December 20, 2012
The Senate Intelligence Committee should make public a 6,000-page report on the CIA's detention and interrogation policies.
Americans have known for years both the broad outlines and
some of the disgusting details of the George W. Bush administration's policy of
subjecting suspected terrorists to torture, humiliation and imprisonment at
"black sites" in foreign countries. But they have been denied a
comprehensive accounting of how the United States decided after the 9/11attacks
to travel to what then-Vice President Dick Cheney called "the dark
side."
That would change if the Senate Intelligence Committee
released to the public a 6,000-page report on the CIA's detention and
interrogation policies that it approved last week. Sen. Dianne Feinstein
(D-Calif.), the committee chair, says the report includes "details of each
detainee in CIA custody, the conditions under which they were detained, how
they were interrogated, the intelligence they actually provided and the
accuracy — or inaccuracy — of CIA descriptions about the program to the White
House, Department of Justice, Congress and others." The report also
includes 20 findings and conclusions.
Release of the document could fill in blanks left by news
reports, lawsuits and various official documents. It also could shed light on
whether waterboarding and other "enhanced interrogation techniques"
played a role in tracking down Osama — a debate rekindled by the movie
"Zero Dark Thirty." Feinstein herself has rejected a claim that the
operation that discovered Bin Laden's whereabouts was carried out "based
on information gained through the harsh treatment of CIA detainees." Of
course, even if torture did prove useful, that doesn't make it legal or moral.
Unfortunately, the report will remain classified while the
committee solicits comments — and presumably suggested redactions — from the
Obama administration. Feinstein and her colleagues must press the
administration, including the CIA, to review the document expeditiously and
exercise restraint in editing it. Then the committee must vote to release it.
The Obama administration has a mixed record when it comes to
publicizing Bush-era abuses. In 2009, it released a version of the CIA
inspector general's report on the interrogation program that was significantly
more complete (and embarrassing) than the heavily redacted copy that had been
made public by the Bush administration. On the other hand, the Obama Justice
Department has followed its predecessor's example in asserting the "state
secrets privilege" to block litigation that would have illuminated
interrogation and rendition practices.
Release of the intelligence committee report won't end the
debate about either the morality or the efficacy of the CIA's interrogation
policy — a debate that often follows party lines. Only one Republican on the
committee, Maine Sen. Olympia J. Snowe, voted to approve the report (though
Arizona Sen.John McCain, a nonvoting "ex officio" member, praised it
and urged its release). The ranking Republican, Sen. Saxby Chambliss of Georgia,
said it contained "significant errors, omissions, assumptions and
ambiguities — as well as a lot of cherry-picking."
But the report, which is based on a study of more than 6
million pages of CIA and other records, represents the most ambitious attempt
yet to explain why and how this country lost its moral bearings in the
aftermath of a terrorist attack. The American people have a right to see it.
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