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Thursday, July 7, 2011

Veils come off in Somali - Paradise for Women

By Eva Krafczyk Jul 7, 2011, 2:06 GMT

Hargeisa, Somalia - Fatimah Ibrahim has dedicated herself to women's rights in her Somali homeland. The head of a non-governmental organization in Hargeisa, capital of the breakaway republic of Somaliland, she champions better educational opportunities for girls and women and improvements in their legal status.

But not only that.

'Women also have the right to look good and be pampered a little, don't they?' Ibrahim asks with a mischievous smile.

The women's rights activist has become a businesswoman on the side by opening a beauty salon.

'Janno Dumar' ('Paradise for Women') is written on the wall enclosing the salon grounds, which are totally off limits to men. All of the employees and customers are women. This is the only way the small spa-like enclave can hold its own in the Muslim country, where foreign women must also wear a veil and headscarf in public.

Somalia does not immediately suggest itself as a spa destination. While Somaliland is by and large peaceful, Ibrahim's salon would be shut down immediately and accused of being Westernized and un-Islamic in south-west Somalia, where radical Islamic groups control the countryside. In Somaliland, too, the lives of many women are anything but intact.

'There's domestic violence but it's not reported to the police,' Ibrahim says. 'And if a married woman goes to the police after being raped, she's seen as an adulteress, not a victim, and hauled before court.'

Once the women are by themselves in the salon, the veils come off. They sip tea and coffee, nibble on sweets and giggle.

Leila, 25, flops into a comfortable, upholstered chair with her legs apart. She would never dare to sit that way in a cafe in the presence of her father or one of her brothers. But she remains wary even behind the walls of the 'Paradise for Women,' declining to give her last name or allow herself to be photographed.

'It's a good thing there's a place like this for us women,' Leila says after leafing through several fashion magazines. Although she could never wear the clothes pictured on their pages on the streets of Hargeisa, she enjoys imagining how she would look in them.

'The men have their cafes and rounds of khat,' she notes, referring to a popular narcotic plant whose leaves are chewed. 'Usually all that women can do is to get together with girlfriends in private homes. Here we've got our little domain.'

Leila's girlfriend Hamida, soon to be a bride, is shown clothes in the salon's showroom for her big day. She wants as much glitter, ruffles and candy colours as possible. Some of the necklines are quite revealing and would likely be seen only by the female wedding guests and groom.

Hamida needs to book her beauty treatment in time, too, because the wedding would be preceded by many hours of massaging, plucking, hairdressing, putting on makeup and, of course, applying henna dye.

'One has to plan on an entire day at least,' asserts Emem, a make-up artist.

Malika does not have that much time to spare. She allows herself two hours of relaxation, though, and has her hands, feet and forearms painted with intricate henna patterns. The scent of incense hangs in the air. Malika lays on a chair, eyes half-closed, while the make-up artist applies a thick paste of henna from a tube and places a fan closer for faster drying.

'No, I'm not going to a wedding or a party,' Malika says. 'Today I'm simply indulging myself. I've got enough obligations to my husband and family.'

Andris Piebalgs European Commissioner for Development Address to House of Representatives of Somaliland Visit of Commissioner in Somaliland House of Representatives of Somaliland

House of Representatives of Somaliland
Mr. Speaker,
Honourable Members of the House,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Introduction
It is both a pleasure and an honour for me to be addressing you today. The fact that I am standing in front of an elected assembly here in Somaliland is in itself testimony to the strides you have made towards stability and democracy.

National and regional issues
For two decades now Somaliland has maintained its stability, despite considerable threats in the form of jihadist terrorism, piracy and the continuing civil war in neighbouring South-Central Somalia. Last June’s presidential elections saw the then opposition leader, President Silanyo – whom I have just had the pleasure of meeting – win by a wide margin. His predecessor, President Rayale, conceded defeat and handed over power in an orderly and peaceful manner. I applaud you for securing such a smooth transition after democratic elections. However, it is something of a first for this troubled region. As such, it must not be taken for granted.

That is why the international community – and in particular the European Union – welcomes the contribution that Somaliland is making to peace and good governance in the IGAD region. And that is why it is so important that Somaliland pursues this course as a standard-bearer for the IGAD region. To that end, we call on you to build on these successes by holding the long overdue elections to local councils and to both Houses of Parliament as soon as possible. You will further enhance Somaliland’s democratic credentials if you manage to make electoral delays and extended mandates a thing of the past. Last not least, also allow me to ask: After all that you have accomplished already, is it not the appropriate time for you to consider how to involve fundamental constituents of society, like women and young people, more closely in politics? Many of you have also advocated for this during the election campaign last year. We sincerely hope that you will pay great attention to this important question when reviewing the electoral laws.

Governance issues
As the largest contributor of development assistance, the European Union has been a steadfast partner in Somaliland’s reconstruction and development process. Since 1995 we have been the only international donor organisation with a permanent presence here. The combined volume of our ongoing assistance to Somaliland currently amounts to approximately 62 million euro.

Up to now our development assistance for Somaliland has centred on support for the public sector, police, courts, democratic institutions, electoral processes and civil society. I was pleased to learn about the recent reform conventions for the civil service, the judiciary and the police force. As the main donor in the major UN programmes assisting you in the area of governance, we strongly appreciate the clear political commitment that Somaliland has displayed here. The government’s efforts to increase domestic revenue collection and initial steps taken by the Civil Service Commission to re-assess government staff have clearly demonstrated that words can be followed by deeds.

We warmly welcome the establishment of the Anti-Corruption and Good Governance Commission and the legislation for the National Human Rights Commission. These are encouraging developments which confirm that our support to Somaliland yields the fruits we had hoped for! The abolition of the “security committees”, a stronger role for the office of the Attorney General and the commitment to increase the number of qualified professionals in the legal sector are further encouraging signs. In particular, I commend your commitment to public finance management reforms. The EU and other international donors stand ready to support you in this difficult and long-term process.
This Parliament has a crucial role to play in good governance, not only by legislating on reforms. As the elected representatives of the people, you are called on to act as pioneers and champions of good governance, integrity and democratic practice, accountable only to your conscience and to your electorate. This is particularly important in a context where under-funded public institutions are struggling to assert their authority vis-à-vis vested business interests and other powerful influences.

The prime importance of governance to any country’s development efforts is clear. For instance, to reduce poverty for good, a country needs robust and honest state institutions that are both able and willing to help poor people improve their standards of living and to provide them with public services, rights and security. Likewise, democratic processes make the state accountable to its people, encourage transparency and guard against corruption. In short, they allow for constructive relations between government and the people.
It is heartening to see that Somaliland is on the right track towards instituting a culture of good governance. However, tough economic and social challenges remain, especially the alarmingly high unemployment rate. We want to see Somaliland’s economic and social development proceed apace. Let me illustrate my point with just a few examples of areas in which the EU is assisting Somaliland on its development path.

Economic and social development examples
EU investment in your education systems forms a second major area of our support. As a result of our combined efforts, school gross enrolment has grown from 38.6 percent in 2006 to an estimated 60 percent in 2010. For girls – to whose education we attach particular importance – enrolment rates have increased from 31 to about 44 percent over the same period. In this context, your government’s decision to introduce free primary education is laudable. Although Somaliland has more than doubled its education budget, we know that free primary education remains a tough challenge from both a financial and an institutional perspective. I am glad to see that your education ministry, also supported by technical experts provided by the EU, is working hard to develop a sustainable solution for this.

Rural development and social services have formed the economic pillar of our assistance in Somaliland for almost five years. At the beginning of last year we promised to return to the infrastructure sector if Somaliland managed to hold peaceful elections. We are living up to this promise. We have recently allocated 19 million euro to rehabilitate and expand urban water infrastructure in several cities across Somaliland. I would simply add here that efficient public-private partnerships will be essential to make these investments sustainable.
While infrastructure support in the water sector is already underway, we plan to do more.

The European Union is looking into supporting the feasibility and design study for the rehabilitation of the so-called “Corridor” between the port of Berbera and the Ethiopian border. This study –to be implemented by IGAD and worth 3.8 million euro – should provide us with a final blueprint for strengthening the connection between Ethiopia’s growing markets and Berbera. This important part of the regional infrastructure is further proof that Somaliland has a role to play in facilitating economic integration and development in the Horn of Africa.

And that’s not all: we are about to conclude a review of our five-year cooperation programme for Somalia, including our cooperation with Somaliland. I anticipate that the EU will soon take a decision on a substantial increase of the ongoing support package. This would add 175 million euro to the ongoing programme of 212 million euro. We expect that up to 70 percent of this additional sum will be committed in Somaliland and Puntland, allowing us to continue and step up our efforts here.

With this in mind, I would like to emphasise today that progress towards political stability and security are crucial to obtaining further development assistance from the EU. It follows, then, that these additional development funds will be invested in regions committed to peace, democracy and stability where security and socio-political conditions are favourable.

In this regard, let me say that we were relieved to learn that the acute tensions that existed between Somaliland and Puntland a few months ago have been overcome. We are counting on your commitment to dialogue and the peaceful resolution of differences, with the well-being of your people always foremost in your minds. Cooperative relations between neighbours will benefit all. We therefore appreciate the repeated calls for dialogue and cooperation issued by members of both administrations and reiterate our hope of seeing constructive relations between you flourish.

Conclusion

Mr Speaker, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Despite the problems with which you still have to contend, I believe that the prospects for Somaliland are very good. As the people’s elected representatives, you have a key role to play in securing a bright future for all of your fellow countrymen and women. I believe in your commitment to fulfil that role. So it is pleasing to see that our funding for the recent construction of this beautiful assembly hall – along with training and other capacity-building support – has been money well spent. I trust you will consider our contribution as an encouragement to carry out the duties entrusted to you by the electorate, namely: to represent your constituents; to thoroughly and responsibly debate key issues; to legislate; and to hold the executive accountable.

I thank you for your warm reception and I look forward to pursuing our joint efforts with you to further Somaliland’s economic, social, political and democratic development.


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Wednesday, July 6, 2011

CJA : Update in Yousuf v. Samantar: Court Orders Questioning of Former Somali Defense Minister for Abuses

CJA : Update in Yousuf v. Samantar: Court Orders Questioning of Former Somali Defense Minister for Abuses

Nasra Agil: A Canadian civil engineer rises to next level Special

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Toronto - Breaking into civil engineering, a profession considered the exclusive preserve of men, maybe a tall order for many women including those in western nations.
But Nasra Agil, a young Somali-Canadian civil engineer of the highest calibre, is one accomplished professional who has shattered this long-held myth The highly determined and supremely confident young lady has not only conquered the realm of civil engineering but has taken her pursuits in this field to a new level. Having arrived in Canada at a young age alongside her family from war-torn Somalia, Nasra decided from early on that civil engineering would be her chosen career path in future. And all this despite prevailing perceptions in her community and within Canadian society in general that this highly coveted field is a turf only befitting the ingenuity of technically-oriented men.

Tuesday, July 5, 2011

Oxfam launches largest appeal in Africa

Written By:KNA/Humphrey Bwayo,    Posted: Tue, Jul 05, 2011

"In Somalia the price of a main staple sorghum has raised by a massive 240 percent since last year," said Cocking.
Oxfam has  launched its largest ever appeal in Africa in response to a massive food crisis facing more than 12 million people across Kenya, Ethiopia and Somalia.
The agency needs £50   million (KHS650 million) to reach 3 million people in horrible need of clean water, food and basic sanitation.
"This is the worst food crisis of the 21st Century and we are seriously concerned that large numbers of lives could soon be lost Said Jane Cocking," Oxfam's Humanitarian Director in a press release.  
She said two successive poor rains, entrenched poverty and lack of investment in affected areas have pushed 12 million people into a fight for survival. 

People have already lost virtually everything and the crisis is only going to get worse over the coming months, we need funds to help us reach people with life-saving food and water." She added.

Cocking said that two epicenter of the drought has hit the poorest people in the region in an area on both sides of the borders of Kenya, Ethiopia and Somalia where families rely heavily on livestock for survival.
She also noted that in some parts of the region, up to 60 percent of their herds have already died while the remainder is either sick or dangerously underweight and the price of animals has plummeted by half while the cost of cereals has soared.
"In Somalia the price of a main staple sorghum has raised by a massive 240 percent since last year," said Cocking.

She further said that malnutrition rates in parts of Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia are alarming and well above emergency levels in some places five times higher than crisis threshold.
In Dolo Ado, a camp in southern Ethiopia for Somali refugees, malnutrition rates are the highest recorded in this region since the nineties.

She said the aid effort faces enormous hurdles and there is no enough money to buy food in the quantities required and the price of maize has risen by up to 40 percent since a year ago in the region while the cost of fuel needed to transport food to the epicenter has also shot up.

Cocking further revealed that in Kenya Oxfam aims to help 1.3 million people with clean water, cash initiatives and veterinary support for people's livestock. 

"In Somalia it will expand its work in clean water, promotion of hygiene and veterinary rugs to support three quarters of a million people." explained cocking. 

She said that in Ethiopia the agency aims to reach approximately one million people with clean water, basic sanitation and veterinary support.

"This is a preventable disaster and solutions are possible, it's no coincidence that the worst affected areas are the poorest and least enveloped in the region." she said adding that More needs to be done to make sure communities are more resilient to increasingly frequent crises in the future

Oxfam is a member of Oxfam International and a company limited by guarantee registered in England.

Update in Yousuf v. Samantar: Court Orders Questioning of Former Somali Defense Minister for.

July 1st, 2011

Somaliland Human Rights Victim
On July 1, 2011, Magistrate Judge John F. Anderson ruled that Samantar must sit for a deposition and face three days of questioning from the plaintiffs.  General Samantar had asked the Court to postpone indefinitely the deposition, claiming that because of his alleged ill health, he should not be forced to answer questions about the human rights abuses that he ordered in Somaliland in the 1980s.  

The Court rejected his claim, however, ruling that unless he comes forward with specific evidence that requires cancellation of the deposition, then he will be forced to answer Plaintiffs' questions, beginning on July 19, 2011.

The court also authorized the plaintiffs to take depositions of third-party witnesses in Ethiopia.  Samantar had argued that Ethiopia would be a hostile location for the witnesses.  But the Court disagreed, concluding that Ethiopia is a viable locale.  CJA and pro-bono co-counsel Akin Gump Strauss Hauer and Feld anticipate taking witness depositions in Ethiopia in August.

These rulings mean that the case against General Samantar is on track to go to trial before the end of the year.

Friday, July 1, 2011

Anarchy in Somalia

30 Jun 2011
Rothbard, Shameless Self-Promotion, private law 13 Comments
 
Earlier this year the BBC did a series on the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Somali state. (Gene Callahan held a prayer vigil for Siad Barre, I hear.) It just came to my attention, but better late than never:
Economists familiar with the Rothbardian tradition have taken the analysis even further, persuasively arguing that Somalia is much better without a state than it was with one. The standard statist put-down — “If you Rothbardians like anarchy so much, why don’t you move to Somalia?” — misses the point. The Rothbardian doesn’t claim that the absence of a state is a sufficient condition for bliss. Rather, the Rothbardian says that however prosperous and law-abiding a society is, adding an institution of organized violence and theft will only make things worse.

13 Responses to “Anarchy in Somalia”

  1. Joseph Fetz says:
    I read that article a few articles and I must say that it was quite good and straight to the point. Also, thanks for linking to that Powell et all paper, I have used it quite extensively in the past. What many people fail to do when discussing anarchism or stateless societies such as Somalia is to compare the before and the after. Usually, they just point to the fact that Somalia is a poor country with very little industry (as if this is somehow related to not having a State). My response has always been, “yeah, but how does their economy and quality of life today compare to the way it was when they had a government?”, then, I provide them with a link to the Powell paper.
  2. Blackadder says:
    To what extent does Somalia really qualify as anarchy? I know there is no national government, but my understanding is that there are various regional and other tribal governments in place that don’t exactly conduct themselves according to Rothbardian principles.
    • Joseph Fetz says:
      Certainly, it isn’t a stateless society in the Rothbardian tradition, that much is stated in the Powell paper, but there certainly is far less government and a whole lot less centralization. While it is a matter of degree, one could say that the dramatic reduction of government has served to increase the quality of life in Somalia as compared to its prior state.
      • Blackadder says:
        Certainly, it isn’t a stateless society in the Rothbardian tradition, that much is stated in the Powell paper, but there certainly is far less government and a whole lot less centralization
        If you mean less government than the prior communist dictatorship, then sure. I’d imagine that if you asked your average liberal whether they thought communist dictatorships tended to have too much centralization, they would agree that they do.
    • Joseph Fetz says:
      I should also mention that the tribal entities that you mention merely solve dispute resolutions and apply the common law, they have no other function.
      • RFN says:
        I hope our anarchistic state wouldn’t stone people for adultry. Somalia is a Muslim country, therefore it is not an anarchistic state, as Islam is government.
        • Joseph Fetz says:
          That is incorrect. While there are some Muslim factions attempting to gain control, the whole of the Xeer system is based upon reimbursement, not retaliation. Xeer is by far the prominent legal framework used in Somalian civil and criminal cases, whereas Koranic law is used for things such as marriage and inheritance (Powell was correct in this observation).
          I have been to Somalia (as well as many other Muslim nations) and I can tell you that Islamic law with regard to civil and criminal cases is almost nonexistent.
          • Blackadder says:
            Joseph,
            Here is an article about a woman being stoned to death for adultery in Somalia. According to the article, the stoning was ordered by a judge.
            I don’t think that’s the Xeer in action.
            • Joseph Fetz says:
              I didn’t say that it was, I am aware that it has happened, but I do not see Muslim law as being as prominent in Somalia as RFN suggests. He was saying that Islam IS the government, I disagree.
              Also, stoning women for adultery (even rape), as well as for marrying without being a virgin is described in Deuteronomy, and thus is part of Judaic and Christian law, as well. Remember, Christians, Jews, and Muslims are all “people of the book” and thus their religious laws are very similar.
              There are many localities in the US that have “blue laws”. That does not make America a nation based upon Christian law.
            • Joseph Fetz says:
              From the story, “BBC East Africa correspondent Will Ross says the stoning is at least the fourth for adultery in Somalia over the last year.”
              Boy, that sure sounds like a pandemic of Sharia law to me….
              :)
      • Blackadder says:
        I should also mention that the tribal entities that you mention merely solve dispute resolutions and apply the common law, they have no other function.
        There may be areas in the country where that is true, but I don’t think that’s true overall. Somaliland, for example, appears to have a fully functioning government, and as noted below the government in the Islamist controlled areas doesn’t seem to restrict itself to applying the common law.
        • Joseph Fetz says:
          Yes, there are factions attempting to install government through violent means, and some have been more successful than others, but it certainly does not provide a case FOR government.
          Certainly, Somali’s aren’t Rothbardians who understand how a stateless society would work, rather they are people who already had a chaotic reality whose government crumbled in civil war. If all of the sudden the US government collapsed there would be factions vying for control, many through violent means, and some would gain footholds in particular regions.
          I don’t delude myself into thinking that humanity is now ready for an entirely stateless society, but I do believe that the ultimate goal of humanity is to eventually be able to be free of any monopoly of force. I think that reducing the powers of government have already proven empirically that less government does indeed produce greater prosperity, and that it is only one of the first steps in the right direction.

Friday, March 7, 2008

John Humphrey Freedom Award 2008

John Humphrey Freedom Award 2008

Rights & Democracy presents the John Humphrey Freedom Award each year to an organization or individual from any country or region of the world, including Canada, for exceptional achievement in the promotion of human rights and democratic development. The Award consists of a grant of $30,000, as well as a speaking tour of Canadian cities to help increase awareness of the recipient’s human rights work.

It is named in honour of the Canadian John Peters Humphrey, a human rights law professor who prepared the first draft of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.


How to Submit a Nomination
Rights & Democracy invites you to submit a nomination by mail, fax or e-mail by April 15, 2008 with the following documents:

• a letter describing the nominee, his or her work and why he or she merits this Award.
• a curriculum vitae or organizational profile.
• supporting documentation such as articles written by or about the nominee, e.g. press clippings.
• at least three references (with addresses, phone numbers and e-mail addresses) who have in-depth knowledge of the candidate’s work, and who may be contacted by members of the jury for more detailed information.


Eligibility:
• The nominee must be committed to peace and non-violence.
• The nominee must be independent of any political party or governmental affiliation.
• Preference is given to those working at the frontline for the benefit of developing countries, under conditions hostile to the recognition and application of basic human and democratic rights.
• Preference will be given to those involved in the priority issues of Rights & Democracy, namely: democratic development, women's rights, rights of indigenous peoples, globalization and human rights.
• In the case of an individual, the Award is not given posthumously, nor is it given to an organization that is no longer active.
• Former staff or board members of Rights & Democracy are not eligible.
• Self-nominations are not accepted.


An International Jury
The winner will be selected by an international jury composed of five members of Rights & Democracy's Board of Directors: Saad Eddin Ibrahim, Professor of Political Sociology at the American University in Cairo and Secretary General of the Egyptian Independent Commission for Electoral Review; Peter S. Li, Faculty Member of the Department of Sociology at the University of Saskatchewan, and Chair of the Prairie Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Integration‘s Economic Domain; Guido Riveros Franck, President, Bolivian Foundation for Multiparty Democracy; Sima Samar, Chairperson, Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, and United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Darfur, Sudan; and Janice Stein, Director of the Munk Centre for International Relations, University of Toronto, and Chairperson of Rights & Democracy's Board of Directors.


Previous Winners
1992 – Instituto de Defensa Legal (Peru)
1993 – La Plate-forme des organismes haïtiens de défense des droits humains (Haïti).
1994 – Campaign for Democracy (Nigeria) and Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (Egypt)
1995 – Bishop Carlos F. X. Belo (East Timor)
1996 – Sultana Kamal ( Bangladesh )
1997 – Father Javier Giraldo (Colombia)
1998 – Palden Gyatso (Tibet)
1999 – Cynthia Maung and Min Ko Naing (Burma)
2000 – Reverend Timothy Njoya (Kenya)
2001 – Sima Samar (Afghanistan)
2002 – Ayesha Imam (Nigeria)
2003 – Kimy Pernía Domicó (Colombia) and Angélica Mendoza de Ascarza (Peru)
2004 – Godeliève Mukasarasi (Rwanda)
2005 – Yan Christian Warinussy (West Papua)
2006 – Su Su Nway (Burma)
2007 – Akbar Ganji (Iran)

Analysis: US denying safe haven for al-Qaida in Somalia

Written by The jerusalem post
Mar 06, 2008 at 06:18 PM


In the early hours of Monday morning, a number of missiles fired from an American naval ship fell on the small Somali town of Dobley. The target according to a US military official, was a "facility where there were known terrorists" affiliated with al-Qaida. The Monday attack was reminiscent of the January 2007 air strike, which the US carried out against suspected al-Qaida operatives involved in the 1998 US bombings in East Africa. This latest show of US force in the Horn of Africa emphasizes Washington's continued resolve to attack al-Qaida operatives and their bases wherever they are in order to deny them safe havens.

Somalia has been mired in conflict and instability since its dictator Siad Barre was overthrown in 1992. Located in the Horn of Africa and in close proximity to the Arabian Peninsula, Somalia borders Ethiopia, Kenya, Eritrea, and has an Eastern coastline to the Indian Ocean. Due to its porous borders and very weak government, Somalia, where over 90 percent of the population is Muslim, is highly vulnerable to the infiltration of radical Islamists and weapons trading. The latter was evident in the 1998 Congo war, where a large portion of the weapons used entered the African continent via Somalia.

After Siad Barre was overthrown, Somalia imploded on itself, as different factions began vying for control over the country, turning Somalia into a failed state (a situation whereby the government does not have the ability to provide basic security and services to its people). The state of lawlessness worked to the advantage of Islamists who sought to establish bases of operations in Somalia, just as they have in Afghanistan and the tribal belts of Pakistan. There is strong evidence to suggest that al-Qaida initially found it difficult to operate in Somalia due to the homogeneous ethnic nature of the country, (there are five principle ethnic groups in Somalia), however perseverance eventually led to the appearance of local Somali Islamists who support the al-Qaida global jihadi agenda.

In 2004, an Islamic group known as the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) emerged in Mogadishu and for a brief time it controlled the Somali capital in an attempt to assert its authority and implement Sharia law. Whilst its leader Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed was considered a 'moderate', his deputies Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys and Adan Hashi Ayro are known Islamists who were part of the organization al-Ittihad al-Islami (the Islamic Union, (AIAI)) which is accused of having ties with al-Qaida. Aweys himself appears on the US's most wanted terrorist list, whilst Ayro is known to have received training in Afghanistan jihadi camps.
source: qarannews.com

U.S. Navy Strikes Inside Somalia


By: W. Thomas Smith, Jr.
Posted: 03/05/2008

Early Monday, between one and three U.S. missiles slammed into a small town in southern Somalia, at least one missile striking a suspected safe-house where it was believed one or more Al Qaeda terrorists were hunkered down.

It wasn’t the first time American air or naval forces had attacked enemy positions in Somalia. It was the fourth such attack in 14 months on the lawless East African nation: a result of the increasing expansion of Islamic extremism onto the African continent.

Conflicting reports have emerged regarding the operation. What is known is that the attacks were probably made with either surface or submarine-launched cruise missiles. The targeted house was in the town of Dhoobley (Dobley), a few miles from the Kenyan border. The targeted individuals were considered high value, and -- according to one of my sources -- “there was a very clear Al Qaeda link” and the hit “may have been a two for one [in terms of high value targets].”

Target possibilities include:
• Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, a Kenyan-born Al Qaeda terrorist responsible for both the 2002 bombing of a resort hotel in Kenya and a missile attack on an Israeli airliner. Nabhan was reportedly killed -- though not yet confirmed -- in Monday’s attack.

• Hassan Abdullah Hersi al-Turki, a veteran ICU insurgent leader, whose forces were in fact operating in -- and had control over much of -- the area at the time of the attacks. Turki was also a probable primary target in Monday’s attack.

• Sheikh Muhktar Ali Robow (a.k.a. Abu Mansur), the former deputy defense minister of the Al Qaeda-linked Islamic Courts Union (ICU). Robow, who fought shoulder-to-shoulder with the Taliban in Afghanistan, also has been operating in the south of Somalia near where the U.S. attacks took place.

• Adan Hashi ‘Ayro, former leader of al-Shabaab (“the Youth”), a ruthless guerilla wing of the ICU.

• Fazul Abdullah Muhammad, a purported leader of Al Qaeda in East Africa, and one of the FBI’s “most wanted.”

• Others include Issa Osman Issa, Ahmad Abdi Godane, and Ibrahim Haji Jama -- all of them Al Qaeda-trained terrorists.

As of this writing, Defense Department officials and Africa analysts won’t reveal the identity of who was in fact targeted -- a "known Al Qaeda terrorist" is what the Pentagon says -- nor whether or not the target or targets were taken out.

“Clearly, [the targeted individuals] are figures of interest associated with the Somali Islamists for the U.S. in the greater war on terror,” says Dr. J. Peter Pham, director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University and a senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies. “We’re not going to directly go after some penny-ante insurgent with a rocket launcher. We would only go after a high value target based on actionable intelligence that that target was in the area.”

International Islamic terrorism is not new to Africa. Though the current-level of America’s commitment to fighting terrorists in Africa is, which is why American forces have increasingly found themselves operating in, above, and off-the-coast-of the continent. And why the U.S. Defense Department recently stood up its new unified combatant command, the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM).

Currently AFRICOM is a subordinate command of the U.S. European Command (EUCOM). But if all goes as planned, AFRICOM will become a fully operational independent combatant command in October of this year.

AFRICOM is long overdue.

For centuries, the continent has been a breeding ground for corrupt dictatorships, slave traders, thieves, smugglers, pirates, child soldiery, and various and sundry guerrilla armies. For the past 20 years, it also has become a haven for international terrorists.

“I think we’ve recognized that weak states and ungoverned spaces provide not only a safe haven for terrorists to take refuge, but also an opportunity to exploit economic and political marginalization on the part of local peoples to recruit, and to build up an infrastructure,” says Pham. “Africa -- perhaps more so than any other region of the world -- has these vast ungoverned spaces.”

According to Pham, many of the existing states within Africa “though well-meaning” lack the capacity to control 100 percent of their national territory.

Examples of these dangerous vacuums may be found in Somalia where Monday’s attacks took place (The Somali capital, Mogadishu, was the site of the terrible 1993 Battle of Mogadishu, brutal factional fighting has taken place since, and heavily armed pirates have for years prowled Somali waters).

Other “ungoverned spaces” may be found in almost all regions of Africa. Particularly unstable are the vast areas of the Sahara Desert and the Sahel Belt where, for instance, Algerian militants -- the former “Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat” -- have recently declared themselves to be Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). “They’ve carried out a number of rather effective attacks,” says Pham. “Additionally, what Al Qaeda has gained through its AQIM franchise is access to the North African immigrant communities in Europe where support for the largely Algerian AQIM is much stronger than that for the original Al Qaeda.”

But it’s not just Al Qaeda that is establishing a foothold in Africa.

Last week, an enormous 35-man sleeper cell was shut down in Morocco. The size and international scope of the cell was disturbing to be sure. But the worst part was found in the connecting of the dots where the suspects -- ranging from businessmen to politicians to at least one television journalist -- were found to have been trained by Al Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan and funded by Lebanon-based Hizballah. And Hizballah’s money comes from Iran.

“Different groups will coalesce and align against conventional wisdom,” says Pham. “What most analysts view as the Shiia-Sunni divide is papered over as militants and extremists will take money from anyone, and build alliances of convenience against their common enemy.”

Though tactically effective in the short-term, reactive airstrikes -- like Monday’s attacks -- and special operations on the ground are not enough to address the problems long-term. Experts are hoping AFRICOM will prove to be the strategic answer.

Next week, the Senate Armed Services Committee will hold hearings on AFRICOM to look at long-term planning for AFRICOM and review the Defense Department’s $389-million request to fund the command for Fiscal Year 2009 (The AFRICOM transition team received approximately $50 million from the Federal budget in FY 2007, and AFRICOM was budgeted for $75.5 million for FY 2008).

“The real question is will the command get the necessary resources,” says Pham.

Africa is, after all, a new critical front in the war on terror. And with its vast spaces, endless coastline, and seemingly infinite natural resources; nations like China -- expanding their ability to project military power -- are developing a new appreciation for Africa’s strategic worth.

Mr. Smith is a contributor to Human Events. A former U.S. Marine rifle-squad leader and counterterrorism instructor, he writes about military/defense issues and has covered conflict in the Balkans, on the West Bank, in Iraq and Lebanon. He is the author of six books, and his articles appear in a variety of publications. E-mail him at wthomassmithjr@yahoo.com.

Source:www.humanevents.com/article.php?id=25326