Clinton absent from Kerry nomination

12/21/2012 
By MARILYNN MARCHIONE AP Chief Medical Writer                                                       

Sen. John Kerryn

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, who contracted a stomach virus in early December, became dehydrated, fainted, fell and hit her head, according to aides and doctors. She was diagnosed with a concussion on Dec. 13 and hasn't been seen in public since as she follows orders to rest and recover. That has meant, among other things, canceling an overseas trip to deal with Syria and North Africa issues, the release and congressional hearings about an independent panel's report on the deadly Sept. 11 attack on a diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya, and on Friday, standing with President Barack Obama as he nominated Sen. John Kerry to replace her as secretary of state for his second term, as expected.

President Obama, in nominating Kerry, noted Clinton's absence. "She continues to recuperate," he said. "She's in good spirits."

After talking to her Friday, he said she looks forward to returning to work, but didn't say when.

Here is a look at how a concussion affects the brain, and the recovery process:

—A concussion is the mildest form of traumatic brain injury, and usually involves losing consciousness after a fall or blow to the head. Symptoms can include headaches, irritability, sleep problems and sensitivity to light or noise, according to the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

—Most people who suffer concussions recover fully, but that can take "days to weeks to months depending on how bad it was," said Dr. Gholam Motamedi, a neurologist at Georgetown University Medical Center who was not involved in Clinton's care.

—How hard a surface Clinton struck when she fell, and whether the blow was to the front or back of her head (back is worse) can affect the severity of her injury, he said.

—Treatment usually focuses on getting enough rest and sleep to allow the brain to heal, and preventing further head injury—avoiding strenuous activities or sports, even working on computers for a while. Doctors also like to make sure that blood pressure is controlled and that there are no other problems or injuries to complicate recovery.

—Doctors often advise "kind of keeping a low profile" during recovery and boosting general health by eating well and resting, Motamedi said. "You want the brain to be in optimal condition" to heal.

source: http://www.denverpost.com/breakingnews/ci_22240073/clinton-absent-from-kerry-nomination?source=rss 

The Horn of Africa: rebuilding or in meltdown?

There could hardly be a more poignant or devastating reminder of divisive instability that has spread throughout the Horn of Africa.

On Monday, I moderated a discussion panel on how arts and literature can help rebuild society in the Horn of Africa. But I shouldn’t have been there at all.

Yusuf Hassan, the intended moderator and a Kenyan MP of Somali descent, was absent because of a stark symbol, not of society rebuilding itself, but of society in meltdown: a bomb attack.

The parliamentarian was injured by shrapnel from an explosion in his Kamukunji constituency in Eastleigh, a largely Somali community in Nairobi, on Friday evening. A boy who had come up to greet him was killed instantly, among five who died. It was the second blast in three days.

Kenya’s only Nairobi MP of Somali descent, who has regularly spoken out against the al-Shabaab jihadis who control some of central Somalia, Hassan says he doesn’t know if he was the intended target of the attack.

“In the case of Eastleigh we had no idea maybe a year ago we’d be affected by some of the problems that affect people from the Horn of Africa. Many of these people have fled war, they came here for sanctuary,” he said from his hospital bed. Both his legs are fractured; his right ankle is almost severed.

“It appears the attempt is to create discord and conflict. These communities [in Eastleigh] have lived side by side for over a century,” he said of relations between Somalis and non-Somalis who commute into the city each day for work.

Somalis have become accustomed to fatal tumult in more than 20 years of instability and war. A recent return to fragments of stability as the threat of al-Shabaab ebbs may not be enough.

Ayan Mahamoud

We have a state but we don’t have a nation,” said Ayan Mahamoud, managing director of KAYD Somali Arts and Culture, which helps put on the Hargeisa International Book Fair. She was among the panelists co-hosted by Kwani Trust, a Kenyan literary network, and the Nairobi forum, a research body managed by the Rift Valley Institute, discussing how arts and literature can help in societal reconstruction.

Hadraawi, speaking from the audience

Poets are more important than politicians in Somalia,” she said, pointing to audience member and poet Hadraawi, famed as the Somali Shakespeare and hailed for helping to bring down the dictatorship of Siad Barre in 1991. He was imprisoned for his popular criticism for five years in the mid-1970s and later joined the opposition in exile.

Hassan, whose father was a social historian, said poetry had always had great power throughout the Horn and played a big role both in war and reconciliation. “Every poem has a role in society for peace and reconciliation after a devastating war – usually used to send a signal of peace to the other side,” he said.

The discussion is part of a week-long event, Conversations with Writers from the Horn, part of the biennial Kwani? Litfest. While Kenya’s art scene thrives, participants from other countries experience first-hand the depravities, indignities and fear of being threatened for their work.

Eighteen media figures have been killed in Somalia this year, many of whom spoke out against al-Shabaab. Panellist Meaza Worku confines her work in Ethiopia to the realm of social ills – comic books to combat HIV, radio plays to combat sexism – but dares not drift into politics. Many more write from exile.

Ayan Mahamoud, Joseph Eluzai and Katrina Manson

Joseph Eluzai, South Sudanese short story writer and panelist, heard the shot that last week killed fellow writer, critic and columnist Isaiah Abraham outside his Juba home. Abraham, pen name for Diing Chan Awuol, regularly criticized government corruption in his writings.

Little more than a year after words from one of Eluzai’s poems were incorporated into the world’s newest national anthem, when South Sudan arrived on the map in July 2011, he is disheartened by the direction of his country’s independence project.

“The space for expression is being narrowed down to pro-government,” says Eluzai.

Photos by Paul Munene/Kwani

Green and Inclusive Project USD 125 million for the Horn of Africa

The Board of Directors of the African Development Group, approved a project in the amount of USD  125 million for the first phase of the drought resilience project and provision of long-lasting  means of subsistence to populations in the Horn of Africa.    

Three countries, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya as well as the  Igad secretariat are concerned by the first phase of this regional project funded  way of loans and grants provided by the African Development Fund (ADF) beginning  2013.  

The ADF grants amount to USD 15 million for   Djibouti 7 million dollars for the Igad secretariat. The ADF loans of  46 et 56 million dollars  respectively to   Ethiopia and to Kenya, will go to support activities aimed at restoring the means of subsistence of the populations through  investments  in natural resources management  (water grazing grounds),  land integrated management, restoration and protection of the ecosystem as well as agriculture and livestock infrastructure.

The project will equally contribute in the improvement of storage, marketing and transportation facilities such as rural roads. The object is to set on the deeper causes of the region’s vulnerability in order to build resilience in the face of medium and long-term drought periods, consolidate peace and promote the equitable use of limited natural resources.

Certain drought prone  regions are concerned by the project ;  Beyya Dader, Gaggade-Derela and  Weimar in  Djibouti, Afar and  Somali in  Ethiopia, and  Baringo, Isiolo, Marsabit, Samburu, Turkana and West  Pokot, six  arid and  semi-arid regions in  Kenya. According to   estimates, the project will benefit 12 million people, 98 million cattle and 173 million sheep and goats that are victims to drought.

The implementation of the inclusive green programme will have a deep-rooted environmental and socio-economic impact in these regions.

source: http://www.afdb.org/en/news-and-events/article/green-and-inclusive-project-usd-125-million-for-the-horn-of-africa-10161/

Free the CIA torture report

December 20, 2012

The Senate Intelligence Committee should make public a 6,000-page report on the CIA's detention and interrogation policies.

Committee chairman Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) is seen speaking to reporters after a closed briefing of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in Washington, D.C. (Brendan Smialowski / AFP / Getty Images / November 15, 2012)

Americans have known for years both the broad outlines and some of the disgusting details of the George W. Bush administration's policy of subjecting suspected terrorists to torture, humiliation and imprisonment at "black sites" in foreign countries. But they have been denied a comprehensive accounting of how the United States decided after the 9/11attacks to travel to what then-Vice President Dick Cheney called "the dark side."

That would change if the Senate Intelligence Committee released to the public a 6,000-page report on the CIA's detention and interrogation policies that it approved last week. Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), the committee chair, says the report includes "details of each detainee in CIA custody, the conditions under which they were detained, how they were interrogated, the intelligence they actually provided and the accuracy — or inaccuracy — of CIA descriptions about the program to the White House, Department of Justice, Congress and others." The report also includes 20 findings and conclusions.

Release of the document could fill in blanks left by news reports, lawsuits and various official documents. It also could shed light on whether waterboarding and other "enhanced interrogation techniques" played a role in tracking down Osama — a debate rekindled by the movie "Zero Dark Thirty." Feinstein herself has rejected a claim that the operation that discovered Bin Laden's whereabouts was carried out "based on information gained through the harsh treatment of CIA detainees." Of course, even if torture did prove useful, that doesn't make it legal or moral.

Unfortunately, the report will remain classified while the committee solicits comments — and presumably suggested redactions — from the Obama administration. Feinstein and her colleagues must press the administration, including the CIA, to review the document expeditiously and exercise restraint in editing it. Then the committee must vote to release it.

The Obama administration has a mixed record when it comes to publicizing Bush-era abuses. In 2009, it released a version of the CIA inspector general's report on the interrogation program that was significantly more complete (and embarrassing) than the heavily redacted copy that had been made public by the Bush administration. On the other hand, the Obama Justice Department has followed its predecessor's example in asserting the "state secrets privilege" to block litigation that would have illuminated interrogation and rendition practices.

Release of the intelligence committee report won't end the debate about either the morality or the efficacy of the CIA's interrogation policy — a debate that often follows party lines. Only one Republican on the committee, Maine Sen. Olympia J. Snowe, voted to approve the report (though Arizona Sen.John McCain, a nonvoting "ex officio" member, praised it and urged its release). The ranking Republican, Sen. Saxby Chambliss of Georgia, said it contained "significant errors, omissions, assumptions and ambiguities — as well as a lot of cherry-picking."

But the report, which is based on a study of more than 6 million pages of CIA and other records, represents the most ambitious attempt yet to explain why and how this country lost its moral bearings in the aftermath of a terrorist attack. The American people have a right to see it.

PRESS RELEASE – Somaliland local elections: International Election Observers applaud commitment to democracy, but say action is required to ensure future election integrity‏

Friday, December 21st, 2012

International Somaliland Local Election Observers

With results finally confirmed in Somaliland’s local elections, held on November 28^th 2012, the international election observation mission assembled by Progressio, DPU and Somaliland Focus (UK) congratulates the people of Somaliland and the National Electoral Commission (NEC) on a lively and enthusiastic election campaign and voting process. But in advance of writing our final report, to be released in mid-2013, we must also report concerns about the election and its aftermath…

The full release is attached and pasted below, and at http://www.somalilandfocus.org.uk/

To arrange interviews, contact Conrad Heine at +44 7870 642 852

***Photographs can also be provided upon request***

Follow on Twitter: @SomalilandFocus

For immediate release

Somaliland local elections: International Election Observers applaud commitment to democracy, but say action is required to ensure future election integrity.

With results finally confirmed in Somaliland’s local elections, held on November 28^th 2012, the international election observation mission assembled by Progressio, DPU and Somaliland Focus (UK) congratulates the people of Somaliland and the National Electoral Commission (NEC) on a lively and enthusiastic election campaign and voting process.

However, in advance of writing our final report, to be released in mid-2013, we must also report a number of substantial concerns.

The election’s aftermath has been marked by a build-up of tension over the course of a slow counting process. Once results began to be released, the NEC came under extreme pressure over disputes to results from several sides, and was subjected to a shooting attack on its headquarters in the town of Erigavo. Regrettably, post-election protests saw a number of deaths in protests in Hargeisa, Somaliland’s capital.

Although the NEC has now moved to confirm results, and we have been heartened by various political leaders urging their supporters to maintain peace and security when protesting, we recognise that the post-election climate remains tense.

Our post-poll concerns follow those we expressed immediately following polling day, when we noted that observers reported attempts at multiple and underage voting and what appeared to be attempts to mobilise voters to engage in these attempts. While observers also noted polling station staff attempting to prevent such activity, such reports pose concerns for the integrity of Somaliland’s electoral process.

Now, a month on from voting, it is important that disputes around the election outcome are peacefully settled. Without peaceful settlement of disputes, Somaliland’s admirable democratic tradition may be damaged. We urge all Somalilanders to respect the electoral laws and procedures, so that future elections can be approached effectively and with confidence.

Specifically, we repeat the recommendation we made immediately following polling day: in advance of the next elections, we call for Somaliland to adopt a robust system for voter/citizen registration, in order to improve confidence in the electoral process.

In closing, we would like to highlight the many positives around this election: once again, Somalilanders showed how dedicated they are to the unique democratic spiritthey have crafted from their challenging history. In particular, we are delighted to note real progress in inclusion of youth and women in the process: the apparent election of ten female candidates represents a huge step forward, and we look forward to further progress on this front.

Dr Michael Walls, the mission’s joint co-ordinator, said “Somaliland has made enormous progress in achieving a difficult transition to a form of representative democracy. We have long been impressed with that process, and call on all Somalilanders to maintain their commitment to a peaceful form of democratic and participatory decision-making.”

Notes to Editors

1. For further information or to arrange an interview with a member of the coordination team, please contact Conrad Heine on +44 7870 642 852 / media@somalilandfocus.org.uk, or Lucy Jenkinson on 020 7326 2011 / lucyj@progressio.org.uk , or Tim Aldred on 020 7326 2003 / +44 7740 543 047 / tim@progressio.org.uk.
2. Somaliland declared unilateral independence from Somalia in 1991 following the collapse of Somalia’s government. It remains internationally unrecognised.
3. A team of 50 observers from 17 countries was assembled by Progressio, DPU and Somaliland Focus (UK) to observe Somaliland’s local elections on November 28^th 2012. The mission follows on from observations of Somaliland’s inaugural local elections in 2002, followed by the parliamentary elections in 2005, judged by observers as “basically free and fair”, and the presidential election in 2010 http://www.progressio.org.uk/sites/default/files/Somaliland-elections-2010-report.pdf , which saw an orderly transfer of power and was judged “a peaceful expression of popular will”.
4. The 2012 mission covered almost 20% of more than 1,700 polling stations in 15 of the 21 districts across Somaliland in which voting took place.
5. The mission was invited by Somaliland’s National Electoral Commission (NEC), and funded by Britain’s Department for International Development (DFID). We presented a post-poll interim report to the NEC and donors, and a final report will follow in 2013.
6. A pre-election assessment of the conditions for the local elections took place in 2012 and can be viewed here:  http://www.progressio.org.uk/sites/progressio.org.uk/files/Preparing-for-local-elections-Sld-2012.pdf
7. For more information about Progressio, please see www.progressio.org.uk and about Somaliland Focus, see www.somalilandfocus.org.uk.

Short URL: http://waaheen.com/?p=55926

Democracy Up Close in Somaliland: Reflections of an International Election Observer

By Dustin R. Turin                                                                             2012, Vol. 4 No. 12 

In May 1991, Somaliland emerged as a self-declared independent state in the aftermath of the failure and subsequent collapse of Siyad Barre’s Somalia. Although ethnically and linguistically Somalilanders are undifferentiated from their counterparts in southern Somalia, the northwestern region of Somalia has achieved an important distinction: while Somalia remains fundamentally anarchic, with no substantial national government to speak of, Somaliland is conversely peaceful, democratic, and remarkably safe by comparison. The de facto state held successful national elections in 2003 (presidential), 2005 (parliamentary), and again in 2010 (presidential). International Election Observers (IEOs), along with Domestic Observers (DOs), participated in monitoring each of these processes, concluding that elections were substantially free and fair. Nevertheless, Somaliland remains internationally unrecognized and is considered under international law to be a province of non-functioning Somalia.

On November 28, 2012, Somalilanders once again went to the polls to participate in district level elections. Representing seven political parties, nearly 2,400 candidates – including 140 women – contested 379 positions across the country. In addition to selecting district-level policymakers, the elections carried national significance: of the seven competing parties, the three that received the most votes became the only three political parties legally capable of contesting elections in Somaliland for the next decade.

I participated as a member of the 50-person IEO team deployed in Somaliland to observe the polling process across the country. Observers from 17 countries were assembled in 25 two-person teams and, on Election Day, visited roughly 20% of Somaliland’s 1,700 polling places. The following is a personal account of my experience on Election Day, 28 November 2012, deployed around Salaxley, Somaliland.

A cloud of dirt and dust marks the wake of our 4x4 as we speed through Hargeisa's empty streets at 4:30am. It's early morning on election day: roads are closed to all non-official traffic. We travel through Hargeisa, over the Maroodi-Jeex bridge that spans a bone-dry river, and through the town's low-lying sprawl. We're headed south and the driver knows the way by heart, because there are no signs. After turning at an inconspicuous side street, navigating off the road to travel around a crumbled building, we turn into what appears to me empty Somali bush. The tarmac ends abruptly, and the road – undifferentiated from the surrounding expanse of dirt and bush – becomes rough, twisting sharply left and right suddenly as the driver navigates divots and thorny shrubs.
We are headed to Salaxley, a town southeast of Hargeisa toward the Ethiopian border. The drive for the next two hours is haunting: a full moon still low on the horizon casts a cool blue light over a landscape that looks, with little exaggeration, as if it might as well be the surface of the moon. There is no opportunity to relax, let alone sleep. Our car is flying across the landscape, a second vehicle loaded with two Special Protection Unit (SPU) gunmen variously speeding alongside or behind us. The bumps are jarring as the driver reacts to the onslaught of obstacles in front of us, slamming on the breaks at several points to avoid the worst of them in dramatic fashion. Cool air rushes in through the windows, welcome in anticipation of the sun that is now creeping into the scene. Today will be hot and dry. Like most other days here.

Before entering Salaxley, we pass through a makeshift security checkpoint, the third since we departed Hargeisa. This one is typical: a tattered rope tied between two cement blocks blocking the road. It's early and still cool, so the guard is sitting by a fire. He walks over, AK-47 slung casually over his shoulder, to peer into the windows. Our red "international observer" hats and official National Election Commission (NEC) identity cards are sufficient, and the rope is lowered.

Salaxley looks, inevitably, like a thousand other small Somali towns. The wide dirt strip running through the center of town is merely a continuation of the wide dirt landscape in which the town is situated. There is no vegetation anywhere in sight, save for the low scrub bushes and the occasional Acacia tree. To me, the location of the town seems utterly random: why here? It may as well be situated at any other location in a twenty-mile radius as far as I can tell. But, surely some reason exists. I know little of life here, and to me simple survival in this harsh landscape overwhelms comprehension. The town is comprised of a collection of makeshift buildings and shelters, stretching for perhaps 300 or 400 meters alongside the road. There are several small shops, perhaps just three or four shelves selling a few items, dotted into faded mud-brick buildings. At least one dirt-floored 'restaurant' is constructed of sticks, metal sheeting, plastic, and other found materials. 'Baasto' is on the menu.

But, we are not here to eat (though we will return for that purpose hours later). The first polling station of the day, No. 419, is located on the edge of town. Situated in a tiny crumbling building, two lines – one for men, one for women – are already forming outside. It's 6:30am, and polls open in 30 minutes. My partner Nada and I loop our NEC credentials around our necks and don the bright red ‘international observer’ hats; hers goes over a headscarf gracefully encircling her face. As we step out of our vehicle, eyes are on us. But, the faces we see are excited and predominantly friendly. Our presence means that the world is watching Somaliland, even in the tiny town of Salaxley, seemingly a place removed from the hum of our increasingly connected world.

Glancing around at the building, I notice a party flag flying next to the door. Xaqsoor's (pronounced similarly to 'hack-saw') colors are yellow and white, but they should not be raised here. The campaign period is over; Somaliland election laws dictate that polling stations must be free of campaign materials on election day. But, perhaps nobody got the memo. The crowd outside the door parts for us, and the policeman at the door – military fatigues, black boots, blue beret, and a well-used automatic rifle over one shoulder – glances quickly at our cards before allowing us to enter. Inside, there is barely enough room to move.

The polling station staff includes four people: a chairman, secretary, and two 'scrutineers' responsible for inspecting and applying the all-important 'indelible' ink, which will in theory serve as a sufficient replacement for a national voter registry. Ideally, the first scrutineer greets voters by inspecting the little finger of their left hand for ink. If no ink is found the voter steps in to the polling station chair and secretary, where one records by hand the voter's name and approximate age in a record book containing a hand-written log of every ballot number. If the voter is under 16 years of age, judged according to appearance because few people have any kind of official identity document, a ballot is issued. If the voter appears too young, the chair and secretary can question the person to determine their age. In a dispute, someone from the community – perhaps an elder, or just a neighbor – can be consulted.

Once the ballot is issued, a makeshift voting booth is located in the corner behind a white sheet, strung up with string to a nearby bench. The ballot box, a clear plastic bin sealed with plastic ties on the corners, is on the floor in the middle of the room, within sight of all. In theory, the process is sound, democratic, and transparent. In practice, the challenges of making this system work well in Somaliland – or, probably, any place facing the particular constellation of issues that Somaliland faces – are significant. Our experiences over the day will reveal as much.

In addition to the polling station staff, agents for each party – Kulmiye, UCID, Rays, Waddani, Dalsan, Umadda, and Xaqsoor – are seated along the walls of the room, the goal of increased transparency clearly in mind. No one without official credentials, with the exception of voters, should be inside the polling station at any time. In particular, men with guns should remain outdoors. But that rule, too, we found lacking in practice.
In total, that means at least eleven people should be inside the station at all times, in addition to the requisite voting materials. The ballots are large and complicated, essentially 11x14 sheets of paper. With all the necessary tables, chairs, and benches to accommodate these people, and most stations little more than a twelve-foot by twelve-foot room, space is limited.

Nada and I enter the first station and stand in the only available corner, still about 15-minutes until the polls open. The noise, chaos, and excitement outside is mounting while the polling station staff, mostly young university students and a mix of men and women, prepare the materials for what will be a very long day. When the voting finally begins, order is maintained for a time. Voters enter, have their fingers inspected, register in the logbook, and cast their ballot. At least, this is how it is supposed to work.

Virtually all of Somaliland is extremely rural and illiteracy is high – close to 80% in 2001 – so in these elections candidates and parties are identified by numbers according to the assumption that most people possess basic numeracy (an assumption rooted in the rise of cell phones, which are extremely popular and widely used across Africa, and patterns of day-to-day economic activity). However, even this system of numeracy is not understood by all and a high proportion of voters enter with small printed cards indicating their intended vote. When the card is presented to the chair, the ballot is filled out on behalf of the voter, confirmed by each party agent, and set into the ballot box. When so many voters use these cards, however, voter confidentiality becomes an important consideration; in our observations, probably close to 50% of all votes ended up visible to everyone in the room. Given the situation, this is a difficult issue to overcome.

We remain at the first polling station for thirty minutes before departing, filling out checklists and writing comments as we go. This is just the first station of the day: we have a list of twenty-five polling stations to visit in the next eleven hours. Unfortunately, what we do not have is a map, nor are there any road signs at all – roads themselves apparently missing – outside of the capital. This is a giant challenge in the planning process, considering that most of the polling stations are many miles apart over rough roads. Although our driver is able to identify several towns from the list, most are unknown to all. Even the Mayor of Salaxley, who we were finally forced to approach for help, couldn’t help us locate every station.

As we attempt to establish some sort of route, we in the meantime visit two additional polling stations within a few minutes drive of Salaxley proper. When we arrive at the next station – ‘Salaxley B’ – the scene is somewhat different. Many more people, much more chaos. There are two ballot boxes at this station and four lines (two each for men and women). The closest line appears to be verging on a riot. Everyone is yelling, and two men begin swinging at each other with wooden canes. Inevitably, everyone must be involved and the pushing and shouting mounts swiftly. Our own SPU agent appears to enjoy this environment and, bolstered by his own military fatigues and rifle, immediately enters the fray. He grabs a man by the collar and shoves him out of the crowd. Someone begins blowing a whistle, which seems to be an alert of sorts. Nada and I hang back, looking toward our vehicle and considering the risk of continuing to watch from the fringe. Interestingly, the second set of lines, not even a hundred feet away but leading toward a different polling room, appear totally unfazed by the nearby chaos and instead everyone stands patiently waiting. We enter the second room, bolstered by the peaceful and quiet queue out front.

As we enter, the first thing that is immediately apparent is that the second ‘scrutineer’ – the one who is supposed to be applying indelible ink – is clearly not doing so. This was uncommon over the course of the day, but perhaps it was influenced by the chaos outside. The next voter enters, and it is clear to me that he cannot possibly be older than 12 or 13. Certainly not old enough to drive in any country! Thankfully, Nada is able to translate to me as the young man spins his story: to my surprise, the chair waves the boy on to cast his ballot. Later as we are leaving the station, I notice an entire row of young boys queuing to vote, some probably only 10-years old. But before we leave, another interesting event occurs: Nada and I watch as our SPU agent walks calmly into the station, rifle over one shoulder, registers for a ballot, casts his vote, and walks out, neatly walking right past the station where he is supposed to have his finger marked. This is all fine, except we watched him do the same thing 15-minutes prior at the first polling station! I realize quickly that this process is infinitely more complicated than I ever could have anticipated.

___________________

The drive from Salaxley to the next station is long, and it is now hot. The driver has asked around and identified what is supposed to be the next closest station. As we leave the town behind and head off into the bush, I am perplexed at how the driver can possibly know where we are going. Every direction appears as more of the same, and as the drive bumps along and the sun rises higher in the sky, all I can think is that my half empty water bottle will not last very long if the vehicle breaks down. My well-watered self would not last one afternoon in this bone-dry environment. I share this sentiment with Nada, which she finds quite funny: we agree that she would hands down out-survive me because of her Somali blood.

Panoramic views fly by our windows, but the drive seems never-ending. It is only 8:30am, but we've been up since 3:30 and on the road since 4am. This will be a long day. Fortunately, Nada and I find much to talk and laugh about. We are, at the outset, very different people, raised in utterly different places, accustomed to divergent cultural practices, and holding dear wildly different ideas about faith. But what we quickly discover is that none of these impede our ability to connect, and indeed, we do. Talking passes the time and makes light of the fact that we're completely disconnected from the rest of the world, hours from anything familiar.

___________________

Although the polling stations become more rural, farther and farther apart, we notice the same patterns repeatedly. One of the first things we realize is that the supposedly 'indelible' ink, the primary bulwark against multiple voting, is hardly indelible at all. In some cases, the ink is simply insufficiently applied. In the afternoon, it is clear that many people, particularly men, are reluctant to have their fingers inked. Some men attempt to wriggle away from a 'full dip,' in which case the scrutineer must be extra-assertive in grabbing the voter's wrist and jamming the finger into the ink container. But when the scrutineer is a woman, which was often the case, this task is more difficult.

It was common to watch voters pull a rag from their pocket immediately after having their fingers inked in order to quickly wipe the ink away before it set. Outside the stations, another phenomenon is observed: typically on the side or behind the polling station, an informal 'de-inking' station is set up where voters can use bleach or other substances to try and remove the ink, or otherwise apply some kind of oil prior to voting in order to prevent the ink from sticking. Unfortunately, the voting stations we visited had no way to deal with this ambitious behavior, and therefore a great deal of responsibility fell on the scrutineers to both wipe fingers before applying ink, and to be vigorous in its application. Where scrutineers were typically the least trained members of the polling station staff, this process was not always effective.

Multiple voting was further facilitated by the use of trucks – probably organized by particular party organizations – to transport voters between polling stations. This activity was of course banned, with all roads inside Somaliland officially closed to vehicles without special National Election Commission plates. Because most polling stations in rural areas are separated by great distance, the intent of this rule is perfectly clear and if enforced would probably have a significant impact on reducing instances of multiple voting. 

However, the police and security forces lacked any real capacity to enforce this rule, particularly in rural areas. After standing around for fifteen minutes in a practically deserted polling station in the afternoon, we hear a commotion outside: looking out the window, I see a cargo truck packed with young men pulling into the station. As the truck comes to a dust-enshrouded halt, these newly materialized voters jump to the ground and queue up at the station, which has now changed from a lazy rural outpost to a frenzied mess of activity. Nada and I observe person after person turned away after having their fingers inspected. This is a good sign considering that unquestionably every one of these voters has already cast a ballot somewhere else. Nevertheless, at least half are allowed to vote. In a unique cultural twist, many suspect voters are asked to swear to god that they have not already voted – 'wallah.' In the Somali context, where the nation is effectively 100% Muslim, this is a surprisingly effective tactic! Caught red handed but unwilling to sacrifice their faith, disdained voters refuse to say the words and walk out defeated.
From my impression of the November 2012 elections, multiple voting did not necessarily violate the integrity of the process in a way that would call into question the democratic nature of the outcome. Although the tenet of one-person one-vote seems a basic principle of the electoral process, the most important observation we made is that the phenomenon of multiple voting appeared to have a completely different meaning and significance in the Somaliland context. This is apparent in two ways: first, from the perspective of voters, who seemed not to be fully aware that voting more than once was in any way a bad thing. At one point in the days following the election, I was engaged in a brief conversation with a Somali man who, after learning my nationality, asked me if I voted for Barack Obama (who is naturally quite popular across Africa). After I answered in the affirmative, the man asked with total seriousness, "how many times?" When I told him "just once," he enthusiastically proclaimed that he had been able to vote five times for his candidate of choice! In fact, I had similar exchanges with a number of voters after asking them if they had voted, and all proudly and unabashedly indicated the number of times they had voted – usually more than once. In this sense, multiple voting can be viewed practically as an outgrowth of enthusiasm for the democratic process: this is indeed a positive takeaway from a phenomenon that might otherwise be viewed as fundamentally undemocratic.

The second important consideration is that multiple voting, widespread as it was, did not appear – at least in any obvious way – to be dominated by one or a few parties. Rather, it seemed to be widely distributed, 'cheating' indeed but, as one other international observer put it, 'equal opportunity cheating.' So although in these elections there were no doubt more votes cast than individuals who voted, it still seems highly likely that the outcome of the election represents the general will of the people, which is ultimately the most important goal of any democratic process. (Although it should be noted that the results are currently disputed by representatives of several parties that did not meet the threshold for becoming official parties; these groups claim that multiple voting was in fact orchestrated by the party currently in power [Kulmiye]. No international observers that I spoke to made this assertion, nor did any make note of one-party dominated multiple voting.) Moreover, we did not witness more blatant forms of cheating such as ballot stuffing (although one IEO did report a ballot box being seized by the police). In this sense, the primary testament to Somaliland's democracy is that the population remains enthusiastic about the process. Although the process did break down in several ways – the not so indelible ink being the most important – the break down happened within the confines of a democratic system and, significantly, did not challenge this system in any fundamental way. While the process was imperfect, the outcome nevertheless represents further consolidation of a democratic norm.

___________________

After visiting approximately ten polling stations over the course of the day, we returned to Salaxley to observe the close of the polls and the counting process. As we waited around, we once again witnessed our 'interventionist' SPU agent involve himself in a conflagration. Over the day, we witnessed various incidents of tension and chaos outside polling stations, although this particular incident occurred on the outskirts of town and appeared to involve a dispute about whether or not someone would be allowed to get onto one of the trucks ferrying voters between towns. I watched from a distance as two men yelled at each other and soon thereafter began hitting each other. The younger man, after being accosted with a cane, boldly drew a large knife from his side and began wantonly swinging toward the other man. This inevitably drew a large crowd of loud onlookers, and our SPU agent marched into the fray gun in hand and finger-on-trigger. The crowd, led by this SPU, quickly subdued the man, tied him by the hands, forced him to his knees, and began beating him, though with some (minor) restraint. After a few minutes of this, the agent – for reasons totally unbeknownst to me – marched the man by the hands to our vehicle, stripped him of several other weapons, and somewhat to my surprise, set him on his way. The confrontation was over, our security guards and driver found it all quite funny, and that was that. Such is the way here, I suppose.

Drama and excitement behind, we returned to the station we had started at eleven hours prior to observe the close of the polls. The chaos was elevated in the last thirty minutes of voting, perhaps because voters did not understand that if they were in line by the time the polls closed at 6pm, the law mandates they must be allowed to vote. We required a security escort to push through the crowd into the tiny station, and once inside the swarm of people outside seemed likely to overrun the entire building. But, about fifteen minutes before poll closing, the ballots were exhausted. Each station had up to 1050 ballots, or two books of 525. To my total surprise, the pushing and yelling crowd outside disbursed practically instantly and in total calm when the chair indicated as much, and the scene changed in the course of five minutes from one of total chaos to quiet and seemingly worry-free. At this point, it was dark and the station was illuminated with an LED lamp, one of which had been issued to every station as part of the election materials.

The polling station chair, young as he was, appeared well trained in his knowledge of closing the polls. In a very ordered way, the man directed the re-arrangement of the room so as to facilitate counting, making sure that everyone had a seat within view of the ballot box. He cut the seals on the box, laid out a series of clearly labeled envelopes for sorting ballots, filled out the appropriate reconciliation in the station logbook. And, in no time at all, the counting commenced. One by one, ballots were drawn from the box, unfolded, displayed to everyone in the room for verification, and sorted into the appropriate party envelope. This process was two tier to accommodate district- and national-level tabulation, with the ballots first being sorted into party envelopes, and subsequently tallied for each candidate. In fact, the counting was so slow and transparent to be absolutely mind-numbing. After two hours, the bottom of the ballot box was in view, although we had not even begun the second-tier candidate tally: unfortunately as I expressed my relief, someone pointed out that this was only the first – and smaller – of two full ballot boxes! As the process continued, our security escort finally lost patience insisting that the trip back to Hargeisa should not be undertaken at too late an hour. Considering that we had no desire to stay at the Mayor’s home, which was the only available accommodation, we were forced to leave before the counting was complete. As it was, we still did not get back to the city until almost midnight.

___________________

The drive back to Hargeisa was jarring. Our driver, unsurprisingly to me, got lost at one point, adding an hour to our journey. The landscape again reminded me of nowhere on this planet, empty, stark, flat, seemingly an endless expanse of desert, bush, and dust in every direction. When we finally got to the outskirts of the city, all remained eerily quite: the roads were still closed. But the whirlwind of a day was wrapped up. Observers from around the country were reporting back, though many from more remote parts of the country still faced a multi-day journey back to Hargeisa. The reports from all regions were remarkably similar: plenty of chaos, but nothing outside the norm; high participation from women; good quality polling staff and a transparent counting process; no major reports of violence, definitely a positive feature to be underscored. And, of course, there was the ink!

AFRICOM announces it will have rapid reaction force

Gen. Carter Ham, commander of U.S. Africa Command, leads an all-hands call with command staff members on Jan. 3, 2012, on Kelley Barracks in Stuttgart, Germany.

MARTIN GREESON/U.S. ARMY

By JOHN VANDIVER

Stars and Stripes

Published: December 18, 2012

STUTTGART, Germany — In the politically charged aftermath of the Sept. 11 attacks in Benghazi, in which the U.S. ambassador to Libya and three other Americans were killed, it emerged that something crucial was missing from the structure of U.S. Africa Command: a rapid reaction force.

Not anymore. In response to a question during a recent speech at George Washington University, AFRICOM boss Gen. Carter Ham said his command is now outfitted with a new capability.

“With regard to a response force, when the command was initially formed there was a sharing arrangement with what’s called the Commander’s in-Extremis Force with European Command. That was a good relationship that up until the 1st of October of this year was a shared arrangement,” Ham said. “And now we have our own.”

Why did it take so long for AFRICOM, which became fully operational in 2008, to get its own quick strike force like other Combatant Commands?

“It was just a matter of availability of forces, principally because of commitments in other parts of the world,” Ham said.

However, when it comes to rapid response, location is key. Particularly in Africa, where AFRICOM is responsible for U.S. military interests in a territory roughly three times larger than the United States. So where will AFRICOM’s new Commander’s in-Extremis Force be located? In Fort Carson, Colo., according to an AFRICOM spokesman.

“Distance is a major factor for doing anything in Africa, and we regularly work with EUCOM,” which has its own Commander’s in-Extremis Force, said AFRICOM spokesman Benjamin Benson when asked whether it would make more sense to have the Special Forces unit located in Europe or Africa. AFRICOM declined to comment further about the placement of its elite Special Forces team, whose movements are generally shrouded in secrecy.

For AFRICOM, the stationing of troops on the African continent has long been a sensitive issue, which could explain the command’s reluctance to discuss the idea of a forward presence of Special Forces troops in Africa. However, former special operators say they don’t expect the new rapid reaction force to spend much time in the U.S., as the long travel times to Africa would make the team ineffective as crisis responders.

While AFRICOM says the unit will be based in Fort Carson — home to the 10th Special Forces Group — it is more likely that the team of operators will spend most of its time forward-deployed in Africa, according to a recently retired Green Beret who served on multiple Commander’s in-Extremis units.

“The capability we bring to a COCOM (Combatant Command) is that it is a certified counterterrorism unit at his (the commander’s) disposal on short notice. That’s the reason why we exist, and we are forward-deployed for that reason,” said the former special operator, who asked not to be identified.

Jim Gavrilis, another former Green Beret and now a security consultant, said, given the U.S. military’s small footprint in Africa, it is likely that the rapid response force will deploy on rotational missions.

Permanent Change of Station orders to Africa are probably not a viable option, Gavrilis said. Meanwhile, operational requirements would demand that the operators are forward deployed most of the time.

“The idea of a CIF is that these guys are on a short string somewhere in the region,” said Gavrilis, a retired lieutenant colonel. “When a command matures, it has to get these things.”

War degdeg ah: Rag Hubeysan Oo Dhaawac U geystay Mid Ka Mid Ah Xildhibaanada Cusubaa Ee Gobolka Sool

Xildhibaan Cabdicasiis Xuseen Taarwale oo ka mid ah xubnaha cusub ee Golaha Deegaanka ee magaalada Laascaanood uga soo baxay Xisbiga Kulmiye iyo Wiil dhalinyaro ah ayaa waxaa soo gaadhay dhaawac kadib markii dablay aan la aqoonsani ay caawa ku rasaaseeyeen gudaha magaalada Laascaanood. 

Warkan oo aanu ka helnay Sarkaal Booliska gobolka Sool ka tirsan, isla markaana ka gaabsaday in magaciisa la shaaciyo, ayaa sheegay in Ciidanku markuu falku dhacay kadib ay gacanta ku soo dhigeen laba nin oo mid ka mid ahi uu reer Koonfureed yahay iyo ka kale oo ka soo jeeda gobolka Sool. 

Warku waxa uu intaas ku darayaa in Xildhibaankan oo dhaawiciisu cuslaa loola soo cararay dhinaca magaalada Burco, iyadoo ay Ciidamada Booliskuna ay baadhis ku hayaan labada nin ee falkan loo soo qabtay. 

Ilaa iyo hadda ma cadda sababta loo beegsaday Xildhibaankan iyo Wiilka dhalinyarada ah,hasa yeeshee qaar ka mid ah dadka ku nool magaalada Laascaanood ayaa sheegay inuu falkani xidhiidh la leeyahay,dilalka qorshaysan ee bariinsaday Gobolka Sool,taas oo ilaa iminka aanay jirin talaabo cad oo laga qaaday cida ka danbaysa. 

Taliyaha qaybta booliska ee Gobolka Sool isla markaana ah ku Simaha Gudoomiyaha Gobolka Sool Cali Ismaaciil Faarax oo khadka telefoonka aanu kula xidhiidhnay ayaanay noo suuro galin kadib markii uu qaban waayay telefoonkiisa gacanta. 

Si kastaba ha ahaatee dhacdadan toogashada ah ee lala beegsaday Xildhibaankan ayaa noqonaysa tii u horaysay ee lagula kaco mudanayaasha golaha deegaanka ee degmada Laascaanood.

source: http://durdurnews.com/Detail.php?id=4680

War degdeg ah: Rag Hubeysan Oo Dhaawac U geystay Mid Ka Mid Ah Xildhibaanada Cusubaa Ee Gobolka Sool

Xildhibaan Cabdicasiis Xuseen Taarwale oo ka mid ah xubnaha cusub ee Golaha Deegaanka ee magaalada Laascaanood uga soo baxay Xisbiga Kulmiye iyo Wiil dhalinyaro ah ayaa waxaa soo gaadhay dhaawac kadib markii dablay aan la aqoonsani ay caawa ku rasaaseeyeen gudaha magaalada Laascaanood. 

Warkan oo aanu ka helnay Sarkaal Booliska gobolka Sool ka tirsan, isla markaana ka gaabsaday in magaciisa la shaaciyo, ayaa sheegay in Ciidanku markuu falku dhacay kadib ay gacanta ku soo dhigeen laba nin oo mid ka mid ahi uu reer Koonfureed yahay iyo ka kale oo ka soo jeeda gobolka Sool. 

Warku waxa uu intaas ku darayaa in Xildhibaankan oo dhaawiciisu cuslaa loola soo cararay dhinaca magaalada Burco, iyadoo ay Ciidamada Booliskuna ay baadhis ku hayaan labada nin ee falkan loo soo qabtay. 

Ilaa iyo hadda ma cadda sababta loo beegsaday Xildhibaankan iyo Wiilka dhalinyarada ah,hasa yeeshee qaar ka mid ah dadka ku nool magaalada Laascaanood ayaa sheegay inuu falkani xidhiidh la leeyahay,dilalka qorshaysan ee bariinsaday Gobolka Sool,taas oo ilaa iminka aanay jirin talaabo cad oo laga qaaday cida ka danbaysa. 

Taliyaha qaybta booliska ee Gobolka Sool isla markaana ah ku Simaha Gudoomiyaha Gobolka Sool Cali Ismaaciil Faarax oo khadka telefoonka aanu kula xidhiidhnay ayaanay noo suuro galin kadib markii uu qaban waayay telefoonkiisa gacanta. 

Si kastaba ha ahaatee dhacdadan toogashada ah ee lala beegsaday Xildhibaankan ayaa noqonaysa tii u horaysay ee lagula kaco mudanayaasha golaha deegaanka ee degmada Laascaanood.

EAST AND HORN OF AFRICA: REPORT BY EHAHRDP “DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS: A RESOURCE BOOK FOR HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS (2ND ED.)” (EHAHRDP)

20 DECEMBER 2012

2012

Five years have passed since the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project published the first edition of Defending Human Rights: A Resource Book for Human Rights Defenders. Over that time new challenges have evolved and shaped the context in which human rights defenders work.

States continue to employ restrictive legislation limiting the space to conduct human rights work. Anti-terror measures broadly conceived to bolster discretionary and heavy-handed law enforcement with reduced or delayed judicial oversight is increasingly being used to clamp down on legitimate forms of inquiry and dissent from civil society actors. Cross-border cooperation means that human rights defenders forced into exile may continue to face state harassment even in their country of asylum. Restrictive legislation for NGOs have in some cases been utilized to restrict both funding opportunities and human rights activities, while media laws are often interpreted and utilized arbitrarily to selectively stifle freedom of expression. 

Sexual minority defenders continue to fight to secure recognition that LGBTI rights are human rights, while threats from state and non-state actors have created a hostile space for these defenders.

While these challenges change, the tools human rights defenders have at their disposal also evolve and become more sophisticated and effective. Fully utilizing these tools in a strategic way is the challenge and the potential strength for effective human rights defenders.

Engagement with international and regional human rights mechanisms is one of the most effective ways of creating recognition of human rights issues and even requiring duty-bearing stakeholders to officially respond. Chapter 1 contains a discussion of these mechanisms and their effective usage.

Personal care and professional safety for human rights defenders is essential in order for their endeavours to be sustainable. Chapters 2 and 3 respectively cover security management and stress reduction for human rights defenders.

Strategies for campaigning are considered in Chapter 4, which has been updated with a discussion of social media tools for achieving advocacy goals in Chapter 4.5.

The particular challenges and strategies of defending women’s rights and the rights of sexual minorities are examined in Chapters 5 and 6 respectively.

Finally the resource annexes have been updated to include the most relevant publications and organizations for human rights defenders.

We are pleased to be able to make this book available in English, French, Arabic, Swahili, Amharic, and Somali, thereby making it accessible to most populations in this sub-region. We thank our key donor in this project, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency.

EHAHRDP gratefully acknowledges all the contributors to this resource book for their submissions, as well as for their continued work in the service of human rights.

EHAHRDP dedicates this book to all those who have lost their lives in the struggle for human rights. Let us be united in making a better future.