: "We suspect them [Jeronimo]. They use poisons and chromes are getting into the river." Jeronimo has a $6m agreement with the Somaliland government, the official claims, that has to be paid in full should the firm be shut down. "We don't have the capacity to refund them, so we just give advice."

"If the government was worried about these health issues, they should have checked before we came," says Li Fai La, the factory manager . Rather than remove or recycle effluent, he said the company dumps industrial waste "in water 3km away from the factory." Although he did not specifiy what percentage of waste is dumped, the Guardian understands the factory has no waste management system in place.

Li believes the complaints are economically driven, and says that he has considered moving Jeronimo to neighbouring Ethiopia. "You can go to the factory now," he says. "Yes, the smell is bad but trees are growing and there are fish in the water nearby."

Edward Snowden expands asylum requests to 21 nations, but gets no immediate takers

WASHINGTON National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden, believed to be in legal limbo in the Moscow airport, expanded his requests for asylum to 21 countries, including China and 13 European nations, according to WikiLeaks, but his options seemed to be narrowing on Tuesday.

WikiLeaks legal adviser Sarah Harrison delivered the requests for asylum to an official at the Russian consulate at the Moscow airport on Sunday, according to the website. WikiLeaks said some of the requests had already been delivered to the appropriate embassies.

The WikiLeaks statement said requests were made to China, Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela, India and European countries. Snowden had planned earlier to seek asylum in Ecuador and had requested asylum in Russia, according to the anti-secrecy group.

Early Tuesday, however, the Kremlin said Snowden had repealed his request to stay in Russia because of the terms for protection given by Moscow.

Russia's President Vladimir Putin said Monday that former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden will have to stop leaking U.S. secrets if he wants to get asylum in Russia, but added that Snowden has no plan to quit doing so.

Poland rejected Snowden's asylum request on Tuesday, and officials in Germany, Norway, Austria, Spain and Switzerland said that he could not apply for asylum from abroad. Many European countries require an asylum request to be made on their soil.

Poland's Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski said Snowden had made a request for asylum in Poland, but the request had faults and was rejected. He did not elaborate.

Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, coincidentally wrapping up a long-planned visit to Moscow, said Tuesday that his government had not yet received an official asylum request from Snowden, but that it would be considered if and when received.

He deserves the world's protection. He has not asked us for it yet. When he does we will give our answer," Maduro told the Reuters news agency in Moscow.
Last week, it looked as if Snowden might get asylum in Ecuador, but after a phone call from Vice President Joe Biden, Ecuador's president seemed to shy away from a commitment.

"We can't process an asylum request because Snowden isn't on Ecuadorean soil, and when he arrives, if he arrives, we will seek the opinion of the U.S.," President Rafael Correa said on Sunday.

Snowden, who has been on the run since releasing sensitive NSA documents, is believed to have been in Moscow airport's transit zone since his arrival from Hong Kong on June 23. The U.S. has annulled his passport.

Meanwhile, WikiLeaks posted a statement Monday evening said to be from Snowden that slammed President Obama for "using citizenship as a weapon."

"Although I am convicted of nothing, it has unilaterally revoked my passport, leaving me a stateless person," Snowden said in the statement. "Without any judicial order, the administration now seeks to stop me exercising a basic right. A right that belongs to everybody. The right to seek asylum.
"Their purpose is to frighten, not me, but those who would come after me."

The expanded requests for asylum came as the Obama administration contends with European allies angry about the release of documents that alleged U.S. eavesdropping on European Union diplomats.

r. Obama, in an African news conference with Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, said the U.S. would provide allies with information about new reports that the NSA had bugged EU offices in Washington, New York and Brussels. But he also suggested such activity by governments would hardly be unusual.

"We should stipulate that every intelligence service -- not just ours, but every European intelligence service, every Asian intelligence service, wherever there's an intelligence service -- here's one thing that they're going to be doing: They're going to be trying to understand the world better, and what's going on in world capitals around the world," he said. "If that weren't the case, then there'd be no use for an intelligence service."

The latest issue concerns allegations, published in the German newsweekly Der Spiegel, of U.S. spying on European officials. French President Francois Hollande demanded Monday that the U.S. immediately stop any such eavesdropping and suggested the widening controversy could jeopardize next week's opening of trans-Atlantic trade talks between the United States and Europe.

"We cannot accept this kind of behavior from partners and allies," Hollande said on French television.

German government spokesman Steffen Seibert told reporters in Berlin, "Eavesdropping on friends is unacceptable." He declared, "We're not in the Cold War anymore."

Even before the latest disclosures, talks at the upcoming free-trade sessions were expected to be fragile, with disagreements surfacing over which items should be covered in or excluded from an agreement. The United States has said there should be no exceptions. But France has called for exempting certain cultural products, and other Europeans do not appear eager to give up longtime agricultural subsidies.

Obama said the Europeans "are some of the closest allies that we have in the world." But he added: "I guarantee you that in European capitals, there are people who are interested in, if not what I had for breakfast, at least what my talking points might be should I end up meeting with their leaders. That's how intelligence services operate."

Nonetheless, Obama said he'd told his advisers to "evaluate everything that's being claimed" and promised to share the results with allies.

Obama said "there have been high-level discussions with the Russians" about Snowden's situation.

"We don't have an extradition treaty with Russia. On the other hand, you know, Mr. Snowden, we understand, has traveled there without a valid passport, without legal papers. And you know we are hopeful that the Russian government makes decisions based on the normal procedures regarding international travel and the normal procedures regarding international travel and the normal interactions that law enforcement has. So I can confirm that."

Putin didn't mention any Snowden effort to seek asylum in Russia, and spokesman Dmitry Peskov declined to say what the Russian response might be. Putin insisted that Snowden wasn't a Russian agent and that Russian security agencies hadn't contacted him.

Three U.S. officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because they weren't authorized to publicly discuss the Snowden case, said Washington's efforts were focused primarily on persuading Russia to deport Snowden either directly to the United States or to a third country, possibly in eastern Europe, that would then hand him over to U.S. authorities.

In a sign of the distrust generated by the Der Spiegel report, the German government said it had launched a review of its secure government communications network and the EU's executive, the European Commission, ordered "a comprehensive ad hoc security sweep."

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said Monday he didn't know the details of the allegations, but he still played them down, maintaining that many nations undertake various activities to protect their national interests. Kerry failed to quell the outrage from allies, including France, Germany and Italy.

A spokesman for Herman Van Rompuy, the president of the European Council, said, "The European Union has demanded and expects full and urgent clarification by the U.S. regarding the allegations."

According to Der Spiegel's report, which it said was partly based on information leaked by Snowden, NSA planted bugs in the EU's diplomatic offices in Washington and infiltrated the building's computer network. Similar measures were taken at the EU's mission to the United Nations in New York, the magazine said.

It also reported that the NSA used secure facilities at NATO headquarters in Brussels to dial into telephone maintenance systems that would have allowed it to intercept senior officials' calls and Internet traffic at a key EU office nearby.

As for Snowden, White House national security spokeswoman Caitlin Hayden said the White House won't comment on specific asylum requests but reiterated its message to all countries that he "needs to be expelled back to the U.S. based on the fact that he doesn't have travel documents and the charges pending against him."

Regarding possible effects on U.S. interactions with Russia, she said it remains the case "that we don't want this issue to negatively impact the bilateral relationship."