Mali Manual Suggests al-Qaida has Feared Weapon

In this March 29, 2013 photo provided by the French Army's images division, ECPAD, a French soldier holds the launch tube of an SA-7 surface-to-air missile before its destruction in Timbuktu, northern Mali. The knowledge that the terrorists have the weapon has already changed the way the French are carrying out their five-month-old offensive in Mali. They are using more fighter jets rather than helicopters to fly above its range of 1.4 miles (2.3 kilometers) from the ground, even though that makes it harder to attack the jihadists. They are also making cargo planes land and take off more steeply to limit how long they are exposed, in line with similar practices in Iraq after an SA-14 hit the wing of a DHL cargo plane in 2003. (AP Photo/ECPAD, Olivier Debes)

Associated Press
By RUKMINI CALLIMACHI

TIMBUKTU, Mali (AP) — The photocopies of the manual lay in heaps on the floor, in stacks that scaled one wall, like Xeroxed, stapled handouts for a class.

Except that the students in this case were al-Qaida fighters in Mali. And the manual was a detailed guide, with diagrams and photographs, on how to use a weapon that particularly concerns the United States: A surface-to-air missile capable of taking down a commercial airplane.

The 26-page document in Arabic, recovered by The Associated Press in a building that had been occupied by al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb in Timbuktu, strongly suggests the group now possesses the SA-7 surface-to-air missile, known to the Pentagon as the Grail, according to terrorism specialists. And it confirms that the al-Qaida cell is actively training its fighters to use these weapons, also called man-portable air-defense systems, or MANPADS, which likely came from the arms depots of ex-Libyan strongman Col. Moammar Gadhafi.
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EDITOR'S NOTE — This is the fourth story in an occasional series based on thousands of pages of internal al-Qaida documents recovered by The Associated Press earlier this year in Timbuktu, Mali.
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"The existence of what apparently constitutes a 'Dummies Guide to MANPADS' is strong circumstantial evidence of al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb having the missiles," said Atlantic Council analyst Peter Pham, a former adviser to the United States' military command in Africa and an instructor to U.S. Special Forces. "Why else bother to write the guide if you don't have the weapons? ... If AQIM not only has the MANPADS, but also fighters who know how to use them effectively," he added, "then the impact is significant, not only on the current conflict, but on security throughout North and West Africa, and possibly beyond."

The United States was so worried about this particular weapon ending up in the hands of terrorists that the State Department set up a task force to track and destroy it as far back as 2006. In the spring of 2011, before the fighting in Tripoli had even stopped, a U.S. team flew to Libya to secure Gadhafi's stockpile of thousands of heat-seeking, shoulder-fired missiles.

By the time they got there, many had already been looted.

"The MANPADS were specifically being sought out," said Peter Bouckaert, emergencies director for Human Rights Watch, who catalogued missing weapons at dozens of munitions depots and often found nothing in the boxes labelled with the code for surface-to-air missiles.

The manual is believed to be an excerpt from a terrorist encyclopedia edited by Osama bin Laden. It adds to evidence for the weapon found by French forces during their land assault in Mali earlier this year, including the discovery of the SA-7's battery pack and launch tube, according to military statements and an aviation official who spoke on condition of anonymity because he wasn't authorized to comment.

The knowledge that the terrorists have the weapon has already changed the way the French are carrying out their five-month-old offensive in Mali. They are using more fighter jets rather than helicopters to fly above its range of 1.4 miles (2.3 kilometers) from the ground, even though that makes it harder to attack the jihadists. They are also making cargo planes land and take off more steeply to limit how long they are exposed, in line with similar practices in Iraq after an SA-14 hit the wing of a DHL cargo plane in 2003.

And they have added their own surveillance at Mali's international airport in Bamako, according to two French aviation officials and an officer in the Operation Serval force. All three spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to comment.

In this Wednesday, May 22, 2013 photo, soldiers from Burkina Faso stand guard at the airport in Timbuktu, Mali. African soldiers in the fabled city of Timbuktu worry their equipment, training and circumstances are not adequate to defend against another takeover by Islamic extremists who know the terrain as a double bombing by radical elements has also threatened neighboring Niger. Burkina Faso soldiers officially took over at the end of April after hundreds of French forces left the northern Malian town several months after their military operation largely ousted the radical Islamic fighters from the area.(AP Photo/Baba Ahmed)

"There are patrols every day," said the French officer. "It's one of the things we have not entrusted to the Malians, because the stakes are too high."

First introduced in the 1960s in the Soviet Union, the SA-7 was designed to be portable. Not much larger than a poster tube, it can be packed into a duffel bag and easily carried. It's also affordable, with some SA-7s selling for as little as $5,000.

Since 1975, at least 40 civilian aircraft have been hit by different types of MANPADS, causing about 28 crashes and more than 800 deaths around the world, according to the U.S. Department of State.

The SA-7 is an old generation model, which means most military planes now come equipped with a built-in protection mechanism against it. But that's not the case for commercial planes, and the threat is greatest to civilian aviation.

In Kenya in 2002, suspected Islamic extremists fired two SA-7s at a Boeing 757 carrying 271 vacationers back to Israel, but missed. Insurgents in Iraq used the weapons, and YouTube videos abound purporting to show Syrian rebels using the SA-7 to shoot down regime planes.

An SA-7 tracks a plane by directing itself toward the source of the heat, the engine. It takes time and practice, however, to fire it within range. The failure of the Jihadists in Mali so far to hit a plane could mean that they cannot position themselves near airports with commercial flights, or that they are not yet fully trained to use the missile.

"This is not a 'Fire and forget' weapon," said Bruce Hoffman, director of the Center for Security Studies at Georgetown University. "There's a paradox here. One the one hand it's not easy to use, but against any commercial aircraft there would be no defenses against them. It's impossible to protect against it. ... If terrorists start training and learn how to use them, we'll be in a lot of trouble."

In Timbuktu, SA-7 training was likely part of the curriculum at the 'Jihad Academy' housed in a former police station, said Jean-Paul Rouiller, director of the Geneva Center for Training and Analysis of Terrorism, one of three experts who reviewed the manual for AP. It's located less than 3 miles (5 kilometers) from the Ministry of Finance's Budget Division building where the manual was found.

Neighbors say they saw foreign fighters running laps each day, carrying out target practice and inhaling and holding their breath with a pipe-like object on their shoulder. The drill is standard practice for shoulder-held missiles, including the SA-7.

As the jihadists fled ahead of the arrival of French troops who liberated Timbuktu on Jan. 28, they left the manual behind, along with other instructional material, including a spiral-bound pamphlet showing how to use the KPV-14.5 anti-aircraft machine gun and another on how to make a bomb out of ammonium nitrate, among other documents retrieved by the AP. Residents said the jihadists grabbed reams of paper from inside the building, doused them in fuel and set them alight. The black, feathery ash lay on top of the sand in a ditch just outside the building's gate.

However, numerous buildings were still full of scattered papers.

"They just couldn't destroy everything," said neighbor Mohamed Alassane. "They appeared to be in a panic when the French came. They left in a state of disorder."

The manual is illustrated with grainy images of Soviet-looking soldiers firing the weapon. Point-by-point instructions explain how to insert the battery, focus on the target and fire.

The manual also explains that the missile will malfunction above 45 degrees Celsius, the temperature in the deserts north of Timbuktu. And it advises the shooter to change immediately into a second set of clothes after firing to avoid detection.

Its pages are numbered 313 through 338, suggesting they came from elsewhere. Mathieu Guidere, an expert on Islamic extremists at the University of Toulouse, believes the excerpts are lifted from the Encyclopedia of Jihad, an 11-volume survey on the craft of war first compiled by the Taliban in the 1980s and later codified by Osama bin Laden. Bin Laden, who led a contingent of Arab fighters in Afghanistan at the time, paid to have the encyclopedia translated into Arabic, according to Guidere, author of a book on al-Qaida's North African branch.

However, the cover page of the manual boasts the name of al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb.

"It's a way to make it their own," said Guidere. "It's like putting a logo on something. ... It shows the historic as well as the present link between al-Qaida core and AQIM."

Bin Laden later assembled a team of editors to update the manual, put it on CD-ROMs and eventually place it on the Internet, in a move that lay the groundwork for the globalization of jihad, according to terrorism expert Jarret Brachman, who was the director of research at the Combating Terrorism Center when the al-Qaida encyclopaedia was first found.

N.R. Jenzen-Jones, an arms expert in Australia, confirmed that the information in the manual in Timbuktu on the missile's engagement range, altitude and weight appeared largely correct. He cautions though that the history of the SA-7 is one of near-misses, specifically because it takes training to use.

"Even if you get your hands on an SA-7, it's no guarantee of success," he said. "However, if someone manages to take down a civilian aircraft, it's hundreds of dead instantly. It's a high impact, low-frequency event, and it sows a lot of fear."
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Associated Press writer Lori Hinnant contributed to this report from Paris, and AP journalist Amir Bibawy translated the document. Callimachi reported this article in Timbuktu, Mali and in Dakar, Senegal.
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The document from al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb in Arabic and English can be seen at http://hosted.ap.org/specials/interactives/_international/_pdfs/al-qaida-papers-dangerous-weapon.pdf
Rukmini Callimachi can be reached at www.twitter.com/rcallimachi

Somali Torture Survivor Finally Has His Day in Court

CJA Client Abukar with the trial team in front of the courthouse

We are pleased to report that after almost 25 years, CJA client Abukar Hassan Ahmed finally had his day in court. Professor Ahmed was a constitutional law professor and human rights advocate who was arrested and tortured because he was an outspoken critic of the brutal Siad Barré Regime in Somalia.

A former Amnesty International Prisoner of Conscience, Professor Ahmed has been seeking justice ever since. He tracked down his torturer, former Somalia Colonel Abdi Aden Magan, in Columbus, Ohio. Colonel Magan was the Chief of Somalia's infamous National Security Service (NSS) Department of Investigations, a government agency created to suppress perceived political opposition to the Barré Regime. The NSS under Colonel Magan was widely known to inflict psychological terror and physical torture against political prisoners and civilians.

 Speaking for the first time in open court about his detention and torture, Professor Ahmed explained that he brought this case "not only on behalf of myself, but on behalf of all the silent victims of torture, who do not have a voice." He went on to explain that Somalia will be following the case and that, "Justice has no national borders, justice is universal and a human being will be held to account anywhere he is located." Please click here to read the AP interview with Professor Ahmed.

In addition to Professor Ahmed's testimony, expert testimony was presented to assess damages. As you may recall, last fall we prevailed against Colonel Magan in a summary judgment motion where he was found liable for torture, cruel treatment, and arbitrary detention.

We are particularly grateful to our co-counsel, Chadbourne & Park, LLP and Latham & Watkins, LLP and to our brave client, Professor Abukar Ahmed, who has had the courage to stand up for justice all his life. Today, Professor Ahmed is a legal advisor to the President of Somalia, and he is working to ensure that the new government's laws comply with human rights.

For more on this historic case please click here, and for the press release please click here.

Warm regards,

Pamela Merchant
Executive Director

Somaliland: Curiosity of Africa’s Best Kept Secret Leads Journalist to an Exploration Expedition

 Writer, Journalist and Filmmaker Sean Williams 

By Samira Sawlani
New York based writer, journalist and filmmaker Sean Williams spent a number of years reporting from around the world. Having spent much of his time in the Middle- East he was constantly exposed to news from Sub- Saharan Africa, particularly developments in Somalia, Somaliland and the wider region.

In an interview the journalists told Somalilandsun that curiosity of the unrecognized country internationally acclaimed as "Africa's Best Kept Secret" led him begin carrying out research into the various political, social, cultural and economic characteristics of the area which has resulted in a growing fascination with Somaliland that is directly related to his imminent exploration and film making expedition.

In order to explore this further he decided to travel to Hargeisa, not only to further develop his knowledge but to tell the world through his work the story of Somaliland and the challenges and opportunities faced by its people.

While in Hargeisa he hopes to speak with ex- patriots and those returning to Somaliland to set up businesses and invest in the country. He will be interviewing local business owners, entrepreneurs and investors in order to gauge an idea of the economic conditions and circumstances which they face.

Of course no journalist can travel to Somaliland without investigating the impact on the country of awaiting International recognition. Sean has set up meetings with local government authorities and officials in order to illustrate to the world how Somaliland is continuing to flourish despite the issues around recognition. Through these meetings he will also be providing Somalilanders with an opportunity to express any frustrations they may have due to the hindrances they face as a result of awaiting state recognition.

With the on field facilitation of Somalilandsun Mr Williams shall not only produce a documentary of the achievements garnered by the yet unrecognized republic of somaliland for airing by a number of major global TV channels but several articles for by publication worldwide.

On a personal level he says he "cannot see a reason why Somaliland does not qualify as an independent state. It meets the criteria of statehood as cited in the Montevideo convention."

Aside from writing on domestic situations, the rumours that Al- Shabaab are heading towards Somaliland and Puntland after being forced out of Mogadishu by African Union forces is an area of concern which Sean will also be reporting on. Due to this he will be meeting with local anti terrorist organisations and have the opportunity to gain insight into the stability of such institutions and how Somaliland is preparing to deal with these threats.

The conflict in Somalia has long dominated the news coming from the region as has the constant debate over Somaliland gaining International recognition. Now is the time for the country and the region to make headlines for different reasons. Ultimately, the presence of journalists like Sean Williams in Somaliland will provide a platform for the world to hear more about how the country is flourishing and continuing to grow despite often facing adverse circumstances.

When asked about what expectations he has from his trip he says in an enthusiastic voice that he is "looking forward to it immensely and has heard much about how hospitable and friendly the people of Somaliland are."

Having travelled and worked in other parts of the world, this is Sean's first trip to Sub- Saharan Africa. His choosing to tell the story of Somaliland through his journalism is also a way to emphasise upon how the country is a separate entity from Somalia.

As Somaliland develops and the focus on investing in infrastructure continues to become priority, the challenge is no longer just about gaining recognition of independence from nation states, but for the general world population to gain awareness of the country. Ultimately this will only be made possible through the media and with the presence of journalists willing to tell stories, Somaliland will continue to hold its own place in the world.

Somalilandsun's Samira Sawlani intrviewed Sean

Remarks at a Security Council Briefing on Somalia

Press Release: US State Department

U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks At a Security Council Briefing On Somalia AS DELIVERED Thank you, Mr. President, Minister Simmonds, for hosting this session and thank you, Deputy Secretary-General Eliasson, for your briefing.  I wish to welcome the presence of the deputy prime minister and minister of foreign affairs of Somalia as well. At the outset, we would like to take this opportunity to express appreciation to former SRSG Mahiga and the UN Political Office to Somalia for their contributions to Somalia’s progress. UN Security Council The United States welcomes the establishment of the UN Mission to Somalia (UNSOM) based in Mogadishu and looks forward to its expanded presence in key locations throughout the country.  With a fully integrated UN Country Team, UNSOM will provide the Somali Government “one door to knock on” for UN support. We also welcome Nicholas Kay as the new SRSG for UNSOM and support his early outreach to the African Union as the UNSOM-AU partnership is critical to fostering peace and stability in Somalia. In addition, we especially want to thank the brave soldiers of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), the Ethiopian Defense Forces, and the Somali National Security Forces.  Their sacrifices have made possible a brighter future for the people of Somalia. But much work remains. Despite many tactical successes, al-Shabaab is not yet defeated.  And there are others who wish to drag Somalia back into chaos.  Recent terrorist attacks show that Mogadishu and many rural parts of Somalia are still vulnerable.  We look to the Somali National Security Forces and AMISOM to continue their efforts to expand and maintain control over the country so that the Somali Government can improve governance and the rule of law.  In addition, we urge Member States to fulfill their obligations related to the targeted sanctions, the modified arms embargo, and the charcoal ban to stop proceeds from providing revenue to al-Shabaab. We strongly support President Hassan Sheikh’s National Security Strategy and look forward to its implementation. At the May 7 London II Conference on Somalia, the United States announced almost $40 million in new assistance to support development and justice sector reform in Somalia. We applaud those who also made pledges and stress that fulfilling our pledges is essential for continued progress. Long-term stability in Somalia depends on many factors – an effective, responsible security sector; good governance and the rule of law; and economic development. On the security front, AMISOM’s training of the Somali National Security Forces and joint combat operations are critically important. The relocation of the European Union Training Mission to Somalia from Uganda to Mogadishu is another positive development. We encourage UN entities and donors to continue to support economic development, including efforts to address land disputes, which is a key conflict driver.  We recognize UNDP’s work to establish a microfinance mechanism in Somalia and encourage greater attention to youth unemployment. The United States remains gravely concerned by continuing human rights violations in Somalia, including alarming reports of sexual violence and exploitation. We appreciate the work that SRSG Bangura has contributed toward the UN-Federal Republic of Somalia joint communiqué of May 7, which contains significant commitments by Somalia to address sexual violence. The substantial decline of reported cases of grave violations against children in the first quarter of 2013 is encouraging, but the 552 cases that have been reported remain alarming. We urge increased attention to this overall problem and look to the Somali Government to follow through on its declared intent to work with the international community to fight this scourge and hold perpetrators accountable. We are also concerned about Somaliland’s decision on May 14 to ban UN flights over Somaliland airspace. This could harm the humanitarian situation there and affect the provision of food, shelter, water and sanitation, and other support by humanitarian organizations.  OCHA estimates that approximately 413,000 people in Somaliland need humanitarian aid, including 39,000 children who suffer from malnutrition. More than 85,000 people remain displaced due to recurrent drought and conflict. Mr. President, Somalia must continue moving along the path to national elections and a referendum on the national constitution by 2016.  The United States continues to support Somali-led governance and calls for further dialogue with local political and community leaders, including women, on unresolved regional issues. The situation in Jubaland is particularly concerning. We look to Somalia’s neighbors for support in easing the tension and finding lasting solutions. We applaud those regional actors who have played a positive role in supporting Somalia’s unity and sovereignty, especially in the early days of President Hassan Sheikh’s administration. We join those here today who are committed to Somalia’s success and will continue to make every effort to support the Government and people of Somalia as they strive for peace and prosperity in their country. Thank you.

Nelson Mandela’s relatives fly from around the world to be at his bedside, as he faces fourth day in hospital

Former South African president's wife, ex-wife, children and grandchildren have all visited the Pretoria hospital where he is being treated for a recurrent lung infection

Relatives, including his ex-wife Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, visited the ailing former leader on Monday

John Hall

Nelson Mandela’s relatives have flown from around the world to be at his bedside, as the former South African president faces a fourth day in hospital.

Mr Mandela’s wife Graca Machel cancelled an appearance in London to visit the 94-year-old in the Pretoria hospital where he is being treated for a recurrent lung infection, while his eldest daughter Zenani Mandela-Dlamini returned from Argentina, where she is the South African ambassador.

Winnie Madikizela-Mandela also travelled to visit her ex-husband, who has been in intensive care since being taken to hospital on Saturday – his third admittance for a lung infection this year.

Mr Mandela’s granddaughters have also been seen coming and going from the hospital over the last couple of days, while another daughter Zindzi Mandela was yesterday reported as saying: “I've seen my father and he is well. He is a fighter”.

The office of South African President Jacob Zuma said Mr Mandela remains in a serious but stable condition, adding: “President Jacob Zuma reiterates his call for South Africa to pray for Madiba and the family during this time.”

The foundation led by retired Archbishop Desmond Tutu released a statement describing Mr Mandela as “an extraordinary gift”.

The foundation added: “As the beloved father of our nation, Nelson Mandela once again endures the ravages of time in hospital… Our prayers are for his comfort and his dignity”.

In December last year, Mr Mandela spent 18 days undergoing treatment for a lung infection and gallstones.

Before becoming South African president in 1994, Mr Mandela spent 27 years in Robben Island prison, where he contracted tuberculosis.

It is believed that the disease permanently damaged his lungs, indirectly leading to the numerous infections he has suffered since retiring from public life in 2004.

NELSON MANDELA: KEY DATES

• 1918 Born in the Eastern Cape

• 1943 Joins African National Congress 

• 1956 Charged with high treason, but charges dropped

• 1962 Arrested, convicted of sabotage, sentenced to five years in prison

• 1964 Charged again, sentenced to life

• 1990 Freed from prison

• 1993 Wins Nobel Peace Prize

• 1994 Elected first black president

• 1999 Steps down as leader

• 2004 Retires from public life

• 2010 Last public appearance - at World Cup finals

Challenges to America's Counterterrorism Strategy in Somalia

By Breuk Bass, Katherine Zimmerman

Introduction

Al Qaeda’s affiliate in Somalia, al Shabaab, has suffered a series of defeats at the hands of Somali clan militia forces, internationally-backed African Union peacekeeping troops, and Somali federal government forces. Notably, al Shabaab lost a major stronghold in the southern Somali port city of Kismayo at the end of September 2012.[1] As al Shabaab suffered setbacks, the Somali government made major progress: The United States formally recognized a government of Somalia in January 2013 for the first time since 1991, for example.[2] The government controls the majority of Mogadishu today, whereas it held only a few blocks of the capital city in 2010.

Yet the Somali federal government’s sovereignty over the territory recognized as Somalia is far from complete, and faces significant challenges. Somaliland, which declared its independence in 1991, has been relatively stable and has sought recognition as a separate state. Puntland established a separate government shortly thereafter, but the semi-autonomous region remains nominally part of the federal Somali state. The defeat of al Shabaab in southern Somalia has galvanized a movement to establish a similar region – Jubbaland – that would also be nominally part of a federal state. The initiative did not stem from the federal government, but rather from local warlords, threatening a codification of the form of the warlordism that originally collapsed the Somali state.

Jubbaland map

America’s counter-terrorism strategy in Somalia relies heavily on having a partner there that will continue to combat al Shabaab. The U.S. invested heavily in training and equipping the African Union peacekeepers, who for a long time served as one of the few forces opposing al Shabaab.[3] It now seeks to work with the Somali federal government to stand up the national security forces to replace the peacekeeping force. But the reconstitution of the Somali state to the point where it will be a meaningful counter-terrorism partner for the United States requires a level of stability and federal control unlikely to be achieved should the Jubbaland initiative succeed. The outside-of-government push for a semi-autonomous region in the south, and the federal government’s inability to manage the crisis, exemplifies the challenge ahead not only for Somalia, but also for American counter-terrorism strategy in the Horn of Africa.

Supporters of Jubbaland – constituted by the three southern-most regions of Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba, and Gedo – have organized and are moving forward with plans to establish their own government based in Kismayo in direct opposition to the federal government’s plans. The port revenues from Kismayo are substantial, and the ability to control their distribution has historically driven local conflict over control of the city.

Despite the withdrawal of al Shabaab from the city last fall, there is still no local government administration recognized by the Somali federal government sitting in Kismayo. Instead, local powerbrokers with foreign support are attempting to determine the shape of the local administration. There are now four candidates claiming to be in control. Kenya and Ethiopia, both of which border Jubbaland, have backed two rival candidates and the Somali federal government has denounced all claims to power, but cannot enforce its will. Meanwhile, al Shabaab does remain a threat and should the opportunity present itself, the al Qaeda affiliate may also seek to re-establish its control over Kismayo and the city’s resources.

Background: Conflicts over Kismayo

Debate over who controls Kismayo, one of only three deep-water ports in Somalia, has long driven local conflict as different clans vie for access to its resources. The city is arguably one of Somalia’s most economically important cities. It is a key node in the lucrative charcoal export trade, a highly sought-after source of revenue for local actors. Al Shabaab’s hold over the city and the significance of the charcoal trade as a source of funding for the al Qaeda affiliate prompted the UN to ban the export of charcoal from Somalia in February 2012.[4] Additionally, recent oil and gas discoveries off the coast of East Africa have driven up the potential future value of Kismayo.[5] The city itself changed hands multiple times over the past decade as local clans have received external support to oust the sitting power.[6]

Al Shabaab, then part of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), was initially pushed out of Kismayo in early 2007 by Ethiopian forces during the fight against the ICU. In August 2008, al Shabaab and allied Islamist militias, including one led by Ogadeni warlord Hassan al Turki, fought heavily for control of the port city.[7] Marehan clan militias, led by warlord Barre Hirale, suffered heavy losses during the battle.[8] Clans that supported the Islamists were reportedly rewarded for their loyalty through representation in the new administration.[9] Fighting broke out again in October 2009 between al Shabaab and formerly allied militias, including Hizb al Islam, over the distribution of resources.[10] Ogadeni militia leader Ahmed Madobe led one of the Hizb al Islam factions that unsuccessfully fought al Shabaab for Kismayo.[11] Al Shabaab would continue to control Kismayo until September 28, 2012, when its forces withdrew from the city as Madobe’s militia, the Kenya-backed Ras Kamboni Brigade, Kenyan troops fighting under the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) mandate, and Somali government forces closed in.[12]

Despite the withdrawal of al Shabaab from Kismayo in September 2012, the Somali federal government has been unable to appoint a local administration that exercises control of the city and surrounding areas. Clan militias that had fought on the side of the government against al Shabaab are divided over who will control the port city now, but are also unwilling to turn control over to the government itself. Instead, local powerbrokers have been engaged in negotiations as to the constitution of the Kismayo (and Jubbaland) administration that would, in effect, override any decision made by the federal government. Clan interests, particularly those of the Ogaden and Marehan clans, are driving these negotiations. In the meantime, de facto control has fallen to Ahmed Madobe’s Ras Kamboni Brigade, which has exhibited its monopoly of force in Kismayo by either refusing to provide security for or even preventing the entry of visiting federal government officials.[13]

Both of Somalia’s neighbors have historically backed separate clan militia forces to take control of Kismayo, and these lines of support appear to continue today. There are reports that Ethiopia and Kenya held closed-door meetings to discuss the formation of a multi-clan, representative government even before Kismayo fell from al Shabaab control.[14] Such neighborly meddling in internal Somali affairs, and competing attempts to shape the outcome in Jubbaland, may undermine the Somali federal government and scuttle the state-building process underway in the country. Kenya has thrown its support behind Ahmed Madobe, empowering him against al Shabaab under the so-called Jubbaland initiative, which sought to create a buffer zone between al Shabaab and Kenyan territory. Madobe’s success would bolster the Ogaden clan in the region. This is a concern for Ethiopia, which has attempted to put down an Ogadeni rebellion whose supporters fight under the name of the Ogadeni National Liberation Front (ONLF) in its ethnically-Somali, and oil-rich, Ogaden region bordering Somalia. To stymie Ogadeni dominance in southern Somalia, Ethiopia has reportedly been subtly backing Marehan clan leader, and a long-time Ethiopian ally, Barre Hirale.[15] Kenya and Ethiopia have each publicly denied these reports, and have instead issued statements in support of Somalia’s federal government.[16] Current reporting indicates that revenue from the Kismayo port is not going to the government, however, but is being distributed in part to the Kenyan troops present in the city under the peacekeeping mission and to Ahmed Madobe’s Ras Kamboni Brigade.[17]

 

The Jubbaland Convention

The Somali federal government’s inability to exert influence and control over Kismayo and the greater Jubbaland region allowed room for the Jubbaland convention to take place without the government’s consent. The convention initially brought clan representatives together to attempt to negotiate a division of power within the regional administration. Since the start, however, the process has been plagued with hindrances. Inter-clan fighting broke out even before the convention could get under way, which pushed the start date from February 23 to February 28. Marehan fighters attacked a Ras Kamboni-controlled police station on February 23, after a Marehan leader was killed in custody. Somali government troops tried to intervene to prevent further violence, but instead, were forced to engage militarily with the Ras Kamboni militia. By the time fighting ceased, at least 11 soldiers and civilians had been killed.[18] Once the convention was underway, it began losing support from regional delegations quickly. Representatives from the Lower Jubba and Middle Jubba regions left the talks on April 19, citing unfair representation of regional clans and the influence of Kenyan and Ethiopian interests.[19] Another delegation left the convention on April 24 saying it was unable to voice its opinions.[20]


The Jubbaland convention, in addition to neglecting regional powerbrokers, undermined the Somali federal government by shutting government representatives out of any meaningful discussions. The Somali federal government, which declared the process unconstitutional, was denied access to the convention on multiple occasions.[21] For example, a plane carrying Somali government officials was forced to turn around and fly back to Mogadishu on May 12, after being held for several days at the Kismayo airport.[22] High-level government engagement with the convention participants also failed. When Somali Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon traveled to Kismayo to meet with Ahmed Madobe on March 25, talks collapsed after five days of negotiations and both sides accused the other of inflexibility.[23] Recently, a Somali government delegation headed by Defense Minister Abdihakim Mohamed Haji Fiqi was sent to resolve the conflicting presidential declarations on May 28. His group was reportedly held at the airport for three days before being granted limited access to the city with a constant and armed Ras Kamboni guard force.[24]

Kismayo map

The Somali federal government’s lack of power and military presence in the city allowed negotiations to unravel and the convention eventually ended with four different clan leaders claiming the Jubbaland presidency. Ahmed Madobe, the leader of the Ogadeni-dominated Ras Kamboni brigade, was the first person to declare himself president on May 15. He has strong support from the Kenyan government and the Kenyan troops, operating under the AMISOM mandate, stationed within the city. Reportedly, Kenyan troops are monopolizing revenues from the Kismayo port and are splitting the money with Ras Kamboni forces, which underscores their strong bilateral relationship.[25] This Kenyan influence, and more accurately dominance, in the Jubbaland process has sparked protests within the city. Thousands of Kismayo residents flocked to the streets on May 19 to protest against Ahmed Madobe and Kenyan interests.[26]

At least three other clan leaders have come forward to claim the presidency following Ahmed Madobe’s May 15 announcement. The second most prominent contender for the presidency, Barre Hirale, is from the Marehan clan, a rival to the Ogaden clan. Hirale is a well-known warlord, who once served as the Somali minister of defense under the Transitional Federal Government. He was also the chairperson of the Jubba Valley Alliance and controlled Kismayo from 1997 to 2006. Hirale has been a long-time ally to the Ethiopian government, and it is likely that Ethiopia will support his bid for presidency in order to counter the Kenyan support for Ahmed Madobe. Two lesser-known political challengers are Omar Burale Ahmed from the Biraal clan, and Abdi Huseen from the Galja’el clan.[27] Both Ahmed and Huseen have some support from local communities, but a lack of formidable fighting power could prove problematic if the situation devolves to violence.

Security concerns are indeed escalating now that four different candidates, from four different clans, have claimed the Jubbaland presidency. Immediately following Madobe’s presidential declaration, residents in the city began evacuating for fear that clan-based violence would erupt.[28] Reports of Ras Kamboni troops looting and killing civilians have also surfaced.[29] Thus far, the Somali federal government has been unable to exert any amount of control over the situation. The government has denounced all of the claims to the presidency, but those protestations fell on deaf ears. The most recent Somali government delegation to Kismayo, sent on May 28, was allegedly detained at the airport for three days. A spokesman for Ahmed Madobe even threatened the Somali federal government, saying the deployment of Somali government troops to the Jubba regions would be considered an act of war.[30] The United States, European Union, China and the Intergovernmental Authority of Development (the bloc of East African states) have all sent representatives to remedy the situation, but have been unable to bring Jubbaland political actors to an agreement.[31] The rising instability in Kismayo has opened the door for a renewed al Shabaab presence in the city. As security deteriorates, al Shabaab, which has remained active in the city, may seek to continue to launch attacks inciting violence and creating a foothold in its old military and economic safe haven.

 

Al Shabaab’s Continued Presence in Kismayo

Al Shabaab seems to be increasing its pressure on the already fragile city of Kismayo as security and order deteriorate. Al Shabaab announced a withdrawal from Kismayo in September 2012 in the face of a joint AMISOM, Somali and Ras Kamboni offensive operation to retake the city. There are reports that some fighters present in the city simply went to ground rather than withdraw, however, and al Shabaab leaders promised continued asymmetrical attacks. Since Kismayo fell, al Shabaab has carried out a series of successful bombings and targeted killings in and around the city. Just days after the retreat from Kismayo, an improvised explosive device detonated outside a Somali military base on October 2, forcing troops to evacuate the city and conduct search operations in the city.[32] Another example of an al Shabaab attack in Kismayo is a coordinated double bombing that targeted a Ras Kamboni position on March 25.[33] Bombings such as these prompt concentrated security operations throughout the city, during which hundreds of suspected militants have been arrested.[34] It is not clear, however, how effective these operations are in dismantling al Shabaab cells.

More recently, al Shabaab has carried out large-scale, heavy artillery attacks on Somali and AMISOM bases. Attacks targeted Somali and Kenyan positions at the Kismayo airport on April 30 and May 1.[35]  Almost a month later, al Shabaab once again targeted the Kismayo airport, shelling the area with heavy artillery on May 28. The Somali defense minister and his delegation were being held at the airport during the attack and may have been the intended targets.[36] While al Shabaab raids, explosions and suicide bombings have occurred with some regularity in Kismayo, the large-scale artillery attacks are most worrisome, as they demonstrate increased al Shabaab military capabilities. These attacks may illuminate al Shabaab’s readiness to launch a campaign to retake the city should an inter-clan fight for control break out.
The Somali federal government has exhibited its inability to exert political and military control over Kenyan and Ras Kamboni forces in the city, and will not have the power to fend off al Shabaab advances. If an acceptable Jubbaland government is not negotiated and peace fails, al Shabaab operatives in the city and the surrounding area will be able to re-emerge and make a convincing push for Kismayo. Al Shabaab’s success in regaining its former stronghold would jeopardize recent advances throughout the rest of the country.

 

Looking Forward

While recent advances against al Qaeda’s affiliate in Somalia, al Shabaab, have received international praise and established relative stability throughout much of the country, the current situation in Kismayo may threaten any new gains. The potential for the outbreak of inter-clan fighting between the four declared presidents of Jubbaland threatens the peace, not only in Jubbaland, but throughout the entire country. Kenyan and Ethiopian interests are overpowering the will of the weak Somali federal government, which is unable to exert control or influence in Jubbaland. So far, the international community has been ambivalent in mediating the situation in southern Somalia, but that is a grave mistake. If the current political crisis does devolve to violence, and Kenya and Ethiopia are not kept in check, war could re-emerge in a country too used to it.

The issue is not limited to the Jubbaland region. Currently, less prominent disputes over control of local administrations in key cities and towns recaptured from al Shabaab may imperil the longevity of the gains toward stability in Somalia. These local disputes could provide al Shabaab with an opportunity to re-establish itself, especially if it is able to co-opt support from one of the parties to the conflict. A re-established, reinvigorated al Shabaab would likely setback Somalia’s success, and would re-create the permissive conditions in the country that allowed al Shabaab to rise to power in the first place.

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[1] Katherine Zimmerman, “Al Shabaab after Kismayo,” AEI’s Critical Threats Project, October 3, 2012. Available: http://www.criticalthreats.org/somalia/zimmerman-al-shabaab-after-kismayo-october-3-2012

[2] “Remarks with President of Somalia Hassan Sheikh Mohamud After Their Meeting,” U.S. Department of State Press Release, January 17, 2013. Available: http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2013/01/202998.htm

[3] There were Somali militias that resisted al Shabaab as well, including Ahlu Sunna wa al Jama’a, which has fought primarily in central Somalia.

[4] See UN Security Council Resolution 2036 (2012). Available: http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/2036(2012)

[5] “Somali War Linked to Brewing Oil Dispute,” UPI, August 3, 2012. Available: http://www.upi.com/Business_News/Energy-Resources/2012/08/03/Somali-war-linked-to-brewing-oil-dispute/UPI-76151344016405/

[6] See a chart breaking down sitting powers in: “Jubaland in Jeopardy: The Uneasy Path to State-Building in Somalia,” Crisis Group Blogs, May 21, 2013. Available: http://www.crisisgroupblogs.org/africanpeacebuilding/2013/05/21/jubaland-in-jeopardy-the-uneasy-path-to-state-building-in-somalia/

[7] See pp. 21-22 of the UN Somalia Monitoring Group Report, December 10, 2008. Available: http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2008/769

[8] “Somalia’s Islamists Seize Kismayo,” Garowe Online, August 22, 2008. Available: http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Somalia_27/Somalia_s_Islamists_seize_Kismayo.shtml

[9] “Somalia’s Islamists Appoint Kismayo Administration,” Garowe Online, September 6, 2008. Available: http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Somalia_27/Somalia_s_Islamists_appoint_Kismayo_administration.shtml

[10] Hizb al Islam would later merge with al Shabaab in December 2010. For more information on the group, see Nathaniel Horadam, “Somalia’s Second Islamist Threat: A Backgrounder on Hizb al Islam,” AEI’s Critical Threats Project, October 8, 2010. Available: http://www.criticalthreats.org/somalia/somalias-second-islamist-threat-backgrounder-hizb-al-islam

“Somali Factions Battle in Kismayo,” Al Jazeera, October 1, 2009. Available: http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2009/10/200910185652850176.html

[11] Daniele Raineri, “Turf War in Kismayo,” Long War Journal, October 1, 2009. Available: http://www.longwarjournal.org/threat-matrix/archives/2009/10/turf_war_in_kismayo.php

[12] Katherine Zimmerman, “Al Shabaab after Kismayo,” AEI’s Critical Threats Project, October 3, 2012. Available: http://www.criticalthreats.org/somalia/zimmerman-al-shabaab-after-kismayo-october-3-2012

[13] For instance, authorities detained a government delegation at the Kismayo airport on May 12, forcing the officials to return to Mogadishu.

See: “Somalia: A Plane Carrying Delegation to Kismayo Unexpectedly Returns Back to Mogadishu,” Raxanreeb, May 12, 2013. Available: http://www.raxanreeb.com/2013/05/somalia-a-plane-carrying-delegation-to-kismayo-unexpectedly-returns-back-to-mogadishu/

[14] “Ethiopia Kenya Scramble for Jubaland Southern Somalia,” Somalia Scrambled, August 18, 2012. Available: http://somalia-geghna.blogspot.com/2012/08/ethiopian-kenyan-scramble-for-jubaland.html

“Jubaland in Jeopardy: The Uneasy Path to State-Building in Somalia,” Crisis Group Blogs, May 21, 2013. Available: http://www.crisisgroupblogs.org/africanpeacebuilding/2013/05/21/jubaland-in-jeopardy-the-uneasy-path-to-state-building-in-somalia/

[15] “Two Claim to Be Jubaland’s President,” AFP, May 16, 2013. Available: http://www.hiiraan.com/news4/2013/May/29386/two_claim_to_be_jubaland_s_president.aspx

[16] “Uhuru Kenyatta: We Will Support the Federal Government on the Formation of Regional Administrations,” Shabelle, May 25, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/uhuru-kenyatta-we-will-support-the-federal-government-on-the-formation-of-regional-administrations

“Ethiopian Government Denies Jubbaland Involvement,” Bar Kulan, May 23, 2013. Available: http://www.bar-kulan.com/2013/05/23/ethiopian-government-denies-jubbaland-involvement

[17] “Bickering Continues Over Who Controls Somali Port City,” VOA News, May 28, 2013. Available: http://m.voanews.com/a/1669896.html

[18] “Clan Feud Kills 11 in Somali Port City of Kismayo,” AFP, February 23, 2013. Available: http://www.hiiraan.com/news4/2013/Feb/28231/clan_feud_kills_11_in_somali_port_city_of_kismayo.aspx

“Somalia: Jubaland Convention Delayed, Clashes in Kismayo,” Garowe Online, February 23, 2013. Available: http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Somalia_27/Somalia_Jubaland_convention_delayed_clashes_in_Kismayo.shtml

“Eight Killed in a Fight in Kismayo,” Shabelle, December 21, 2012. Available: http://shabelle.net/eight-killed-in-a-fight-in-kismayo/

[19] “Politicians and Elders Withdraw from Jubaland Meeting,” Shabelle, April 19, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/politicians-and-elders-withdraw-from-juba-land-meeting

[20] “Another Delegation Withdraws from the Kismayu Meeting,” Shabelle, April 24, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/another-delegation-withdraws-from-the-kismayu-meeting

[21] “Shirdon Declares Jubbaland Conference Unconstitutional,” Sabahi Online, March 3, 2013. Available: http://sabahionline.com/en_GB/articles/hoa/articles/newsbriefs/2013/03/03/newsbrief-02

“Kismayo Authorities Deport Unannounced Mogadishu Delegation,” Garowe Online, November 7, 2013. Available:http://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Somalia_27/Somalia_Kismayo_authorities_deport_unannounced_Mogadishu_delegation.shtml

[22] “Somalia: A Plane Carrying Delegation to Kismayo Unexpectedly Returns Back to Mogadishu,” Raxanreeb, May 12, 2013. Available: http://www.raxanreeb.com/2013/05/somalia-a-plane-carrying-delegation-to-kismayo-unexpectedly-returns-back-to-mogadishu/

[23] “Kismayo Talks Collapse Says Somali Government,” Hiiraan Online, March 29, 2013. Available: http://www.hiiraan.com/news4/2013/Mar/28696/kismayo_talks_collapse_says_somali_government.aspx

[24] “Delegation Led by Defense Minister Blocked From Meeting the Jubaland Elders,” Shabelle, May 31, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/delegation-led-by-defense-minister-blocked-from-meeting-the-juba-land-elders/

[25] “Bickering Continues Over Who Control Somali Port City,” VOA News, May 28, 2013. Available: http://m.voanews.com/a/1669896.html

[26] “Thousands of Kismayu Residents Protest in the Streets Against IGAD, Kenya and Ahmed Madobe,” Shabelle, May 19, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/thousands-of-kismayu-residents-protest-in-the-streets-against-igad-kenya-and-ahmed-madobe

[27] “Jubaland in Jeopardy: The Uneasy Path to State-Building in Somalia,” Crisis Group Blogs, May 21, 2013. Available: http://www.crisisgroupblogs.org/africanpeacebuilding/2013/05/21/jubaland-in-jeopardy-the-uneasy-path-to-state-building-in-somalia/

[28] “War Feared to Erupt in Kismayu After the Announcement of Two Different President for the Region,” Shabelle, May 16, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/war-feared-to-erupt-in-kismayu-after-the-announcement-of-two-different-presidents-for-the-region

[29] “Security in Kismayu Deteriorating,” Shabelle, May 19, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/security-in-kismayu-deteriorating

[30] “Jubbaland Administration Warns Somali Federal Government,” Bar Kulan, May 25, 2013. Available: http://www.bar-kulan.com/2013/05/25/jubbaland-administration-warns-somali-federal-government

[31] “High Delegation from US, EU and China Visit Kismayo,” Bar Kulan, May 21, 2013. Available: http://www.bar-kulan.com/2013/05/21/high-delegation-from-us-eu-and-china-visit-kismayo

“IGAD Delegation Meets Ahmed Madobe in Kismayo,” Bar Kulan, May 18, 2013. Available: http://www.bar-kulan.com/2013/05/18/igad-delegation-meets-ahmed-madobe-in-kismayo

[32] “Somali Militants Hit Kismayu as African Troops Move In,” Reuters, October 2, 2013. Available: http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/10/02/us-somalia-conflict-forces-idUSBRE8910E320121002

[33] “Twin Explosions Rock Presidential Palace in Kismayu,” Shabelle, March 25, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/twin-explosions-rock-presidential-palace-in-kismayu

[34] “Shabaab Women’s Leader Captured,” Daily Standard, October 24, 2013. Available: http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/?articleID=2000069136&pageNo=2&story_title=KDF-capture-Al-Shabaab-women%E2%80%99s-leader

[35] “Reports of Kismayu Fighting,” Shabelle, April 30, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/reports-of-kismayu-fighting

“Al Shabaab Raids Kismayo Airport with Mortars,” Bar Kulan, May 1, 2013. Available: http://www.bar-kulan.com/2013/05/01/al-shabaab-raids-kismayo-airport-with-mortars/

http://shabelle.net/reports-of-kismayu-fighting/

[36] “Heavy Bombardments Rock the Kismayu Airport,” Shabelle, May 28, 2013. Available: http://shabelle.net/heavy-bombardments-rock-the-kismayu-airport

Journalist says more to come from NSA whistle-blower, who faces decades in jail

One of the reporters who exposed classified U.S. government surveillance programs reportedly leaked by a former government contractor said Tuesday he is planning on disclosing more "significant revelations" soon.

Glenn Greenwald of The Guardian tells the Associated Press the paper is currently deciding when to release the next story based on information in documents reportedly given him by 29-year-old Edward Snowden, who claims to have worked as a contractor at the National Security Agency and the CIA.

"We are going to have a lot more significant revelations that have not yet been heard over the next several weeks and months," Greenwald said.

Greenwald claims "dozens" of stories can be generated from the documents, and that the Guardian plans to pursue all of them.

Snowden faces decades in jail for the disclosures if the U.S. can extradite him from Hong Kong, where he says he has taken refuge after saying his sole motive was to “inform the public.”

Snowden allowed The Guardian and The Washington Post to reveal his identity Sunday. In a video that appeared on the Guardian’s website, he said two NSA surveillance programs are wide open to abuse.

"Any analyst at any time can target anyone. Any selector. Anywhere," Snowden said. "I, sitting at my desk, had the authority to wiretap anyone, from you or your accountant to a federal judge to even the president if I had a personal e-mail."

Snowden said he was a former technical assistant for the CIA and a current employee of defense contractor Booz Allen Hamilton, which released a statement Sunday confirming he had been a contractor with them in Hawaii for less than three months. Company officials have promised to work with investigators.

Snowden told the Guardian he believes the government could try to charge him with treason under the Espionage Act, but Mark Zaid, a national security attorney who represents whistle-blowers, told The Associated Press that that would require the government to prove he had intent to betray the United States. Snowden has said his “sole motive” was to inform the public and spur debate.

"My sole motive is to inform the public as to that which is done in their name and that which is done against them," Snowden told the Guardian.

In a note accompanying the first set of documents he provided to the newspaper, Snowden wrote: "I understand that I will be made to suffer for my actions," but "I will be satisfied if the federation of secret law, unequal pardon and irresistible executive powers that rule the world that I love are revealed even for an instant."

Snowden told the Post he was not going to hide.

"Allowing the U.S. government to intimidate its people with threats of retaliation for revealing wrongdoing is contrary to the public interest," he said in the interview published Sunday. Snowden said he would "ask for asylum from any countries that believe in free speech and oppose the victimization of global privacy."

Snowden is now staying in Hong Kong and seeking asylum outside the United States, possibly in Iceland, The Guardian reports.

If the reports are accurate, Snowden could face many years in prison for releasing classified information if he is successfully extradited from Hong Kong or elsewhere.

The Office of the Director of National Intelligence declined to comment on Snowden's disclosure, saying the issue has been referred to the Justice Department.

However, the agency said: "Any person who has a security clearance knows that he or she has an obligation to protect classified information and abide by the law."

"The Department of Justice is in the initial stages of an investigation into the unauthorized disclosure of classified information by an individual with authorized access," Justice Department spokeswoman Nanda Chitre said in a statement late Sunday.

New York Republican Rep. Peter King, chairman of the Homeland Security Subcommittee on Counterintelligence and Terrorism and a member of the Select Committee on Intelligence, said: "If Edward Snowden did in fact leak the NSA data as he claims, the United States government must prosecute him to the fullest extent of the law and begin extradition proceedings at the earliest date. The United States must make it clear that no country should be granting this individual asylum. This is a matter of extraordinary consequence to American intelligence."

In a nearly 13-minute video that accompanied The Guardian story Sunday, Snowden says he has no intentions of hiding because he has done nothing wrong.

“When you’re in positions of privileged access … . You recognize some of these things are actual abuses,” Snowden said about his decision to be a whistle-blower. “Over time, you feel compelled to talk about it.”

The Guardian broke the story late Wednesday that the federal government was collecting phone call records from Verizon customers.

The Guardian and the Post followed with a series of reports about the calls being taken from other telecommunications companies and that the NSA and FBI have a Internet scouring program, code-named PRISM, that records Internet activities, all part of a post-9/11 effort to thwart terrorism.

White House spokesman Josh Earnest said the Oval Office would not comment on Snowden before Monday.

Washington officials have acknowledged all branches of the federal government — Congress, the White House and federal courts — knew about the collection of data under the Patriot Act.

Still, the leaks have reopened the debate about privacy concerns versus heightened measure to protect against terrorist attacks. They also led the NSA to ask the Justice Department to conduct a criminal investigation.

Fox News confirmed the Obama administration took the first steps Saturday in a criminal investigation when officials filed a “crimes report.”

National Intelligence Director James Clapper has decried the leaks as reckless. And in the past days he has taken the rare step of declassifying some details about them to respond to media reports about counterterrorism techniques employed by the government.

“Disclosing information about the specific methods the government uses to collect communications can obviously give our enemies a ‘playbook’ of how to avoid detection,” Clapper said Saturday.

PRISM allows the federal government to tap directly into the servers of major U.S. Internet companies such as Google, Apple, Microsoft, Facebook and AOL, scooping out emails, video chats, instant messages and more to track foreign nationals who are suspected of terrorism or espionage.

The chief executives of Facebook and Google have said their companies were not aware of the data grab.

Officials say the government is not listening to any of the billions of phone calls, only logging the numbers.

President Obama, Clapper and others also have said the programs are subject to strict supervision of a secret court.

Obama said Friday that the programs have made a difference in tracking terrorists and are not tantamount to "Big Brother."

The president acknowledged the U.S. government is collecting reams of phone records, including phone numbers and the duration of calls, but said this does not include listening to calls or gathering the names of callers.

"You can't have 100 percent security and also then have 100 percent privacy and zero inconvenience,” he said. “We're going to have to make some choices as a society."

However, the president said he welcomes a debate on that issue.

The Guardian reported that Snowden was working in an NSA office in Hawaii when he copied the last of the documents he planned to disclose and told supervisors that he needed to be away for a few weeks to receive treatment for epilepsy.

Snowden is quoted as saying he chose Hong Kong because it has a "spirited commitment to free speech and the right of political dissent" and because he believed it was among the spots on the globes that could and would resist the dictates of the U.S. government.

Hong Kong has an extradition treaty with the United States that took force in 1998, according to the U.S. State Department website.

"The government could subject him to a 10- or 20-year penalty for each count," with each document leaked considered a separate charge, Mark Zaid, a national security lawyer who represents whistle-blowers told the Associated Press.

Snowden is quoted as saying he hopes the publicity of the leaks will provide him some protection.

"I feel satisfied that this was all worth it. I have no regrets," Snowden told the Guardian.

Snowden was said to have worked on IT security for the CIA and by 2007 was stationed with diplomatic cover in Geneva, responsible for maintaining computer network security. That gave him clearance to a range of classified documents, according to the Guardian report.

"Much of what I saw in Geneva really disillusioned me about how my government functions and what its impact is in the world," he says. "I realized that I was part of something that was doing far more harm than good."

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

Edward Snowden profile: The secretive life of America’s most wanted man

What made the whistleblower give up his Hawaiian idyll?

Edward Snowden was an unlikely member of America’s vast intelligence corps. The 29-year-old first encountered the NSA not as a recruit from an elite college but as a security guard working at one of the organisation’s secret facilities at the University of Maryland.

That was almost a decade ago. In the intervening years, as the US expanded its already sprawling security apparatus in response to the attacks on 11 September 2001, Snowden rose up the ranks before leaving to work for outside contractors. By the time he decided to blow the whistle he was living with his girlfriend in Hawaii and earning around $200,000 a year. A local estate agent in the town of Waipahu said the pair left their rented home on 1 May when their landlord decided he wanted to sell up. Fittingly they were a private couple who kept their blinds closed and “didn’t really talk to anyone”, a neighbour confirmed.

Snowden’s introduction to The Washington Post, which along with The Guardian published details of the NSA’s Prism programme that taps into data from firms such as Google and Facebook, reads like a spy novel. Reporter Barton Gellman described how Snowden went by the codename “Verax”, Latin for someone who speaks the truth.

He had a come long way, defying the odds at every step, before giving it all up, risking, as he put it to the Post, “my life and family” to expose the “omniscient state powers kept in check by nothing more than policy documents”.

Born on 21 June, 1983, Snowden, whose identity was revealed at his own request, grew up first in North Carolina and then in shadow of the NSA headquarters in Maryland. He left high school without a diploma, although he later earned his GED, a lesser qualification. His mother reportedly still lives in Maryland, working as a deputy clerk in a district court.

After school, Snowden did not appear to have had any ambitions to work as a spy. His aim was to join the elite special forces, and he took a first step in that direction when he signed up with the army reserves. He claims that he enlisted in 2003; the military has since said he signed up in May 2004, leaving four months later when he broke both his legs in an accident. It was then that he began working as a security guard. Soon, however, he was with the CIA in IT security, a job that a couple of years later led to a foreign posting under the cloak of a diplomatic assignment. His time with the CIA led him to question the power vested in America’s covert agencies.

Snowden switched to an outside contractor in 2009 and worked for a while in Japan. Barack Obama swept to power in 2008, riding a wave of liberal support motivated in no small part by his opposition to the Bush administration and its security policies. But, as an insider, Snowden could see that nothing was changing – quite the opposite, in fact. Snowden’s opposition to Obama is borne out by two public records from last year showing an Edward Snowden working for Dell in Maryland and another in Hawaii making donations to the libertarian Republican politician Ron Paul.

Snowden, whose most recent job was with the NSA contractor Booz Allen Hamilton, decided to take matters in his own hands and began speaking to the press earlier this year. Guardian columnist Glenn Greenwald has said he and Laura Poitras, a filmmaker, have been working with him since February, months before he told his NSA supervisor that he was leaving for a couple of weeks to seek treatment for epilepsy. Instead he boarded a jet bound for Hong Kong and disclosed the secret files to journalists.

According to Gellman, who had his first direct exchange with Snowden on 16 May, the former CIA worker demanded that his Prism leak be published within 72 hours before he went elsewhere. The reason? “I told him we would not make any guarantee what we published or when.” Snowden appears not to have deserted the reporter completely – as he unmasked himself on Sunday night, beside him sat Gellman’s book on Dick Cheney, Angler.