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Tuesday, April 9, 2013

KENYA: HISTORY IS MADE AS IEBC DECLARES KENYATTA’S SON PRESIDENT-ELECT


Uhuru Kenyatta shows a certificate confirming him as Kenya's new President elect received from Isaack Hassan (out of frame), Chairman of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) at Bomas, in Nairobi, on March 9th 2013. AFP PHOTO / WILL BOASE NATION MEDIA GROUP


Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta became Kenya’s fourth President on Saturday afternoon, sweeping away a series of steep barriers to take the reins of power in the 50th year of the nation’s independence.

The official announcement of his victory at 2.42 pm on a mildly cold afternoon in Nairobi was greeted by rapturous celebration among his supporters.

Mr Kenyatta, 51, becomes the nation’s youngest leader and the first son of a President to take power in a competitive election in East and Central Africa.

The President-elect told hundreds of cheering supporters that he would govern for the whole nation and extended a hand of friendship to his main rival.

“I thank my honourable brother Raila Odinga for his spirited campaign. I know that all candidates have made tremendous personal sacrifices to secure the progress of this country. I want them to join us in moving the country forward.”

Mr Odinga rejected the results and vowed to go to court, describing the process as “tainted”. He said the electoral commission had presided over multiple failures that cast doubt on the validity of the results.

In the end, one of the most bruising elections in the nation’s history came down to a matter of only a few thousand votes.

Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission chairman Isaack Hassan, running several hours late, released the final tally of results to an expectant nation before a packed auditorium at the Bomas of Kenya.

Mr Kenyatta secured the support of 6,173,453 voters, attaining the constitutionally required simple majority of votes cast by the narrowest of margins.

The nation’s fourth President was pushed over the finish line by a mere 8,419 supporters, the number by which he beat the 50 per cent threshold.

Mr Kenyatta did not have to wait too long to get a taste of the trappings of power, which he will not be unfamiliar with as the son of the nation’s founding President, Jomo Kenyatta.

He was assigned elite armed guards on Saturday morning after it became clear he was winning and arrived at the official Jubilee tallying centre at the Catholic University in a convoy of luxury four wheel drive vehicles and stretch limousines.

“Today, we celebrate the triumph of democracy, the triumph of peace, the triumph of nationhood. Despite the misgivings of many in the world, we demonstrated a level of political maturity that surpassed expectations,” Mr Kenyatta said, in a brief speech delivered in a neutral, low key – almost presidential – baritone voice that marked a sharp contrast with the aggressive finger wagging aggression that was his signature during the campaigns.

Mr Kenyatta’s victory is the product of smart coalition building and one of the most sophisticated and flamboyant campaigns the nation has known.

Mr Kenyatta forged a partnership with former Eldoret North MP William Ruto, which offered him a path to victory by securing the support of the bulk of voters in the populous Rift Valley region.

Mr Ruto, like Mr Kenyatta, has been indicted by the International Criminal Court and their election puts the nation into uncharted waters.

The pair is the first to be democratically elected into office anywhere in the world while under the shadow of an indictment from the ICC.

This fact and the violent outcome of the last General Election meant that this was one of the most closely watched polls in Sub-Saharan Africa since the post-Apartheid 1994 elections in South Africa.

Mr Kenyatta’s victory was greeted with caution in major Western capitals.

Writing in the UK’s Guardian newspaper, editor Simon Tisdall argued that the British and American governments would find a way to work with the new government.

“Kenya’s assistance and leadership is seen as crucial in the battle against Indian Ocean piracy and in tackling regional problems including violence and mass displacement in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The UN, which created the ICC, relies on bases in Kenya to help run big trans-national operations across the continent.”

“There is really very little leverage that the US and other countries can exercise,” J. Peter Pham, director of the Michael S. Ansari Africa Center in Washington told the New York Times. Another former American official offered this assessment: “We need Kenya more than Kenya needs us,” he said.

Jendayi Frazer, a former assistant secretary of state for African affairs, said: “This is going to pose a very awkward situation. Kenyatta knows he needs the United States, and the United States knows it needs Kenya.”

The March 4, 2013 General Election was historic at many levels.

It was an epic exercise involving thousands of candidates seeking to fill six positions created by the new constitution.

The new charter, which was adopted in August 2010, was designed to help prevent a recurrence of the violence that swept the nation in 2007/8.

The law created new structures including 47 county governments which will be the new principal centres of power outside the central government.

The election drew record participation from an energised electorate eager to take part in an exercise that shimmered with historical significance. Eight in 10 registered voters turned out, one of the highest counts recorded anywhere around the world and the highest in Kenyan history.

The peaceful nature of the election – despite the apprehension and scepticism of many analysts – was seen as a major triumph.

The multiple system failures by the IEBC, however, caused anxiety and drew robust protests from Mr Odinga’s coalition and several civil society organisations.

Many major observer groups gave their endorsement to the election but are yet to comment on the tallying process.

Shortly after the IEBC announced the result, messages of congratulation to the victorious team flowed in thick and fast.

President Kibaki commended Kenyans for conducting a peaceful election and wished Mr Kenyatta success.

President Moi and several presidential candidates including Ms Martha Karua, Mr Peter Kenneth, Mr Mohamed Abduba Dida and Mr Nzamba Kitonga, chairman of the Committee of Experts which drafted the new Constitution, also sent in their congratulations.

US Secretary of State John Kerry praised the electorate in a statement that did not make direct reference to the winners.

Former United Nations secretary-general Kofi Annan and UK’s Minister for Africa Mark Simmonds also congratulated Kenyans:

Presidents Jakaya Kikwete, Jacob Zuma, Yoweri Museveni pledged to work closely with the new team.

Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto, 46, campaigned on a platform of change in an election in which they were seeking to replace the retiring 81 year-old president Mwai Kibaki and were running against his 68-year-old PM, Mr Odinga.

Their message that they could trigger a “digital transformation”, delivered amid much razzmatazz in a lavish, airborne campaign that saw them crisscross the nation and paint the nation red and yellow with expensive merchandise, resonated with enough voters to secure victory.

The hard work of delivering on their promises – including the provision of solar-powered laptops to pupils in primary school and free maternity services in public hospitals – now begins, although they will first have to convince the Supreme Court of the legitimacy of their victory.

Monday, April 8, 2013

HARGAYSA SIDEEY AHAYD 1991 BAL DAAWO VIDEOWGAN CAJIIBKAA


“Kuwa la wareegaya Soomaaliya ayaa la ictiraafay oo dunida ayaa dhammaatay ha ku cibra qaateen arrintan” Maxamed Siciid Gees



Maxamed Siciid Gees

“Yurub Baan ka Gacan Haadiyaa Marakan Guurawee”

“Kuwa la wareegaya Soomaaliya ayaa la ictiraafay oo dunida ayaa dhammaatay ha ku cibra qaateen arrintan”
Qaybtii 8aad

Faatax Cabdi waxa uu degganaa magaalo yar oo la odhan jiray Gacan oo ku taalla Xeebta Sanaag. Waxa uu ahaa ninkii ugu horreeyey ee timirta ku beeray arlada Beri Soomaal, Timirtaas oo uu dhirta Cumaan ka keenay. Qoriga xatabka ee dhamaska iyo Faleenka (Maydiga, Beeyada & Falaxfalaxda) ayuu iyana dhoofin jiray.

Waxa uu xeebta ku haystay oo uu ku dhaqan jiray geel. Geela awrta iyo halaha si ayuu u wada raran jiray . Waxa maalin soo martiyey oo u yimid niman reer Oogo ah oo la xidid ahaa oo hore geel gabaati u siiyey. Nimankii waxay arkeen halihii irmaanaa oo qori xatab ah lagu raray, dabadeed Faatax Cabdi ayey u tageen oo ku yidhaahdeen; “Faataxaw Geelu waa hadlayaa.” Waxa uu nimankii ugu jawaabay “Haddii geelu hadlo waa lala hadli”

Waa tahay haddii Walaalaheen reer Soomaaliya hadal u diyaar yihiin waa lala hadli. Labada dal ee hadda shirarka u qabanaya arrimaha dalkii la isku odhan jiray Jamhuuriyadda Dimoqraadiga ee Soomaaliyeed ee galbaday ee kala ah, Dawladda Turkiga iyo Dawladda Boqortooyada Midawday (UK), ayaa habboon in wax laga ogaado, waayo waa dalal waaweyn oo horumaray , oo magaalooyin camiran ayaa wafdiga la geynayaa, huteelo waaweyn ayaa lagu rogayaa, markaaba habrasho ayaa ku gelaysa, geedkii ma aha boodhka dabadda laga tumanayey ee la doonyeysanayey oo la wada sinaa ee aad gartaada naqsan jirtay. Waxa dhici karta xataa in qolalka lagu dejiyo in alaab warka iyo sheekada duubaysa la sii geliyo, oo la ogaado gol jilicdaada.

Sida darteed, debadda ayaa faqa loola baxaa, xagga maskaxda ayaa lagaa qabsanayaa waa ay kugu adkaanaysaa inaad ku diidid talada, haddii aan loo sii qayilin oo aan la sii matlin wada hadalku sida uu u dhacayoo aan laga sii taxadirin yeedhis la isu yeedhinayo.
Haddaba, marka ay Turkiga timaado waxa xiise leh arrinta Qubrus oo ina saamaysa. Jasiiradda Qubrus oo ku taalla Badda Cad ee Dhexe, waxay gobanimadeedii ka qaadatay Boqortooyadda Midawday (UK) sannadkii lixdankii.

Jasiiradda Qubrus waxa wada deggan dad ka soo kala jeeda, Giriigga iyo Turkiga. Dalweynihii Giriigga ayaa afgenbi ka dhacay oo askari xukunkii qabsatay, hadda Yurubna dhowaan ayey soo gaadhay afgenbiyada askartu, dabadeed waxay afgenbi kale oo shirqool ah ka sameeyeen Jasiiraddii Qubrus oo ay gacanta u geliyeen koox doonaysa inay Jasiiradda ku daraan Dalweynaha Giriigga.

Dawladda Turkigga ayaa markaas weerar ku soo qaaday oo qabsatay Waqooyiga Jasiiradda oo ay u badnaayeen dadka Turkiga ihi waa markay ahayd (1974). Markaas ayaa la kala qaxay oo Turkigii dhinaca Waqooyi isugu tegay, Giriigiina dhinaca Konfureed.

Labada dal ee Turkiga iyo Giriigu waxay ku wada jiraan Gaashanbuurta Reer Galbeedka ee NATO, sidaas darteed lama kala raacin ee Ciidamo Jimciyadda Qaroomaha ka socda ayaa la kala dhex dhigay oo ilaa maanta jooga. Wadahadallo ayaa loo furay labadii daraf, kuwaas oo ilaa hadda soo gaadhay wax heshiis ahna aan laga gaadhin.

Waxa loo ictiraafay qaybtiii Giriiggu inay tahay dawladda Qubrus, sida hadda Soomaaliya loo aqoonsaday. Kursigii Jimciyadda Qoroomahana iyada ayaa la siiyey, intaas laguma deyn ee waxa xubin ay ka noqotay Ururka Yurub (EU), oo loo oggolaaday inay lacagta Euro inay isticmaasho. Lacag badan oo amaah ah ayaa la siiyay, sare ayaa dhaqaalaheegii loo qaaday, hase yeeshee sannadkan ayey faqriday oo kacday oo deynkii loo qabsaday oo hadda dhaqaalaheegii uu cidhiidhi ku jiraa oo ay isku dhalaashay.

Qaybtii Turkigu Sannadkii 1983, markii wada hadalladii lagu heshiin waayey ayey ku dhawaaqday dawladnimo iyo madaxbanaani, oo la baxday Jamhuuriyadda Turkiga ee Waqooyiga Qubrus. Ilaa maanta waxa qudha oo ictiraafay Dawladda Turkiga oo taageerta. Waxa ayaan-daro ah dawladaha Muslinka iyo weliba Carabtu waxay ictiraafsan yihiin qaybta Giriiga walaalnimo Muslinimo, halkaas ha ku hadho.

Dawladdani iyana way jirtay ilaa muddadaas oo horumar ayey samaysay, waxay noqotay meel loo dalxiis tago oo hadda iyada, ayaa ka dhaqaale fiican qaybtii la ictiraafsanaa. Muddadaas oo dhan Wadahadalku waa socday Golaha Ammaankuna go’aanno ayuu soo saaray sida Soomaaliya oo uu ka hadlayo midnimada Jasiiradda Qubrus, haseyeeshee xaaladda waxba kama ay beddelin afartankaas sanno. Mar afti laga qaaday qolada konfureed ee Giriigu waxay tiradda badani diiday in la isku noqdo!!

Dadka ku nool qaybta Turkigu waa 300,000 oo ruux, qaybta Giriiguna waa 800,000  qof. Meeshuba waa cidla bal u eeg afarta milyan ee Somaliland. Maxaa dhacaya haddii aynu ictiraafno Jamhuuriyadda Turkiga Waqooyiga Qubrus oo ka hor degno intaan shirka wadahalka Ee Turkigga lagu qabanayo aynaan tegin?  ama shirka hore aan sii marno oo ka naxsanno Turkiga.

Waxa iyana xiise leh Waddanka Waqooyiga Ireland oo ka mid ah afarta dal ee ka tirsan Boqortooyada Midawday (UK), kuwasoo kala ah, (England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland). Dalkani isna waxa uu ka go’ay Jasiiradda inteeda kale oo ah Jamhuuriyadda Ireland 1922 . Waxa taageerayey dawladda Boqortooyada Midawday (UK)

Haddaba, maxaa kuu baxay labadan waddanba waxay taageereen kala go’iyo dalal kala tegaya markay dantoodu gashay oo gacan ka geysteen. Wadaadaw adaa lagaa hayaa Alif wax ma laha iyo wuu leeyahay, kuwa la wareegaya Soomaaliya ayaa la ictiraafay oo dunida ayaa dhammaatay ha ku cibra qaateen arrintan Qubrus.

Margaret Thatcher Dies; Remade Britain





LONDON — Margaret Thatcher, a towering, divisive and yet revered figure who left an enduring impact on British politics, died on Monday of a stroke, her family said.

“It is with great sadness that Mark and Carol Thatcher announced that their mother Baroness Thatcher died peacefully following a stroke this morning,” a statement from her spokesman, Lord Tim Bell, said.

Lady Thatcher had been in poor health for months. She served as prime minister for 11 years, beginning in 1979. She was known variously as the ‘Iron Lady,’ a stern Conservative who transformed Britain’s way of thinking about its economic and political life, broke union power and opened the way to far greater private ownership.

She was leader of Britain through its 1982 war in the Falklands and stamped her skepticism about European integration onto her country’s political landscape for decades.

UK predicts terror attacks in Somalia

Add caption
THE British government says it believes terrorists are in the final stages of planning attacks in Somalia and urged UK nationals to leave the country. 
 
The Foreign Office already advises against all travel to Somalia, including Somaliland, where it says there is a specific threat to Westerners.

It said on Saturday it had revised its travel advice to reflect concerns that terrorists are in the final stages of plotting attacks in Mogadishu, the Somali capital.

Britain has no diplomatic representation in Somalia and is unable to provide consular assistance in the country.  Read more: http://www.news.com.au/world-news/uk-predicts-terror-attacks-in-somalia/story-fndir2ev-1226614094780#ixzz2PiGDCvc

Saturday, April 6, 2013

Political risk deters action to avert famine - report


Displaced Somalis stand in a queue waiting to be served with cooked food in Hodan district, south of the capital Mogadishu, as famine had spread to six out of eight regions in southern Somalia, Sept. 5, 2011. REUTERS/Feisal Omar


Source: alertnet // Megan Rowling

By Megan Rowling

LONDON (AlertNet) - Governments are failing to prevent hunger emergencies in developing nations, despite ample warning, because they see more political danger than reward in acting early to avert famine, a report from the Chatham House thinktank said on Friday.

To prevent further food crises like those that hit millions of people in the Horn and Sahel regions of Africa in the past two years, the misalignment between political and humanitarian risks must be addressed, or aid needs will increasingly go unmet because drought-related hunger is affecting growing numbers of people in Africa, the report said.

"Rapid population growth, low levels of political inclusion, low agricultural yields and rapid environmental change mean the risk of food crises in the Horn and Sahel is increasing," said the report from the London-based Royal Institute of International Affairs. "Conflict and geopolitics act as risk multipliers, meaning that full-blown famine remains a serious threat."

Drought-related food crises are the most deadly of all natural hazards and are estimated to have cost between 1 and 2 million lives since 1970.

The report explains why the international aid community is still dragging its feet on early warnings, even though these have improved considerably. For example, alerts were issued for 11 months before famine was finally declared in Somalia in July 2011, and the relief system was mobilised, it said.

One of the main reasons was political, as Western donor nations feared their aid could end up supporting the Islamist militant group al Shabaab, considered a terrorist organisation by Washington, according to the report. "From a donor perspective, the risk of humanitarian aid being captured by al Shabaab took priority over the risk of a humanitarian catastrophe in Somalia," it said.

Another worry for wealthy governments is being accused of wasting taxpayers' money on a crisis that never happened, said Rob Bailey, senior research fellow at Chatham House and the report's lead author.

"That results in a set of funding institutions and decision-making processes in donor agencies, the U.N. and NGOs that seek to minimise those (political) risks at the expense of not really dealing with the risk of famine at all," he told AlertNet.

In practice, this means centralised decision-making, onerous reporting systems, delays in releasing aid cash until it is too late, and a lack of willingness to experiment with new ways of doing things, Bailey added.

But the blame does not only lie with the international community, the report said.

SHAMED INTO ACTION

Governments in countries at risk of food crises are also guilty of ignoring warnings and playing down the severity of a situation. That may be because they don't want to harm their record on reducing hunger, or because they have little incentive to protect vulnerable communities which are often politically marginalised.

In 2011, when poor, sparsely populated northern Kenya was hard hit by drought, Nairobi was widely criticised for its slow response. The government was eventually spurred into action, partly by a campaign launched by Kenyan media and businesses encouraging the public to make donations via mobile phone, Bailey said, pointing to the potential for a free press and civil society to make a political difference.

Similar dynamics were at work internationally when, soon after, more than 18 million people across West Africa faced a major food crisis.

"In the case of the Sahel last year, there was very clearly a big sense of shame about what had happened in the Horn of Africa and particularly Somalia, and people were openly talking about the need to show that we've learned lessons," Bailey said. This led to a certain amount of early action that prevented a downward spiral into famine, he added.

"It worked in a way, but I don't think fundamentally anything has changed in terms of the underlying institutions, the operational capacities. It was about managing political risks rather than anything else, and on that occasion the political risk calculus favoured early action," the food security expert said.

The report suggests reforms that could generate greater political will for early action on food crises. Key recommendations include making governments more accountable to vulnerable groups, and supporting communities to protect themselves from drought and hunger.

A larger share of international emergency response funds should be channelled into preparing for and avoiding disasters, and more long-term backing given to innovative ideas such as drought insurance, Bailey said.

The report calls for the development of "resilience labs" where governments, aid agencies and early warning providers could team up to test new approaches and demonstrate success.

Donor countries could also work out a better system for sharing the responsibility to act on warnings and responding in a more coordinated way. And they could communicate to their voters at home that acting to prevent a crisis costs less than waiting for it to happen, Bailey said.

"The trickier stuff is how you shift incentives so that decision makers are going to be properly rewarded for taking decisions to respond early, and feel that they have cover in the event that those decisions - every now and again - prove not to be necessarily the right ones," he said.

The report, Managing Famine Risk: Linking Early Warning to Early Action, is being launched at Chatham House on Friday.