Chaotic And Dangerous Is The New Normal

June 13, 2013: A growing number of Somalis are returning, often from sanctuary they found in Western countries. About 4,000 a month are returning from refugee camps in Kenya, but those from Western nations bring cash (sometimes a lot) and new skills. In Mogadishu there is economic opportunity and that is expected to eventually extend to the countryside. That may take a while. It’s not just al Shabaab that has to be destroyed, but also the clan feuds and numerous armed men found out there. Two decades without any central government has made chaos a familiar lifestyle in the countryside. That will not change quickly. Moreover, for centuries the coastal towns and cities were patches of civility and the inland areas were more chaotic and dangerous. Since the 1990s the chaos and danger has been extremely intense. But now the pro-government forces and foreign peacekeepers are reducing the level of mayhem and violence. For the average Somali, that’s a big improvement.

Remnants of al Shabaab have made life difficult for Kenyans living near the Somali border. A main road runs along the border and al Shabaab gunmen find this convenient for robbery or just shooting Kenyans. Al Shabaab blames Kenya for the heavy losses the Islamic terror group has taken in the last year and wants revenge.

June 11, 2013: Just across the border in Kenya al Shabaab gunmen ambushed a truck, killing six civilians.

June 10, 2013: In Kismayo several days of fighting between rival militias ended with the Ras Kamboni militia claiming victory over the Iftin Hassan Basto militia. There were over a hundred casualties from three days of battles. The leader of Ras Kamboni (Ahmed Madobe) had proclaimed himself the president of Jubaland, as had his opponent. The loser did not concede defeat so Iftin Hassan Basto may be back for a rematch. If Ras Kamboni can maintain control of Kismayo they will grow rich from fees charged businesses to use the port and market places. That will not go unchallenged because there’s too much money involved. The Somali government and peacekeepers are threatening to move in and settle the matter, especially the unwelcome independence of Jubaland. This all began two years ago when Kenya told local clan leaders that, in return for their cooperation in chasing al Shabaab out of the area, Kenya would support the formation of Jubaland. Kenyan troops subsequently joined the UN recognized Somali peacekeeping force and are now technically in opposition to any independence for Jubaland. But the local clan leaders went ahead with it anyway and Kenyan troops are refusing to interfere in the subsequent clan warfare over who would have it all. Many Somalis also suspect that Kenya has plans to annex the area Jubaland is supposed to include because Kenya has long had a claim on this part of southern Somalia. Kenya just wants peace on the border and these clan wars do not help.

June 8, 2013: An Iranian shipping company is trying to convince the local government to allow them to control all port operations in Mogadishu. The government and the UN is opposed to this because the of the many sanctions against Iran and the tendency for Iranian shipping and trading companies to be involved in smuggling for the Iranian government. The Iranians are spreading cash around and promising more if the Somalis sign a deal.

June 6, 2013: In the south ( Bararwe ) al Shabaab killed two men (by firing squad) it accused of spying for the government and peacekeepers.

June 5, 2013: Off the coast of Puntland pirates captured an Indian dhow (small wooden cargo ship) carrying livestock. The captain of the 14 man crew radioed the international piracy patrol for help before the pirates boarded. An armed helicopter from a Swedish warship arrived soon and flew near the dhow. Shortly after that the pirates left the dhow and went on their way.

June 4, 2013: Near the crossroads town of Jowhar (90 kilometers from Mogadishu) Al Shabaab killed five farmers. The Islamic terrorists are trying to regain control of the town. Al Shabaab took control of this town four years ago and lost it to government forces late last year. This was one of the last large towns the Islamic terrorists controlled. Some of the fleeing al Shabaab men headed for Puntland. There, a hilly area near the Somali border has become something of a sanctuary for displaced Islamic terrorists. But many al Shabaab men took refuge in villages near Jowhar and some have joined them from Puntland. The government/peacekeeper forces will have to make another sweep of the area to clear out al Shabaab.

In Puntland a raid on an al Shabaab safe house in the port of Bossaso captured al Shabaab leader (for forces in Puntland) Abdikafi Mohamed Ali . One soldier was killed in the raid and Ali was wounded. 

June 2, 2013: In the south ( Jilib, near the Kenyan border) al Shabaab showed off two Kenyan soldiers they had captured last month in a cross-border raid.

June 1, 2013: About a hundred kilometers northwest of Mogadishu ( Wanlaweyn district in the Lower Shabelle) al Shabaab and government forces fought overnight. This led to at least ten dead and dozens of wounded. The Islamic terrorists were trying to interfere with a road repair operation in the area.

An American Predator UAV crashed in Puntland, about 20 kilometers from the coast. The U.S. operates these UAVs out of Djibouti.

Somalia: Cigarette Smoking Takes Unknown Toll On Somalis By Abdi Moalim,

Mogadishu — The Somali government should undertake a comprehensive study on the effects of tobacco consumption since many Somalis lack awareness about the physical and economic consequences of smoking, health specialists and labour officials say.

An official study would cast light on smoking-related medical problems and the connection between smoking and financial and social issues, said Adam Haji Ibrahim, a physician and public health specialist who teaches at Benadir University.

A study is also needed to discern how many Somalis are lighting up, he said.

"There is no reliable study or research on the number of people who smoke cigarettes, the problems it has caused them and the general risk of smoking to the Somali public," Ibrahim told Sabahi, adding that the absence of a stable government capable to provide general social services to its citizens for the past 22 years is to blame.

According to the World Health Organisation, which promoted World No Tobacco Day on May 31st, nearly six million people die annually from tobacco and more than 600,000 people die from exposure to second-hand smoke.

Somalia is at a disadvantage because it has no laws to restrict smoking, Ibrahim said. "Public awareness on smoking is really low and the consequence is that smoking-related problems are impacting smokers and non-smokers who are exposed to second-hand smoke," he said.

Social and economic cost of cigarettes

Abdinur Bashir, a 38-year-old bus driver, said he has smoked forty cigarettes a day for 22 years, even though he was aware of potential health problems.

"I heard it harms the mind, I also heard it causes cancer and lowers life expectancy, but then it is an addiction that is not easy for me to stop," he said. "Sometimes smoking is more important to me than food, so I buy cigarettes with the money I earn and at times I get them from friends and we smoke one cigarette together."

Cigarettes represent a huge problem for personal, family and national wealth, said Abdirizaq Mohamed Abdirahman, an economist and former lecturer at SIMAD University.

"A Somali family earns an average daily income of $2, and two packs of cigarettes cost more than $2," he told Sabahi. A pack of twenty cigarettes costs between 50 cents and $1 in Somalia.

Cigarette smoking also greatly damages the country's economic productivity, Abdirahman said. "Smokers cannot complete the work hours their companies set because [taking smoke breaks] interferes with their hours," he said.

Mohamed Abukar Zubeyr, president of the Federation of Somali Trade Unions, said the government should implement a far-reaching strategy to combat public health problems from smoking.

"The first part of the strategy is to prevent youth from being addicted to cigarettes, and the second step is for school administrators, public transit drivers and cafes to issue internal rules to reduce smoking," he told Sabahi.

"The third step is to use public leaders to raise awareness among the groups they influence. The fourth step is to create a plan for smokers to quit and for prospective employers to state in their job advertisements that they do not want to hire a smoker."

"Parliament should pass a law prohibiting cigarette smoking, or at least putting restrictions on it," Zubeyr said. "Also, the government should create [recreational] opportunities for youth to quit smoking, such as creating sports teams for them."

Public campaign against smoking

Even though awareness programmes targeting smoking are few and far between in Somalia, some actions have been taken to fight smoking. For instance, some businesses ban smoking on their premises and forbid their employees from smoking, thereby encouraging people to quit.

"I smoked for some years and encountered big social problems as a result," said 27-year-old Yahye Maalin. Although he was ashamed of smoking in public and was under pressure by some of his friends to stop, he continued to smoke until his current employer made it impossible.

"I would at times stop an important task to find a secluded place to smoke," he told Sabahi. "My current workplace prohibits smoking and does not allow its employees to smoke at all, so after a while I quit smoking."

If companies stop hiring people who smoke or make quitting smoking a condition for employment, it would help cut down cigarette smoking, Maalin said.

Somalia appoints Global Finance & Capital adviser to Infrastructure fund, Development Bank

Somalia's Minister of Finance Mohamud Hassan Suleiman (R) Somalia's Bank Governor Abdusalam Omer (L) (IMF file)

Arun Panchariya, Principal of Global Finance & Capital Limited (GFCL), has announced that the UK FCA-registered corporate finance adviser has been appointed to provide exclusive advisory services to the Government of the Federal Republic of Somalia.  Somalia’s first ‘National Infrastructure & Development Fund’ (NIDF) will be administered by a newly created ‘Development Bank’.


The closed-ended fund has already sourced its seed-funding and when established will be managed in partnership with one bi-lateral partner.  Discussions are on-going with a number of potential partners.  The NIDF is expected to top out at $500 Million with an eight year time frame for its completion.

Speaking in Mogadishu today, Somalia’s Minister of Finance & Planning, Mohamud Hassan Suleiman, said, “As the people of Somalia seek to build a hopeful and prosperous future, we are very pleased to have appointed GFCL, an experienced corporate finance adviser, to assist in the establishment of the first Development Bank and the Infrastructure and Development Fund. Our goal in establishing the Bank and the Fund is to ensure that international investors have a professional partner in Somalia and to reassure all Somalis that investment in much-needed infrastructure will be raised as quickly as possible and directed to the sectors where there is most need.”

At an international conference held in London on 7 May 2013, the Federal Government of Somalia set out its plans to address the country’s challenges in its Six Pillar Policy. The international community has agreed a number of practical measures to support the Federal Government’s plans in three key areas – security, justice and public financial management. International Financial Institutions including the World Bank, the African Development Bank, and the International Monetary Fund have all committed to re-engage with the Government of Somalia and the IMF has recently confirmed its recognition of the Federal Government.

Arun Panchariya, Principal of Global Finance & Capital Limited added, “This appointment is an endorsement of GFCL’s capabilities. We are all very excited by this opportunity and we are highly motivated by the efforts the government is making to assist Somalia rebuild its economy. As soon as we are able to, we will be releasing more details about the Fund, including the bi-lateral partner, the seed financing and governance.”

Somaliland: Time for Media Reform

By: Robleh M. Lafcanbe

On Tuesday, Hubaal media group was ordered to suspend operations by the Maroodi-Jeh (Hargeisa) regional court. This event marks a turning point in the rising tension between journalists and the government.  A battle SOLJA and CPJ claim to be one sided, when in reality that is not the case.

The media in Somaliland plays an important role in the lives of its citizens. It is the only way people of Somaliland, members of the Diaspora and the international communities are kept informed about what is happening in and around the country.

But when news reports only consist of biased statements and false accusations – what do readers rely on?

A significant amount of news agencies in Somaliland have yet to demonstrate ethical journalism.  Reports and articles are consistently filled with insults and character assassinations. It is not a coincidence that journalists are finding themselves at odds with the government and the public. These situations are the result of poor journalism and a lack of understanding between the groups.

In order to move forward, the government, representatives from various communities and media stakeholders should co-operatively establish:

·         A national media code of ethics to be followed by all journalists and media agencies

·         A national independent media commission to serve as an intermediary between the public, the government and the media

·         A national media code of ethics will ensure that journalists are honest and fair and held accountable for their work.  An independent media commission will be responsible for monitoring the media situation in Somaliland and guaranteeing that the rights of journalists and the public/private citizens they report on are protected.

SOLJA should also implement their own code of ethics for their members to follow. It shouldn’t be the responsibility of the government and the public to tell their members how to properly do their job.  The Association should be more than just an advocacy group. They should put more effort and time towards properly training their members and preparing them to be responsible and professional journalists.

There needs to be a collaborative effort towards reforming the way media is conducted in Somaliland, otherwise the situation will only get worse. This is an issue that can easily be resolved, as long as it is done in the right way. In the end, the people of Somaliland will rely on their media as long as journalists and news agencies do not take that for granted.

The author of this article can be reached at robleh.m@gmail.com or on Twitter – @RM_Laf

From University of Minnesota: Welcome to Somaliland

by Bria Schurke

A quick introduction to myself. My name is Bria Schurke and I am from Ely, Minnesota where grew up paddling in the beautiful Boundary Waters. I graduated from St. Olaf college with a degree in International Public Health and Sustainable Development. The last five years I’ve been leading mountaineering, climbing, canoeing and hiking courses for various outdoor adventure/therapy and education programs, including the National Outdoor Leadership School and Wilderness Inquiry. 

I am excited to start graduate school this fall at the University of Minnesota where I will be studying Maternal and Child Health with a Global Health Concentration.

I have spent the last month volunteering at the Edna Adan hospital in Hargeisa, Somaliland. ednahospital.org  Somaliland, for those of you who may have never heard of it,is a small independent country in northern Somalia.  As defined by wikipedia, Somaliland is ”an unrecognized self-declared de facto sovereign state that is internationally recognised as an autonomous region of Somalia.” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somaliland Somaliland recently celebrated it’s 22nd year of independence on May 18th.

I hope to use this blog to introduce Somaliland to those who have never heard of it, share stories and photos of the homeland of many Somali immigrants in Minnesota and highlight national health issues that I have been exposed to during my time here.
Please feel free to send me questions and comments!

Egypt’s Instability Triggers a New Proxy War Against Ethiopia and its Allies

By Gregory R. Copley

Egypt’s Morsi Government has initiated a return to covert war against Ethiopia, which controls the source of the Blue Nile, Egypt’s and Sudan’s principal source of water.

The result will almost certainly lead to an increased level of insecurity in the strategic Red Sea/Suez sea lane and in the upper Nile riparian states, such as South Sudan, with some impact on global energy markets. Certainly it promises to see greater instability in the Horn of Africa at a time when Western media portrayals hint at a return to stability in, for example, Somalia.

Significant, mounting public unrest in Egypt during May and June 2013 (with more promised), expressing discontent with the economic and social policies of the Ikhwani Government of Pres. Mohammed Morsi caused the President to search for a major foreign distraction — a perceived threat to Egypt — to turn public attention away from the worsening domestic social and economic climate. The campaign includes a major media offensive at the alleged threat, and also included the commitment of major political, intelligence, and military resources to  a trenchant reversal of Egypt’s brief period of rapprochement with Upper Nile riparian states, particularly Ethiopia.

This amounts to a full — even expanded — resumption of the indirect war to isolate Ethiopia politically and economically and to ensure that it cannot attract foreign investment and political support. It also attempts to ensure that Ethiopia’s main avenues for trade, through the Red Sea ports in Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somaliland, become closed to it. This, in particular, means that the Egyptian campaign to prevent recognition of independent Somaliland (former British Somaliland) has been reinvigorated, and military aid given to Somalia (former Italian Somaliland) to help overrun the Republic of Somaliland, thus cutting Ethiopia’s trade link through Somaliland’s port of Berbera.

The discontent in Egypt — and Morsi’s search for a foreign distraction — coincided with the start of work on Ethiopia’s major Great Millennium Dam (aka the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam), which some Egyptians have claimed, without evidence, would take Nile waters away from Egypt. The coincidence of the timing has proven explosive, although the Morsi Government had already initiated discreet steps to re-escalate indirect hostilities against Ethiopia.

The Egyptian military knows that Egypt is not in a position — even allied with neighboring Sudan — to take direct military action against Ethiopia, but Pres. Morsi had begun returning to the confrontational approach with Ethiopia which had characterized the former governments of Pres. Hosni Mubarak. The move away from this approach, which had failed to gain any traction against Ethiopia or other upstream riparian states, began under the post-Mubarak military Government of Field Marshal Mohammed Hussein Tantawi with an initiative aimed at achieving negotiated results.

Pres. Morsi, on assuming power in Egypt, discovered during his visit to Addis Ababa for an African Union summit in 2011, that the Great Millennium Dam project would proceed, although Ethiopian officials assured Egypt that this would not interfere with the flow of water to Egypt. The dam was expected to produce 6,000 megawatts of power, and its reservoir was scheduled to start filling in 2014.

An independent panel of experts concluded that the dam would not significantly affect downstream Sudan and Egypt, but Younis Makhyoun (Zakaria Younis Abdel-Halim Makhyoun), leader of the ultraconservative Salafist al-Nour party, said on June 3, 2013, that Egypt should back rebels in Ethiopia or, as a last resort, destroy the dam. The Morsi Government, in fact, had already begun that action, using the allied Sudanese Government of Pres. Umar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir to support Ethiopian radical Islamist leaders sitting in exile in Khartoum. These leaders prompted major anti-Government demonstrations to take place in Addis Ababa in the first days of June 2013. One, on June 1, 2013, involved some 10,000 demonstrators, mostly Muslim, calling for increased religious freedom, the release of political prisoners, and so on. [Reports claiming that there were 100,000 demonstrators dramatically overstated the reality.]

What was significant was that the demonstrations attracted the support of urban, Christian youth, who saw the demonstration as a chance to protest against the Government. But it was the extreme Islamist elements which, with considerable Egyptian backing through the Khartoum connection, made the protests significant. The rally was formally organized by the secular Semayawi (Blue) Party, which received official permits for the rally, but the event was co-opted by the Islamists, making it just the event which Cairo had sought.

Not coincidentally, a senior Egyptian Ministry of Defense delegation arrived in Mogadishu, Somalia, on June 4, 2013, officially to begin discussions on an Egyptian project to rebuild the headquarters and offices of the Ministry of Defense of Somalia. However, the Egyptian delegation made it clear to its hosts that it also intended to equip, train, and rebuild the Somali Armed Forces, with the intent to support a Somalian move to assume control of the Republic of Somaliland, to its North. The independent and internationally-recognized Republic of Somaliland had joined with the former Italian Somaliland to create Somalia, on June 1, 1960. Following a massive brutalization of Somaliland by southern “Somalian” forces, Somaliland on May 18, 1991, withdrew from the union.

The Egyptian Government, however, has, since that time, ensured that the African Union (AU) and Arab League did not recognize the return to independence of Somaliland, largely in order to ensure the isolation of, by now, landlocked Ethiopia, and to limit Ethiopia’s economic viability and therefore its ability to engage in major projects on the Blue Nile headwaters. Egypt’s pressure within the (then) Organization for African Unity (OAU), later the AU, the Arab League, and on its US ally, ensured that no bid for recognition of Somaliland made headway.

That process was beginning to be reversed when elections in Somaliland on July 26, 2010, installed Pres. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo and  the Kulmiye party. Significantly, Silanyo, beset by advanced diabetes and probable dementia, has relied increasingly on Minister of Presidency Hersi Ali Haji Hassan (Somali: Xirsi Xaaji Xasan), who is essentially an ally and front for the salafist jihadi movement, al-Shabaab. He has essentially taken control of the Government. Thus, progress by the outgoing Somaliland Government with the governments of the US, Britain, and Germany for de facto recognition ended.

Egypt, then, is now advancing on several fronts in its campaign to isolate Ethiopia: through Somalia; through Sudan; through its sponsorships via a number of channels of Ethiopian Islamist and other opposition movements (including the Oromo Liberation Front: OLF); and via Eritrea (although the Eritrean option has become limited because of the paralysis of the Government there, under the ailing President, Isayas Afewerke).

Significantly, Cairo actually has no real national security case on which to base its new war. There is no evidence that the Ethiopian dam would constrain Nile water flow to Sudan and Egypt, and, anyway, there is little Egypt could do, either legally or militarily if the flow was threatened: other than to bring Ethiopia into a state of chaos.

But the major reason for the Egyptian initiative was, according to sources in Cairo, to mobilize Egyptian public opinion around Pres. Morsi. Significantly, however, by posing such a threat to Ethiopia, Egypt risks actually galvanizing Ethiopian public opinion around the Government in Addis Ababa, and perhaps creating a reason for Ethiopia to consider using water flow as a weapon against Cairo.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn, who was elected as a stop-gap leader following the death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in mid-2012, has only a modest power base of his own. But his one option now may be to do what Meles had been dissuaded from doing before: to formally recognize the sovereignty of Somaliland. Hailemariam, in May 2013, promised in Parliament to defend Somaliland. Other African states have promised to recognize Somaliland, but did not want to be the first. Somaliland’s senior military officials, meanwhile, flew to Addis for talks on June 5, 2013.

The war has begun, but it may not save Pres. Morsi from the collapsing Egyptian economy, even bigger demonstrations of unrest, and even opposition to his policies of antagonizing upper Nile states.

By. Gregory R. Copley

Source: Oilprices.com

Somalia: a ‘good news story’ that’s far from over

Photo: Members of the business community in Kismayo attend a meeting with foreign journalists to discuss the recent liberation of the city by al-Shabab and the future of the region's charcoal industry, in this handout photo taken and released by the African Union-United Nations Information Support team November 30, 2012. Kismayo was liberated from al-Shabab rebels nearly two months ago, when Kenyan and Somali government forces attacked the militants' last bastion, and the return of relative calm has generated activity for the port. REUTERS/AU-UN IST Photo/Tobin Jones

From being the world’s archetypal basket case for so long, suddenly Somalia is on the “road to stability” while donors and diplomats sing the praises of its new, untested government. The extensive African intervention in Somalia may have helped the country turn a corner, but it’s still too soon to tell for sure – and, in the meantime, the country’s myriad complexities (including the little-appreciated fact that Al Shabaab is down but certainly not out) risk being lost in the hype. By SIMON ALLISON.

When it comes to Somalia, there is a lot of optimism in the air at the moment. Al Shabaab has been vanquished! Stability is here! The diaspora is coming home! There’s a newly-elected government ensconced safely in Villa Somalia, eager donors are gathering funds for post-conflict reconstruction and Mogadishu’s stagnant social scene is coming alive with hip coffee shops, trendy restaurants and maybe even a night club or two (shh, don’t tell Al Shabaab).

In the narrative arc so often used to describe Somalia’s recent history, the climax of this good news story came late last September, when the internationally-blessed African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom) forces took control of the port city of Kismayo, Al Shabaab’s de facto headquarters and main generator of the Islamist militant group’s income. The Battle of Kismayo, it was called in reverent tones, even though Al Shabaab slunk away without a fight, conspicuously failing to deliver the waves of bloodshed their over-exuberant spokesmen kept promising (at least we think so; Amisom boasted that they had incurred no casualties in taking the city, but they have a track record of drastically under-reporting casualty figures).

That this was a major blow to Al Shabaab is not in doubt. That this was the moment when the war against Al Shabaab was won – when Somalia’s bad news story turned into its good news story – may also turn out to be true. But perhaps we should leave these determinations to the historians, because it is too early for anyone else to make this kind of judgment. Truth is, Al Shabaab still controls most of Somalia, and where it doesn’t the country still faces many threats that are just as existential.

This week, the BBC published a startling map of Somalia, outlining who exactly controls which bits of the country. It’s a grim illustration, especially if you’ve been confused into thinking that Somalia’s fighting is over (on a radio show recently, a caller told me in all seriousness that “Somalia” was Africa’s greatest achievement).

In green, covering the largest portion of the map and completely encircling the capital, Mogadishu, are areas governed by Al Shabaab. These are mostly comprised of small villages and rural habitation, but they still cover a lot of ground.

In brown, covering another large chunk of land in the north, is Somaliland – the autonomous region which declared itself independent of Mogadishu 22 years ago, and runs itself accordingly. Another large brown chunk is Puntland, an autonomous region with a closer (but no less contentious) relationship with Mogadishu.

Finally, there’s the land ostensibly run by the government. There’s not that much of it, and it’s a confusing hodge-podge of colours representing non-contiguous territories that are actually controlled by a number of different entities: pro-government militias; pro-government semi-autonomous administrations; militias supported sympathetic to Ethiopia; Ethiopian troops working directly with local militias; government troops working with Amisom; and Amisom troops working with local militias. Just about the only place that the government is actually secure in its rule is Mogadishu, and even there it is completely reliant on its Amisom protectors.

Quite obviously, this is not the sturdy foundation required by the new, post-conflict Somali state (build your house on a rock, the parable goes; not the shifting sands of greed, gunmen and tribal rivalries). And in case you’re still in doubt, let me refer you back to Kismayo where, it seems, the battle for control has yet to actually be won. Sure, Al Shabaab might have been kicked out, but that doesn’t mean the central government has a firm grip either.

Nine months after the offensive which was supposed to have ushered in a new era, Kismayo this weekend was the scene of vicious street fighting between rival militias which killed at least 18 people.

The main culprits, it seems, were fighters loyal to Ahmed Madobe, head of the infamous Ras Kamboni militia, an armed group that helped Amisom forces take control of Kismayo; and fighters answering to Iftin Hassan Basto, another local leader. Both have declared themselves president of Jubaland, the region of which Kismayo is capital.

The local fighting mirrors the chaos at a national level, although it’s hard to tell exactly who is fighting for whom. Various reports (denied by officials) suggest that Somali government soldiers joined in, supporting Basto’s militia, while Amisom troops deliberately turned a blind eye to the Ras Kamboni offences.

It’s important to remember that in Kismayo, Amisom effectively refers to the Kenyan soldiers which formed part of an intervention force in 2011 – what some have termed an invasion. While the end goal was always to root out Al Shabaab, Kenya has also been planning to establish and support Jubaland as a semi-autonomous region that could act as a buffer state between it and Somalia proper. The federal government, looking for more control not less, is not a big fan of this plan – perhaps explaining why the Kenyan Amisom forces and Somali soldiers might have found themselves on different sides of this particular fight.

The new violence, indicative of a failure to institute any real governance mechanisms in the area, threatens to have a knock-on effect in other parts of the country. Puntland’s vice-president Abdisamad Ali Shire has already accused the government of instigating the violence, and threatened to reassess Puntland’s relationship with Mogadishu as a result. “The clashes in Kismayo weren't by chance; I believe they were carefully construed and planned by the Somali federal government,” he said.

Just as last year Kismayo was a symbol of Al Shabaab’s fall from grace, so this year it represents the chaos, uncertainty and continued violence that the Islamist militant group left in its wake, with rival militants vying for control complicated by infighting within pro-government forces and even within Amisom itself. With much of the country still in Al Shabaab hands, and even more of it not under the control of Mogadishu, it’s clear that Somalia’s good news story – if that’s what it turns out to be – still has a lot more drama in it. Everyone involved, in particular the international donors and diplomats who have been so quick to sing the new government’s praises, would do well to remember this. DM

Simon Allison

Simon Allison covers Africa for the Daily Maverick, having cut his teeth reporting from Palestine, Somalia and revolutionary Egypt. He loves news and politics, the more convoluted the better. Despite his natural cynicism and occasionally despairing tone, he is an Afro-optimist, and can’t wait to witness and chronicle the continent’s swift development over the next few decades.

A Clinic Offers Afghan Women Legal Aid—and Hope

by Jonathan E. Kaplan   Open Society Foundations–Washington, D.C. 

Our driver dropped us off outside the compound that houses Kabul’s municipal government offices at Sedarat Square in the center of the city. After passing through two security checkpoints where I was frisked and patted down twice, I stepped into a courtyard mobbed with people, armed guards toting AK-47s and parked armored Humvees.

A few yards past the last checkpoint is a trailer, which houses the Justice for All Organization, a pro-bono legal clinic that represents women and indigent clients. To enter the office, you have to take a big, awkward step on and over some concrete blocks to climb the short stairway into the office.

The trailer is, not surprisingly, cramped, stuffy, and warm. There’s no air circulation. The lighting is poor. But it is here where women and other clients who cannot afford a lawyer can get legal advice and representation. It is where a dedicated group of lawyers work to uphold what passes for the rule of law and women’s rights in Afghanistan.

Mahfuza Folad, a former judge, runs the organization. She and her five colleagues (four of whom are women) work at makeshift desks waiting to help a largely female clientele. The potential clients are seeking divorce and separation, custody of their children, alimony, or they are being prosecuted because they have sought shelter from violence or are accused of committing adultery.

Started with funding provided by the Open Society Afghanistan, the organization now serves clients in Kabul and in the provinces beyond Afghanistan’s largest city. Today, the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs and other international NGOs provide the organization’s funding.

On Saturday, May 18, there were more than a dozen women, most wearing burkas, waiting to see the lawyers (Saturday in Kabul is Monday in the West).

The first woman in line, Marzia, 35, had come to the clinic because her husband had two wives and mistreated her. She wanted a divorce, but her husband threatened to kill her. The local police were not helpful because they were friendly with her husband. Mahfuza said she would draft a petition to get Marzia’s case moved to another jurisdiction where she could get a fair hearing. (I asked Mahfuza to just provide the barest of outlines about her case so that there was no violation of attorney-client privilege. Marzia spoke openly about her abusive marriage and the pain it had caused her.)

On an average day, Mahfuza said she and her lawyers provide counsel to a dozen or more clients. At any one time, they have seven open cases—the maximum permitted under Afghanistan’s rules for lawyers.

As Chris Stone, president of the Open Society Foundations, wrote about our visit to a women’s prison in Kabul in May, the problem isn’t the quality of the legal representation or the lack of lawyers willing to help. The problem is a legal system that turns those trying to protect themselves into criminals. The women wanting help from Justice for All added to the pattern that Chris Stone described during the visit to the women’s prison:

[W]omen explaining that they had been falsely accused and locked away to cover up their own victimization… The pattern in these stories seemed like a small clue into the enormous injustices that women face in Afghanistan today, even in Kabul.

Prior to joining the Foundations, my professional experience had come from journalism and several years of serving in the U.S. government. As a reporter, I covered the Congressional debate over whether to go to war in Iraq and I made two reporting trips to Iraq in 2004 and 2005. But like many Americans, my view of Afghanistan had been shaped by media coverage, which in the U.S. largely, and perhaps rightly, focuses on U.S. military action and U.S. troops killed and wounded, diplomacy, and the shortcomings of Afghanistan's government.

But Justice For All Organization’s legal clinic was an unfamiliar piece of the story of U.S. involvement in Afghanistan. I would not have known about the dedicated Afghan lawyers in Kabul and in a few of the provinces working to uphold the rule of law for their less fortunate fellow citizens without traveling there. If there’s any hope for Afghanistan’s political future, it’s at the Justice for All Organization’s legal clinic.

Kenyan suspect joins Shabaab in Somalia

Kenyan terror suspect charged alongside British national Jermaine Grant and two others in Mombasa has escaped and joined the al Shabaab terror group in Somalia.

Fuad Abubakar Manswab, who hails from Majengo area in Mombasa, is among key al Shabaab leaders launching terror attacks against Kenya.

He was arrested by anti-terror police unit officers alongside Grant and two others as they planned to detonate explosives in Mombasa on December 20, 2011.

They were charged with being in possession of explosives, being members of an organised group (al Shabaab) and preparing to commit a felony.

Abubakar jumped bail in November 2011 after he and suspects Grant’s wife Warder Breikh Islam and Frank Ngala were granted a bail of Sh20 million each and one surety.

Ngala remains in custody after failing to raise the bond. Warder and Abubakar, who are both Kenyans, raised the bond but the latter disappeared after the first hearing of the case.

Senior officers from the anti-terrorism unit have confirmed that Abubakar entered Somalia at a border point in Lamu this year.

A senior ATPU officer told the Star Abubakar is suspected to be coordinating the terror activities in the country by funding and training youth to fight in Somalia and launch attacks in Kenya.

Abubkar an ally of Jermaine Grant, were working with fugitive Samantha Lewthwaite, the widow of London Underground bomber Jermaine Lindsay as financier of Alshabab terror group in East Africa..

“He is very dangerous but we are being alert to ensure that he doesn’t cross into the country although he continues to pose a major security threat in the country,” said the ATPU officer .

It is believed they develop plans to conduct terrorist attacks inside Kenya and deploying several operational cells for the purpose of launching attacks from within Kenya.

According to multiple sources within the police cycle Abubakar escaped police raid on October 28 last year where police gunned down terror suspects Omar Faraj, 30, and Titus Nabiswa, 27, a Muslim convert from Western Kenya at Majengo area in Mombasa.

Those close to the operation said Abubakar escaped with bullet wounds after he jumped through the window during the highly coordinated raid conducted by ATPU officers.

“We heard information that Abubakar was among the suspects plotting terror attacks within Mombasa, we raided and managed to kill the two and recovered a cache of weapons,” according to head of ATPU Boniface Mwaniki.

He was shot and wounded in the shoulder during the shootout but he managed to escape.

Meanwhile police have linked the grenade attacks that almost occurred simultaneously in Mombasa and Nairobi’s California estate on Sunday where almost 20 people were injured.

Similar explosive devices, a Russian Made hand grenades were lobbed to worshippers in Likoni and Pedestrians which is an indication that the same group was behind it.

Coast Police boss Aggrey Adoli has said that the team of officers has been put together to look into obtaining crucial evidence leading to the apprehension of the two suspects who carried out the attack on the Earthquake Miracle Ministry Church in Likoni.

Adoli further reminded Coast residents that the ban on crusades past 5:30 pm that was issued last year is still in effect.

He urged residents to adhere to the directives to ensure their own safety and enable the police to protect them,” said Adoli.

Somaliland: An Example to all African Countries

Landers: An exmple to Africa

Reader Sara Noor reacting to the Samira Sawlani article on Journalist Sean Williams Titled "Curiosity of AfricaLanders: An exmple to Africa's Best Kept Secret Leads Journalist to an Exploration Expedition says the yet to be recognizd nation of Somaliland is an Example to all Africn Countries due to its achievements garnered amidst a bad neighbourhood.

By: Sara Noor

A very nice article (http://somalilandsun.com/index.php/in-depth/3096-somaliland-curiosity-of-africas-best-kept-secret-leads-journalist-to-an-exploration-expedition-) by Samira about Somaliland. Djibouti, Ethiopia and Eritrea have a lot to learn from Somaliland.

Somaliland is an example to all African countries. We are located in a bad neighborhood with wars, dictatorship and corruption. I have Ethiopian,Djiboutian and Eritrean friends who envy somalilands democracy, peace and progress.

Yesterday they was talking about Ethiopia and Eritrea have oil and gas, but with corruption and dictatorship i dont think nothing will change. People in Ethiopia and Eritrea are jailed for expressing themselves and fleeing oppression. Eritrea is called Africa's North Korea because of their military dictatorship, where people are forced to join the military.

Djibouti are getting worse for each day, a lot of journalists, politicians and businessmen are put in jail without trial. Dictators get to power with promises and lies and always rule with fear and threats and telling everyone how they should live. So how can the Ethiopian, Eritrean and Djibouti leaders expect the diaspora people to come back and build their countries. Look at Nigeria, they have Africa's biggest oil reserves. Corruption and greed have destroyed their countrie, and billions of money are hidden in European banks instead of using this money to build hospitals, infrastructure, roads and schools.

We dont have those probems but we should always seek progress. We should first of all become one unity and seek togetherness. This has been proven to be the key to success over and over again. Just look at South Korea and Japan. We should also ban khat for both health and economic reasons. Last but not least we should make a very strict anti-corruption laws to avoid the same situation in Nigeria and rest of the African countries where minerals and resources are taken from the countries for free. Banning the drug khat will most difficult. But it takes a habit to replace a habit. This goals should be our next progress. We should not forget Somaliland are today known for their democracy, peace and progress. I dont have to mention but our strongest resource is the entrepreneur mentality of our people. If you include that with our oil and gas, Alhamdulillah. We will suddenly become more succesfull then rich Arab countries with dicatatorship. Because the secret of happiness is freedom.

According to the United States, the pursuit of happiness is defined as: "...one of the "unalienable rights" of people enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, along with "life" and "liberty." "The right to pursue any lawful business or vocation, in any manner not inconsistent with the equal rights of others, which may increase their prosperity or develop their faculties, so as to give them their highest enjoyment."

Neil Armstrong said it best when he landed on the moon, One small step for man, one giant leap for Somaliland.