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Saturday, March 9, 2013

Read here an In-depth Facts & VIDEO: US COURT Case AGAINST Somali Dictator General Mohamed Ali Samantar

In a landmark victory, CJA litigated the first case to consider the “common law immunity” of foreign officials to a decision that both denies absolute deference to the executive branch and denies immunity for human rights abuses like torture and extrajudicial killing. On November 2, 2012, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit once again sided with our clients against former Somali General Mohamed Ali Samantar.

The long and thoughtful opinion rejects absolute deference to the executive branch in determining immunity for “official acts.” Even more powerfully, the opinion holds that egregious human rights abuses cannot be considered “official acts” shielded by immunity: “Under international and domestic law, officials from other countries are not entitled to foreign official immunity for jus cogens violations, even if the acts were performed in the defendant’s official capacity.”

In other words, immunity for “official acts” cannot extend to torture, extrajudicial killing, or any other universally recognized human rights violation because no foreign official has the authority to commit these international crimes.

The Fourth Circuit’s decision marks a crucial step forward in the fight against impunity. On August 28, 2012, U.S. District Court Judge Leonie Brinkema awarded $21 million in compensatory and punitive damages against former Somali General Mohamed Ali Samantar. In a hearing before Judge Brinkema on February 23, 2012, General Samantar had accepted liability and responsibility for damages for torture, extrajudicial killing, war crimes and other human rights abuses committed against the civilian population of Somalia during the brutal Siad Barre regime, the military dictatorship that ruled that country from 1969 to 1991.

This judgment marks the first time that anyone has been held to account anywhere in the world for atrocities committed by General Samantar and the military dictatorship that ruled Somalia for over 20 years. BACKGROUND During the 1980s, General Samantar presided over an increasingly repressive military that committed horrific atrocities with particular harshness in the northern part of Somalia, and particularly against people who were of Isaaq heritage. In response to this brutality, a pro-democracy resistance movement emerged, calling itself the Somali National Movement, or the SNM. The SNM drew its strength from the Issaq. Though the SNM also committed human rights violations, the overwhelming number of atrocities were committed by Somali government soldiers. As the SNM’s strength grew, the Somalia Armed Forces retaliated with increasing brutality against unarmed civilians.

The Somali Armed Forces killed and looted livestock, blew up water reservoirs, destroyed homes, and tortured, imprisoned and summarily executed civilians accused of supporting the SNM, including businessmen, teachers, high school students and nomads simply tending their herds


During this time, defendant Mohamed Ali Samantar served as Vice President and Minister of Defense (1980-1986) and Prime Minister of Somalia (1987-1990).  In June 1988,  the Somali government's brutal counterinsurgency war against the SNM culminated in an indiscriminate aerial and ground assault on Hargeisa, the nation's second largest city.  The attack struck civilian neighborhoods the hardest and leveled most of the city; over 5,000 residents were killed.  In an interview with the BBC in 1989, Samantar admitted to giving the final order approving these operations.  Listen to that interview here or read the transcript here.

The plaintiffs are survivors of these widespread human rights violations:

In the early 1980s,  Bashe Abdi Yousuf was a young businessman in the northern Somali city of Hargeisa.  He volunteered his time and donated money to improve education and health care.  In November 1981, he was abducted by government agents, accused of being part of a subversive organization, taken to a detention center, and tortured repeatedly over a period of several months.  Among other things, Yousuf was subjected to electroshock treatment and a stress-position torture called “the MIG,” in which Yousuf ’s hands and feet were tightly bound together behind his back so that his body was pulled into a U-shape with his limbs high in the air.  The torturers then placed a heavy rock onto his back, producing excruciating pain and causing the ropes to cut deeply into Yousuf’s arms and legs.  Yousuf was interrogated about his friends, alleged to be the members of his “organization” and told that the torture would end if he falsely confessed to anti-government crimes.  Over the course of several months, Yousuf was interrogated numerous times and subjected to torture including water-boarding.  Eventually convicted of membership in an illegal organization in a trial that lacked basic due process, Yousuf spent the next six years of his life in prison, almost entirely in solitary confinement.  Fleeing Somalia after his release, Yousuf arrived in the United States in 1991, and later became a naturalized United States citizen.

In 1984, Buralle Salah Mahamoud and his brothers were arbitrarily detained by Somali government forces and convicted without due process of collaborating with the Somaliland National Movement.  Sentenced to death, he managed to escape with his life, but his brothers were killed in a mass execution with approximately 40 other Isaaq  men.

In June 1988, during the Somali Armed Forces’ attack on the city of Hargeisa, a group of government soldiers entered Aziz Mohamed Deria’s childhood home and abducted his father, brother, and cousin at gunpoint.  The soldiers threatened that they going to kill their detainees.  After their disappearance at the hands of government forces, Mr. Deria and his family never saw them again.  Mr. Deria later heard from released detainees that the three men were executed.

In June 1988, Ahmed Jama Gulaid,  then a non-commissioned officer in the Somali National Army,  was arrested along with other Isaaq soldiers and transported to an execution site.  John Doe II was shot by a firing squad in a mass execution and dumped in a mass grave.  His wounds were not fatal, and he managed to crawl out from beneath a pile of bodies and escape to safety. 

LEGAL PROCEEDINGS

Complaint

CJA filed the complaint with the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia on November 10, 2004.  Samantar—who now lives in Fairfax, Virginia—was served at his home.  Brought under the ATS and the TVPA, the suit alleges that Samantar had command responsibility for extrajudicial killing; arbitrary detention; torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; crimes against humanity and war crimes carried out by his subordinates during this period.  In response, Samantar claimed head-of-state immunity.

Solicitation of the State Department’s Opinion

In January 2005 the court stayed the proceedings in order to give the State Department an opportunity to weigh in on the question of immunity.  The court requested that Samantar provide regular updates on the State Department’s position.  For two years, Samantar reported each month that the request was “under consideration.”

State Department Refuses to Comply with Subpoena

Despite the stay, District Court Judge Leonie Brinkema allowed the plaintiffs to subpoena documents from the U.S. Government. CJA served a subpoena on the State Department that requested documents relating to human rights and military issues in Somalia.  The Bush administration objected to all attempts to enforce the subpoena, arguing that the government is not bound by Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 45, which governs the enforcement of subpoenas, because it is not a "person" under the rule.  CJA filed a motion to compel the State Department to comply with the subpoena, but the District Court for the District of Columbia agreed with the U.S. government position, holding that the subpoena was invalid.
Appeal of Lower Court’s Subpoena Ruling

On appeal, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit overturned the District Court’s decision on June 15, 2006. The appeals Court held that the U.S. Government is required to comply with subpoenas for documents in private lawsuits, even when the Government is not directly involved in the case.  The appeals Court sent the case back to the District Court to enforce the subpoena against the State Department.

Case Dismissed on Statutory Immunity Grounds

After receiving no Statement of Interest from the State Department, the Court reinstated the case on January 22, 2007. Shortly thereafter, Samantar filed another motion to dismiss, arguing that he was shielded from civil liability by  the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA). On April 27, 2007, the District Court granted Samantar’s motion.  The Court held that the FSIA provides immunity from civil lawsuits to foreign states and to their agencies and instrumentalities.  Judge Brinkema wrote that, although the FSIA makes no direct mention of individual officials, individuals acting in an official capacity should be treated as an agency or instrumentality and should likewise benefit from immunity.  Thus, the plaintiffs were barred from bringing suit against Samantar.
Appeal to the Fourth Circuit

The plaintiffs appealed the District Court’s ruling to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, arguing that:
  • the FSIA does not apply to individual officials, only to foreign states or their agencies or instrumentalities;
  • even if the FSIA did apply to individuals, such persons would only be immune if they were agents or officials at the time of the filing of the suit;
  • in any case, FSIA immunity cannot possibly attach to illegal acts such as torture, which are outside the scope of authority of foreign officials;
  • furthermore, at the time of the filing, there no longer was a “state of Somalia” that could qualify as a foreign state under the FSIA.

Two amicus briefs were filed in support of the plaintiffs' appeal.  One brief was prepared by the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School and submitted on behalf of Dolly Filártiga, Sister Dianna Ortiz, and a diverse group of religious groups, human rights organizations, and non-profits providing health and social services to torture survivors.  A second brief, focusing on congressional intent, was prepared by the Human rights Clinic at the University of Virginia School of Law and was signed by UVA professors and Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee.

Fourth Circuit Overturns the Dismissal

On January 8, 2009, the Fourth Circuit reinstated the case against Samantar. The Fourth Circuit panel held that (1) the FSIA does not confer jurisdictional immunity on individual foreign government officials and (2) even if the FSIA did apply to individuals, it would only apply if they were officials at the time of the filing of the suit. The Fourth Circuit remanded the case to the District Court for further proceedings. Samantar petitioned for rehearing en banc by the entire Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. However, on February 2, 2009, the Fourth Circuit denied Samantar's petition.

Supreme Court Grants Cert Petition

In June 2009, Samantar filed a petition for writ of certiorari asking the United States Supreme Court to review the Fourth Circuit's decision rejecting his claim of immunity under the FSIA.  On September 30, 2009, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to review the Fourth Circuit's decision. The key issues under review will be (1) whether the immunity from civil suits applicable to foreign states extends to individual foreign officials and (2) if so, whether this immunity extends to former officials, like Samantar, who no longer hold office at the time of suit.
Briefing and Oral Arguments

On November 39, 2009, Samantar filed his merits brief.  On January 20, CJA filed a brief for the Respondents. On January 27, 2010 a broad array of supporters filed amicus curiae briefs in support of respondents, including the U.S. government, Members of Congress, former U.S. diplomats, former U.S. military professionals, Holocaust survivors and groups doing anti-genocide work, human rights and religious organizations, experts on Somali history, the Foreign Minister of Somaliland, and highly respected law professors.

Oral argument was heard on March 3, 2010, with U.S. based clients, Aziz Deria and Bashe Yousuf, in attendance.

Samantar chiefly contended that because a state acts through its individual officials, those officials should enjoy the same immunity that the FSIA provides for the state itself. A suit against an official, he contended, is merely a suit against the state under a different label.

In response, CJA and Supreme Court counsel Patricia Millet argued that the Fourth Circuit correctly interpreted the FSIA to apply only to states and their agencies and instrumentalities--legal categories which, under standard rules of construction, do not include individual officials. Any possible immunities for individual officials would be governed by common law principles, which were not superseded by the FSIA. Moreover, even if Samantar were correct that a suit against the official is a suit against state, Samantar would no longer be shielded since he, as a former official of a defunct political entity, is no longer ‘the state.'

And crucially, immunity cannot shield those responsible for torture and extrajudicial killing, because under international law, no official has the lawful authority to violate these universal human rights norms. Torture and crimes against humanity are not privileged official acts, meriting the protection of the courts.
  
Supreme Court Rules Unanimously Against Immunity for Samantar
By a 9-0 decision, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeal's decision that Samantar is not shielded from suit by the FSIA, holding that the FSIA does not immunize individual officials. The Court did note that common law immunities may still apply and remanded the case for proceedings in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia.

CJA and our clients would like to thank the many people and organizations who helped make this victory a reality.  In particular, we would also like to thank our Supreme Court counsel Patricia Millett of Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, LLP and co-counsel Cooley Godward & Kronish, LLP.

Further Proceedings in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia

With the case remanded to the District Court, Samantar filed a motion to dismiss the complaint in November 2010, arguing that he was entitled to common law immunity and head of state immunity.  He also argued that the case was barred by the political question doctrine, the statute of limitations and that the plaintiffs had not stated enough facts in the complaint to support the claims against him.  We opposed the motion to dismiss and the Samantar filed a reply.  The court initially set a hearing date of January 14, 2011.

On January 6, 2011, the U.S., on behalf of the State Department, filed a Notice of Potential Participation stating that it was considering the immunity issue and asking the court to give it until January 31 to render a decision.  The court agreed to continue the case to give the government time to state its position.  On February 14, 2011, the U.S. filed a Statement of Interest stating that Samantar was not entitled to immunity in the case.  The filing is significant because the U.S. rarely intervenes in litigation where it is not a party, and it is extremely uncommon for the government to intervene to state that a defendant is not entitled to immunity.  Based on the State Department’s filing, the very next day, the court ruled that the Defendant’s common law immunity claim is not viable. 

Following oral argument on the remaining issues in the motion to dismiss on April 1, 2011, the Court denied Samantar's motion to dismiss without prejudice and ordered full discovery.  Significantly, this means that Plaintiffs will be able to take Samantar's deposition and ask him why he directed a systematic attack on unarmed Somali civilians, including torture, rape and mass executions of countless victims.  The Court also denied Samantar's motion for reconsideration of his common law immunity claim.  On April 29, 2011, Samantar filed a notice of interlocutory appeal to the Fourth Circuit of his claim of common law immunity.  Judge Brinkema issued a scheduling order on May 3 and denied Samantar's motion to stay the scheduling order on May 18, certifying his interlocutory appeal to the Fourth Circuit as frivolous.

Defendant filed a motion for summary judgment on November 21, 2011 which the court denied in December.

Trial was scheduled to begin February 21, 2012.  After filing and losing two more motions to stay the proceedings (one at the trial court level and one at the 4th Circuit), on the evening of February 19, Samantar filed for bankruptcy, which by operation of statute deprived the trial court of jurisdiction and imposed an immediate stay of the proceedings.  Attorneys from CJA and Akin Gump flew into action, filing and winning an emergency motion to lift that stay on February 21, and securing a new trial date of February 23.

On the morning of February 23, Samantar personally appeared in court to enter his default, conceding both liability and damages.  Significantly, Judge Brinkema questioned Samantar directly regarding his entry of default on all of the claims against him.  Read the transcript here.  After finding Samantar liable for the plaintiffs’ injuries, Judge Brinkema proceeded with a hearing on damages. CJA and Akin Gump attorneys presented the testimony of all our plaintiffs and several other key witnesses, as well as documentary evidence in support of compensatory and punitive damages.  Read transcripts of the damages trial here [vol. 1] and here [vol. 2].  Read the Court's judgment and $21 million damages award here.

 Fourth Circuit Denies Immunity Again

After losing his bid for immunity under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act at the U.S. Supreme Court, Samantar had filed and lost another motion to dismiss the case, arguing that he was entitled to common law and head of state immunity.  Samantar appealed this decision to the Fourth Circuit, but after the U.S. Department of State yet again weighed in on the Plaintiffs’ side, the trial court certified the appeal as frivolous, allowing the case to move forward to trial in February 2012.  Oral argument before the Fourth Circuit was heard May 16, 2012. 

On November 2, 2012, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit once again sided with our clients against former Somali General Mohamed Ali Samantar.  In this landmark victory, CJA litigated the first case to consider the “common law immunity” of foreign officials to a decision that both denies absolute deference to the executive branch and denies immunity for human rights abuses like torture and extrajudicial killing. The Fourth Circuit’s decision marks a crucial step forward in the fight against impunity. 


Somalia: The Moral Bankruptcy of Somalia's Prime Minister



By: Ahmed Ali Ibrahim Sabeyse

Somalilandsun - Throughout the history of mankind the teachings of the Holy Prophets emphasized unequivocally the sanctity of the human life. From that back drop, a critical evaluation of Mr. Shirdon's immunity request regarding the civil case against Mohamed Ali Samatar is in order. Without Prejudice to the parties in the Civil Action No. 04-1360. This case is based on a solid legal ground in conformity with the following International Human Rights Conventions:

  • The Nuremberg Military Tribunal of 1945
  • Convention on the Non-applicability of Statute of Limitations on War Crimes
  • The Universal Declaration of Human Rights
  • Convention on Civil and Political Rights
  • Optional Protocol to the Convention on Civil and Political Rights
  • Convention on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights
  • Convention against on Torture
  • Convention against Genocide
  • Geneva Conventions and subsequent Protocols
  • Convention on the Rights of the Child
  • Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination
  • The Charter of the United Nations
  • African Charter on Peoples' and Human Rights

On the record, General Mohamed Ali Samatar had admitted his role in the atrocities of Somalia's military government against the civilian population of Somaliland. His orders resulted in the death of over 70,000 non-combatants and by virtue of his position of command and control, he is culpable for any resultant damages under international law.

Granting diplomatic immunity to a mass murderer is a travesty of justice. At his Command post at Hargeisa Airport, General Samatar gave the final instructions on the aerial and artillery bombardment of the city five miles north of the Airport. For three months the Somali air force relentlessly target practiced on this densely populated city and the civilian casualties were very high.

In its 1987 yearbook Amnesty International had documented the scorched earth tactics of Siyad Barre's regime. Even the life stock did not escape the heavy machine guns of the Somali air force. To this day tens of thousands of Somalilanders are suffering the lingering mental and psychological trauma of the war. While the International Court of Justice has set up special Tribunals for the war criminals of Rwanda and the former Yugoslav Republic, the mass murderers of Somalia are still free waiting to be brought before justice.

Having said that, and in response to the letter of Somalia's prime minister, here is the first paragraph of the said letter:

"Dear Secretary of State Kerry:

The Federal Republic of Somalia presents its compliments to the Department of State. On behalf of the Government of the Federal Republic of Somalia, I, Abdi Farah Shirdon, Prime Minister of Somalia, have the distinct honor and high privilege, by this letter, of requesting urgently, pursuant to the powers vested in me by the Federal Republic of Somalia Provisional Constitution, adopted 1 August 2012, that you use your good offices to obtain immunity for Mohamed ali Samater, the former Prime Minister of Somalia, from 1987-1990, and the Defense Minister and First Vice President of Somalia, from 1982-1986, in respect of certain civil litigation brought against him before the United States District for the Eastern District of Virginia, styled as Bashe Abdi Yousuf, et alii, versus Mohamed Ali Samatar, Civil Action No. 04-1360("the litigation").

From the wording of this paragraph, we can surmise that the original was drafted in Somali and subsequently a literal translation of the text was performed. Therefore, the apparent lack coherence and unity of the central idea.This sort of cumbersome wording is counter productive because the text has lost its original form, fit and function in the translation. Regardless of the subject matter, unity, coherence, and the logical sequence of the ideas are paramount to captivate the intended recipient.

Now, assuming that the following segment is the central idea of this paragraph,

" ..I, Abdi Farah Shirdon, Prime Minister of Somalia, have the distinct honor and high privilege, by this letter, of requesting urgently, pursuant to the powers vested in me by the Federal Republic of Somalia Provisional Constitution, adopted 1 August 2012, that you use your good offices to obtain immunity for Mohamed Ali Samater,..."

the emphasis is on

"..that you use your good offices to obtain immunity for Mohamed Ali Samater,..".

As it is, this sort of language is very undiplomatic and is indicative of the Somali prime minister's complete ignorance of international relations. For one thing, influence peddling is a taboo subject in diplomacy.

The honourable Prime Minister of Somalia or the Federal Republic of Somalia, Mr. Abdi Farah Shirdon, as a novice politician needs a lesson or two on the working dynamics of the United States Government and its constitution. Perhaps, the Somali Prime Minister needs to understand that the three branches of the government of the United States of America-The Executive, the Judiciary, and the Legislature operate independently under constitutionally mandated jurisdictional spheres and as such, this is were the concept of checks and balances and transparency comes into play.

Furthermore, any case brought before the courts of the United States takes its course through judicial process without intervention from the other two branches of government. Interceding on behalf of an indictable war criminal is an affront to the norms of civility.

On an intellectual level, the Somali prime minister has a skewed sense of priority and his letter to the United States Secretary of State is nothing but an embodiment of the sublime evil incarnated in a human form.

On another level, the paragraph consists of two sentences. Count the punctuation marks to make any rational sense out of what the Somali Prime minister has to say.There are three full stops/periods, one quotation mark, and eighteen commas! The comma is unfairly overused at the expense of the other thirteen punctuation marks.

To say the least, the eighteen commas in the sentence destroyed the meaning of the paragraph and the American Secretary of State will require the service of an English language professor to decipher the Somali prime minister's letter.

The prime minister's letter is nine paragraphs long and the response to the remaining eight paragraphs will follow in installments.

God bless the nation of Somaliland, and the uncountable victims of General Samantar's Somali National Armies.

Somaliland: Somalia Arms Embargo Lift Too Hasty



The UN Security Council decision to end the 21-year-old arms embargo has raised concerns in Somaliland on the preparedness of the Federal Government.

Below is an article published by All Africa:

The north western breakaway region of Somaliland, expressed discontent over the UN Security Council decision to partially lift the 21 year old arms embargo ban on Somalia, Garowe Online reports.

The Somaliland government's Foreign Affairs Minister, Mohamed Abdullahi Omar, spoke to BBC Somali Service on Thursday [7 March 2013] and stated that the Security Council did not evaluate the consequences of the partial lift.

"We [Somaliland] recognize the decision by the Security Council as a decision that was not properly examined nor assessed. And we believe it is ill-timed an decision that could bring insecurity to East Africa," said Minister Omar.



In the Britain proposed resolution passed on Wednesday [6 March 2013], the Security Council member state reasoned that it 'recognized' that the SFG "has a responsibility to protect its citizens and build its own national security forces."

The Minister cited Somaliland's concern was that the SFG's reach is limited and that regions' forces are not integrated into a Somali National Force.

"The Government in Mogadishu is a new administration, it hasn't passed Mogadishu. There isn't a national military that operates in all of Somalia; Jubaland, Puntland, Baidoa and Somaliland have their own military forces," said Omar.

The Minister stated that the arms embargo lift for the SFG could cause insecurity in other regions in Somalia.

"The [arms embargo lift] has to be equally administered and the regions and states need to take part in the process. But the Mogadishu administration is in its infancy and hasn't gained the affirmation of the other regions," stated Minister Omar.

Amnesty International expressed its concern over the arms embargo lift stating that it was "premature".

The humanitarian group said that the partial lift could send Somalia into a greater conflict without the proper safeguarding mechanisms.

Last month [February 2013], Puntland stated that an arms embargo lift could carry serious implications for Somalia if measures are not taken to ensure proper use.

The Somali Eritrea Monitoring Group (SEMG) will continue monitoring arms being brought into Somalia and will report monthly on the status of the partial arms embargo lift. The SEMG reported last year that there was a proliferation of arms into Somalia despite the 21 year ban.



Nigeria: How Jonathan and Obasanjo Fell Apart


Former president Olusegun Obasanjo.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo is the benefactor of President Goodluck Jonathan. But as it is the way of the world, there seems to be a river between them at the moment. We explore the events that led to this ugly development and their political implications.

In Abeokuta last Friday, governors, leaders of the National Assembly and political heavy weights gathered to lay the foundation stone of a mosque at the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL) complex. Even former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who has had a bitter political battle with former President Obasanjo, attended the event and donated N5 million towards the project. Conspicuously absent was President Goodluck Jonathan. He was not there in person. He was not represented by any minister or presidential aide.

President Jonathan's absence at an event that touches the heart of his benefactor is one of the manifestations of the divide between the two leaders. Obasanjo it was who influenced Jonathan's political rise as Deputy Governor of Bayelsa State, through Governor, Vice President, Acting President, substantive President and Jonathan's election as president in the 2011 elections. Though unspoken, the feud is now in the open, like a festering wound. Obasanjo, on his part, has kept away from the Aso Rock Presidential Villa in the last few months. He didn't attend the last Council of State meeting in July. His voice was not heard sympathising or commiserating with the first family over the illness of Dame Patience Jonathan and the death of Jonathan's younger brother, the late Meni, respectively. Instead, the volley of attacks and counter-attacks directly and by proxy has replaced the filial relationship between them. Obasanjo even dumped his position as chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) board of trustees - a position he fought very hard to keep. Ever since that decision, things continued to fall apart between the two.

How Jonathan and Obasanjo fell apart

The crack between Jonathan and Obasanjo began to emerge shortly after the 2011 presidential election. A close associate of Obasanjo revealed to Sunday Trust that after the bitter battle before, during and after the polls, Obasanjo asked Jonathan to mend the divide between the North and South by visiting those who contested against him in the presidential primaries and the election. But Jonathan refused to do so. Secondly, it was alleged that Obasanjo warned Jonathan against reducing the presidency to an Ijaw affair, when it was apparent that the president had surrounded himself with his kinsmen, some of them ex-militants. Again, Jonathan ignored him. Then, when Jonathan wanted to constitute his cabinet, it was gathered, Obasanjo recommended some names from the South-West, considering the fact that the region which voted for Jonathan overwhelmingly had no governor. Sunday Trust gathered that Obasanjo was shocked when Jonathan threw away his list, and the South-West did not make it to any of the top 10 cabinet positions. Combined with the suspicion that Jonathan may have deliberately traded the South-West governorship positions with Asiwaju Bola Tinubu's Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) to enable him win the presidential election, Obasanjo felt used and dumped. To worsen the situation, it was alleged that the president stopped picking Obasanjo's calls.

Obasanjo turns critic of Jonathan administration

Indications that Obasanjo accepted his maltreatment and was looking in a different direction, perhaps, to take his pound of flesh, manifested in reports alleging that he was looking North-ward for Jonathan's replacement, come 2015. Though he denied ever endorsing Jigawa State Governor Sule Lamido and Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi as his choices for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP's) presidential flag bearers in 2015, Obasanjo's body language told the world that he had shifted his support from Jonathan. At local and international fora, he took a swipe on the Jonathan administration for wasting the country's foreign reserve, put at about $35 billion in 2007. Obasanjo had said, "We left what we call excess crude, let's build it for rainy day, up to $35 billion; within three years, the $35 billion disappeared. Whether the money disappeared or, like the governor said, it was shared, the fact remains that $35 billion disappeared from the foreign reserve I left behind in office. When we left that money, we thought we were leaving it for the rainy day... But my brother said the rain is not falling now. But the fact is that when the rain is falling, we will have nothing to cover our heads with because we have blown it off. The Chinese do not think that way." The statement was an allusion to the Jonathan administration, as both foreign reserve and excess crude account sank shortly after the 2011 elections.

Obasanjo's statements became more and more critical of the Jonathan administration. On November 11, he spoke in Dakar, Senegal about the alarming rate of unemployment in the country, and concluded that the country was sitting on a time-bomb. He told the gathering at an entrepreneurship programme under the auspices of that Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the African Development Bank that when he became president, youth unemployment was put at 72 per cent, but that he reduced it to about 52 per cent. Now, it has ballooned to unmanageable proportion. Obasanjo underscored his fears with this remark: "I am afraid. And when a General says he is afraid, that means the danger ahead is real and potent. Despite the imminent threat to Nigeria's nationhood there is no serious, realistic short or long term solution to youth unemployment."

Though Obasanjo argued that his remarks were not meant to instigate Nigerians against government, few days after the Dakar event, he was in Warri, Delta State to frontally attack Jonathan over his 'weak' approach to insecurity. At the 40th anniversary of Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor's call to ministry at the Word of Life Bible Church, Obasanjo said, "They (Boko Haram) stated their grievances and I promised to relay them to the authorities in power, because that was the best I could do. I did report. But my fear at that time is still my fear till today. When you have a sore and fail to attend to it quickly, it festers and grows to become something else.

"Whichever way, you just have to attend to it. Don't leave it unattended to. On two occasions I had to attend to the problem I faced at that time. I sent soldiers to a place and 19 of them were killed. If I had allowed that to continue, I will not have authority to send security whether police, soldier and any force any where again. So, I had to nip it in the bud and that was the end of that particular problem."

Referring to criticisms that he foisted Jonathan on the nation, Obasanjo said, "The beauty of democracy is that power rests in the people, and every elected person would seek your votes to come back; if you don't want him, he won't come back."

Jonathan fires back

Obasanjo's reference to how he tackled the Odi crisis attracted a length remark from Jonathan during the presidential media chat on Sunday, November 18. The tragedy, which happened on November 20, 1999 led to the killing of many persons in the Bayelsa State community. Though Obasanjo said it halted militants' attacks on the army, Jonathan disagreed, bluntly saying, "When the Odi matter came up, I was the Deputy Governor of Bayelsa State, and I can give you the narratives of what led to the Odi crisis. The peak of the activities of the militancy in Niger Delta was when 12 police officers were killed in a cold blooded murder. That made the federal government to invade Odi. And after that invasion, the governor and I visited Odi. Ordinarily, the governor and the deputy governor were not supposed to move together under such a situation. And we saw some dead people mainly old men and women and also children. None of those militants was killed. None was killed. So, bombarding Odi was to solve the problem but it never solved it. If the attack on Odi had solved the issue of militancy in the Niger Delta, the Yar'adua government, in which I had the privilege of being the Vice President, wouldn't have come up with the amnesty programme. So, that should tell you that the attack on Odi never solved the militancy problems. People will even tell you that rather it escalated it. It attracted international sympathy and we had lots of challenges after that attack on Odi."

Former Minister of Aviation under Obasanjo, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode didn't allow the president's criticism of Obasanjo to go down. He replied Jonathan in a president statement, which he said, Obasanjo authorised. Fani-Kayode said, "On the issue of Boko Haram it is unfortunate that President Obasanjo's comments have been misconstrued and his views misrepresented. He never said that the Odi treatment should be applied to Boko Haram or that such action is appropriate in these circumstances. What he said was that a solution ought to have been found or some sort of action ought to have been taken sooner rather than allow the problem to fester over time like a bad wound and get worse. There can be no doubt that he was right on this because, according to President Jonathan's own Chief of Army Staff, no less that 3,000 people have been killed by Boko Haram in the last two years alone. That figure represents approximately the same number of people that were killed by the IRA in Northern Ireland and the British mainland in the 100 years that the war between them and British lasted and before peace was achieved between the two sides. The same number of casualties that the IRA inflicted on the people of the United Kingdom in 100 years is the same number of casualties that Boko Haram have managed to inflict on our people in just two. This is unacceptable and it is very disturbing.

The Federal Government must cultivate the courage and the political will to stop the killings by Boko Haram and to find a permanent solution to the problem. When President Obasanjo was in power he handled such matters decisively, with vigour and with the utmost urgency. He brought justice to the perpetrators quickly and promptly and he did whatever he had to do to protect the lives and property of the Nigerian people. The truth is that the strategy that he adopted to fight terrorism and mass murder worked very well and it was very effective. For President Goodluck Jonathan to suggest otherwise is regrettable," Fani-Kayode said.

However, the president's reaction to Obasanjo's remarks didn't end there. Last Tuesday, reports emerged that some indigenes of Odi had put together enough data to drag Obasanjo to the International Criminal Court (ICC) over alleged genocide. A report quoted the community as arguing that: "We are dragging Obasanjo before the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity.... Our people are seeking two things, conviction of the former president for crime against humanity and compensation from the Federal Government for the destruction of Odi. The details are ready with pictures but we don't want to pre-empt the International Court."

Obasanjo came under fire from Jonathan's aides and even former leaders who thought his remarks on Jonathan were some unkind cuts. But the Jonathan administration didn't stop there. The termination of the concession agreement on Lagos-Ibadan Expressway between the Federal Government and Bi-Courtney Highway Services Ltd., whose face is Dr Wale Babalakin, may not be by chance. Dr Babalakin is like Obasanjo's adopted son.

Apart from terminating the multi-billion naira contract, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has taken on Babalakin over an alleged laundering of N2 billion for convicted former Governor James Ibori. Secondly, a former Aviation Minister, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, is at the same time facing fire. For the fourth time last week, the judges handling the case of an alleged N240 million corruption charge against him have been changed.

The new judge for the lingering case since 2008 is Justice Rita Ofili-Ajumogobia. Other associates of Obasanjo, like Malam Nuhu Ribadu and Malam Nasiru el-Rufai, have not been spared by the administration. The business empire that Barrister Jimoh Ibrahim, another of Obasanjo loyalists, attempted to build, is crumbling under government's sledge hammer. Air Nigeria is off the skies. It is not clear if these are deliberate attempts to get at Obasanjo, but the quick succession in some of the decisions against the former president's 'boys' may not be mere coincidences.

Implications of the face-off for 2015:

Obasanjo does not forgive. Obasanjo has always had the last laugh. These two expressions have become aphorisms in the Nigerian political circle because of some antecedents. Many politicians who attracted Obasanjo's anger regretted it.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Ogun State Governor, Otunba Gbenga Daniel; former Speaker Umar Gha'li Na'Abbah, former Senate President Anyim Pius Anyim; the late Senate President Pius Okadigbo, former PDP National Chairman, Chief Audu Ogbeh and even the late President Umaru Musa Yar'adua were not spared. In different ways they disagreed with Obasanjo.

In different ways they lost out. As the political alignment for 2015 intensifies, there are fears that the Obasanjo group could pull the rug off Jonathan's 2015 ambition. In Abeokuta last Friday, many governors from the North, some of whom have presidential ambition, engaged in a closed door meeting with Obasanjo after they contributed to the fund for building the presidential library mosque. If anything, the harmony demonstrated at the meeting pointed to the reality of power shift from the South to the North, a change that Obasanjo has openly canvassed for. The big alliance being planned by the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) would provide a veritable alternative to dissenting groups in the PDP, if Jonathan picks the party's ticket for 2015 presidential election.

Presidential aides declined to make comments on the cold war between Jonathan and Obasanjo. Many calls put through to Dr Doyin Okupe, a Senior Special Assistant to Jonathan on Public Affairs, were not answered. He did not respond to text messages sent to his mobile phone, explaining what this newspaper wanted him to clarify. Subsequent calls made to Dr Okupe after the text messages had been delivered were not attended to. Also, Dr Reuben Abati, the president's Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, did not respond to our reporter's calls and text messages. The president's Special Assistant on Political Affairs, Malam Ahmed Gulak, also refused to respond to calls and text messages to his mobile telephone. However, in his response to criticisms by former leaders of Jonathan last Friday, Gulak had said, "They have had their opportunities to rule this country before. Some have done eight years; some have done 12 years, some have done seven years, they have done their own bits. Therefore, what we are saying is that, they should be elder statesmen; give advice from the sides, not to dabble into creating crisis within the system."

According to Gulak, he agreed that nobody could deprive people of their rights to air their views on any national issue, including how they are governed, but such criticisms should be constructive. He argued that when such criticisms come from those who had been privileged to have led the country in the past, they should be moderated, not to create social disharmony in the country.

In his reaction to the face-off between Jonathan and Obasanjo, the National Publicity Secretary of the Conference of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP), Mr Osita Okechukwu, described it as 'nemesis at work'.

Okechukwu recalled how Obasanjo also treated the likes of former military leaders, such as Ibrahim Babangida, Abdulsalam Abubakar and T. Y. Danjuma who worked for his election as civilian president.

He said "if Mr President is actually ready to transform the country, he must not only detach himself as a puppet in the hands of the Ota Chief; but must muster the political will to expose the perfidy, culture of impunity and arbitrariness, which is the metaphor of Obasanjo regime."

He stated further that "The altercation between President Goodluck Jonathan and the ex-president Chief Olusegun Obasanjo can best be termed nemesis at work; for it is the same bowel Chief Obasanjo used in feeding his mentors who rescued, rehabilitated and enthroned him as president for the second time, which is being used to feed him. One recalls the petition we wrote then, pointing out that going by the Decree which governed the 1999 presidential election, that the chief was not qualified to be president. Our argument was that Chief Obasanjo is an ex-convict, the next day, the then Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar repealed that section. Or do we forget how Gen. Ibrahim Babangida coerced everybody to queue into the Obasanjo for president project, hoping for reward, which never came.

"General T. Y. Danjuma threatened to leave the country if the chief was not crowned. When he became president, the result was the revocation of oil block licence allocated earlier to him by General Sani Abacha. Suffice it to say that the tale of the dosage of ingratitude of Chief Obasanjo is legendary," Okechukwu said.

The CNPP spokesperson added that "President Jonathan has been dealing with Chief Obasanjo with kid-gloves and, therefore, must learn from American dictum, which admonishes that you don't pull the pistol without shooting. Too bad.

"Where does one start from to mention a few of the asset-stripping, subversion of the constitution and havoc visited on the Nigerian people in the eight years of the Obasanjo's regime. His privatization programme was highly flawed and at variant with the intendment of the exercise. He embarked on undue patronage of his cronies, and to crown it all, the revenue realized from the sales is steamed in controversy.

"We cannot as well forget the reckless allocation of 500 hectares of Sirajo District to Nigerian cronies of Chief Obasanjo and some Malaysians without due process. The hype that greeted the launching of Malaysian Garden, by Chief Obasanjo hit high roofs upon which a lot the Nigerians invested and 6 years down the line the controversy has not ebbed."

Also speaking with Sunday Trust on the development, Daniel Richards, Adamawa State born political strategist, queried the sincerity of Obasanjo over the choice of his successors.

"If you look at the PDP wholly, we agree that Obasanjo played a role in Jonathan's emergence. Let's not forget that Obasanjo too wanted to perpetuate himself through the third term agenda. For me, on the emergence of Yar'adua and Jonathan, I don't think Obasanjo had good intentions. And if you look at what characterised Jonathan's emergence, you will find out that there is a motive behind bringing him as vice president," Richards said.

The divide between Jonathan and Obasanjo may influence the country's future political leadership. An intense power struggle may be in the offing in 2015.