This is where you can follow the important socio-economic, geopolitical and security developments, going inside the Republic of Somaliland and Horn of Africa region
The Committee to Protect Journalists is urging the release of an Ethiopian journalist who was sentenced to more than two years in jail on the charge of spreading false rumors.
The watchdog group said Asfaw Berhanu, a former contributor to the private paper The Reporter, was convicted on Dec. 25 of charges stemming from a news story he wrote saying three government officials had been removed from their posts. An Ethiopian court sentenced him to two years and nine months in jail.
Berhanu's paper later retracted the story and then fired him, the group said.
Ethiopia is among the world's top jailers of journalists, says the journalists' committee.
The Ethiopian government is accused of criminalizing the coverage of any group the government deems to be terrorists, including opposition political parties.
Hargeisa - Waxa mudo la sugaba waxa bushaaro noqotay in xalay la tijaabiyey oo Somcable Fiber Optic internetkii uu ka hawlgalay magalaada Hargeysa isagoo lagu xidhay Hotel Gulaid ee magaalada Hargeysa. Hawlwadeeno ka socda Saxaafada ayaa ka mid ahaa dadkii koobnaa oo si hordhac ah loogu martiqaaday.
Waxa mudo la sugaba waxa bushaaro noqotay in xalay la tijaabiyey oo Somcable Fiber Optic internetkii uu ka hawlgalay magalaada Hargeysa isagoo lagu xidhay Hotel Gulaid ee magaalada Hargeysa. SDWO ayaa ka mid ahaa dadkii koobnaa oo si hordhac ah loogu martiqaaday inay tijaabiyaan isticmaalka internet kan cusub ee xawaaraha dheer.
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Waxa wax lagu farxo ahayd inaan aragno somcable fiber optic gii oo shaqaynaya isla markaasna aan ku tijaabino inaan soo download garayno filmo soconaya laba saacadood oo uu ku soo dowload gareeyay mudo 3-4 daqiiqo ah. Xawaaraha Internetka Somcable ayaa ah mid la quwadaha kuwa wadama hore maray ee reer galbeedku isticmaalaan.
Gelida uu hawada galay internetka Somcable ayaa ku soo hagaagaysa xili si weyn loogu diyaar garoobayo carwadii ganacsiga ee lixaad oo ka furmidoonta hotel guled maalinta sanadka cusub ee 1da January 2014.
Mullkiilaha Gulaid hotel Cali Cumar Xasan Guled oo nagu soo dhoweeyay hall ka weyn ee lagu qabandoono carwada ganacsiga lixaad ayaa guud ahaanba nagu soo dhex wareejiyey qaybaha kala duwan ee loo diyaariyey inay ku qabsoonto carwada gancsigu oo si weyn loo qurxiyey loona habeeyay. Munaasibadan awgeed ayaa waxa loo dhisay hall weyn oo qaadaya ilaa dhawr kun oo qof
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today announced the appointment of Philippe Lazzarini as his Deputy Special Representative, as well as Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator, in Somalia.
Mr. Lazzarini, a citizen of Switzerland, will serve as Deputy to Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Nicholas Kay, who heads the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM).
The Security Council established the Mission in May to more effectively coordinate international support for Somalia’s Federal Government.
Somalia has been torn asunder by factional fighting since 1991 but has recently made progress towards stability. In 2011, Islamist Al-Shabaab insurgents retreated from Mogadishu and last year new Government institutions emerged, as the country ended a transitional phase toward setting up a permanent, democratically-elected Government.
The Mission’s mandate includes providing UN ‘good offices’ functions to support peace and reconciliation; assisting the Government and the existing African Union peacekeeping force, known as AMISOM, with advice on peacebuilding and State building; assisting in coordinating international support; helping build capacity in human rights and the rule of law; and monitoring and helping prevent human rights violations.
Mr. Lazzarini, who has been the Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator and UNDP Resident Representative in Somalia since March 2013, will also continue to bring together the different UN agencies operating in Somalia to improve their efficiency and effectiveness at providing humanitarian and development support to the Government.
Prior to this assignment, he held a number of senior positions in the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), including as Deputy Director of the Coordination and Response Division (2011 to 2013), and in various field positions in Iraq, Angola, Somalia, and the occupied Palestinian territory.
Before joining the UN, Mr. Lazzarini served as a delegate for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in southern Sudan, Beirut, Amman and Gaza. He also led ICRC operations in Bosnia, Angola and Rwanda.
South Sudan's crisis began just two weeks ago, on Dec. 15, and it already has observers warning that it could lead to civil war. Fighting has killed an estimated 1,000 people and sent 121,600 fleeing from their homes. International peacekeepers are preparing for the worst; some have been killed and a number of them, including four U.S. troops, have been injured.
What's happening in South Sudan is complicated and can be difficult to follow; understanding how it got to be this way can be even tougher. Here, then, are the most basic answers to your most basic questions. First, a disclaimer: This is not an exhaustive or definitive account of South Sudan and its history -- just some background, written so that anyone can understand it.
1. What is South Sudan?
South Sudan is the world's newest country. It's located in Central Africa, is about the size of Texas and has about as many people as Ohio (11 million). South Sudan is one of the poorest countries in the world, has a 27 percent literacy rate and is so underdeveloped that it has only about 35 miles of paved road. Its economy is driven by oil exports.
South Sudan declared independence from the rest of Sudan on July 9, 2011. At the time, it was considered a huge success for the world. But its 2½ years as a sovereign state have been disastrous. This latest crisis is just another part of the country's struggle to stand on its own.
2. Why are people in South Sudan killing each other?
The violence started on Dec. 15, when troops in the presidential guard started fighting against one another, in what is a depressingly accurate metaphor for South Sudan's problems. That fighting quickly spread and is now engulfing entire swaths of the country.
If that seems like a strange way for a potential civil war to start, it will make more sense once you hear the backstory. In July, the president of South Sudan, Salva Kiir, fired his vice president, Riek Machar. The two were more rivals than partners; Kiir thought that Machar was gunning for his job. Here's the really important thing: Kiir and Machar are from different ethnic groups, and in South Sudan ethnic groups are really important. Kiir is ethnic Dinka, the largest of South Sudan's many ethnic groups. Machar is Nuer, the country's second-largest group.
Tension between the Dinka and the Nuer goes way back in South Sudan, and the political rivalry between the groups' two most powerful members, Kiir and Machar, always had the potential to become an ethnic conflict. It did on Dec. 15, when members of the presidential guard who are Dinka tried to disarm members of the guard who are Nuer, maybe because they feared the Nuer would try to stage a coup. (Kiir later said the fighting had started because Machar had tried to stage a coup, although evidence for this is thin.)
The fighting between Dinka and Nuer presidential guards very quickly spread across the country. The main antagonists are rebels, often ethnic Nuer, including a group called the White Army. (Some reports say the group got its name because fighters smeared themselves with white ash to protect themselves from insects.) The rebels have seized territory, including some oil-producing land, and may or may not be marching on the city of Bor.
3. How could that one little incident spark such a big conflict?
When fighting spread from a few presidential guards to entire areas of South Sudan, we saw something that has happened before in sub-Saharan Africa. Political leaders and grass-roots militants alike defaulted from their national identity to their ethnic identity. Political rivalries became ethnic conflicts. Competing against the other group became more attractive than cooperating.
Since they won independence, it's been hard for South Sudan's ethnic groups to get along. Southerners don't have that common enemy uniting them anymore. Worse, they don't have a strong sense of belonging to a shared nation. People have been identifying by ethnicity for so long that they often still do. Another big problem is that South Sudan is extremely poor but has lots of oil; that makes it very tempting for ethnic groups to compete for the scarce resources they so badly need.
If this were, say, Iceland, then a contentious rivalry between the nation's two leading politicians would probably be seen as just political infighting, or at most perhaps a clashing of political parties or ideologies. But Kiir and Machar are the two most powerful people from their ethnic groups in a country where ethnic grouping is very important. So a fight between those two men was bound to exacerbate tension between their respective ethnic groups, which also have lots of other people in positions of power. And they have militias.
4. I thought giving South Sudan independence was supposed to stop ethnic fighting. Why didn't it?
The tragedy of South Sudan is that the same forces that helped it win independence also set it up for this conflict.
People in southern Sudan spent decades fighting for autonomy from the north. This led them to organize themselves by their tribe or ethnicity, since they had no national identity to align with. It also led them to form militias. Those militias, sometimes organized by tribe or ethnicity, came together as the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). The SPLM has since become South Sudan's national army.
When the south's ethnic groups were fighting on the same side, against the north, they mostly got along okay. But, in 1991, the SPLM split along ethnic lines. Some fighters who were ethnic Nuer formed their own semi-official breakaway group, the White Army, which attacked Dinka civilians in the city of Bor, killing 2,000.
That fighting stopped, but the White Army has stuck around, in part because some Nuer fear they will not be treated fairly by the Dinka, who are more numerous and who hold the country's presidency.
Today, rebels took up arms in the apparent belief that Kiir's government was turning against the Nuer, and perhaps also because they saw Kiir going after Machar, who does not lead the White Army but has long been associated with it.
Remember that many Nuer split off from the SPLM in 1991; while they've since reconciled, the SPLM is officially commanded by Kiir, who is Dinka. And Kiir has calledMachar, the country's most important Nuer, a traitor. It was almost inevitable that when Kiir turned against Machar many Nuer would think that he was seeking to marginalize their entire tribe. That's how the political fight could turning into an ethnic conflict.
5. This is all very intense. Let's take a music break?
Good idea. Since we're focusing so much on South Sudan's problems since independence, let's listen to this song by South Sudanese pop singer Queen Zee from late 2010, "Referendum," encouraging people to vote in the January 2011 election for independence.
The song helps capture the degree to which the vote brought the South Sudanese together, even if that unity has been hard to maintain, and the excitement the election brought.
6. How did South Sudan become independent, anyway?
This question, and to some extent the conflict itself, goes back to European colonialism and the artificial borders it imposed on Africans. As the British expanded across the continent, in the 1890s they began incorporating Sudan into the empire. In part to prevent neighboring Egypt from claiming northern Sudan as its own, the British lumped the Sudan's north and south together. The two parts of the country are very different, though: The north is mostly Arab and Muslim, while the south is made up of ethnic sub-Saharan Africans who are Christian or Animist.
When colonialism ended and Sudan declared independence in 1956, it kept its unwieldy colonial borders, with the capital Khartoum in the Arab-Muslim north. You can guess what happened next: The northern-dominated government treated the black-skinned southerners badly; southerners formed militias; and then came the civil wars. Yes, wars, plural: The first began in 1955, before Sudan even declared independence, and ended in 1972 with greater autonomy for the south. The second civil war started in 1983, when the government in Khartoum revoked much of the south's autonomy and southerners formed rebel groups to fight the north.
The second civil war finally ended in 2005 – the longest-running conflict in Africa – with a peace accord that promised the south it could hold a referendum for independence. In early 2011, 98.8 percent of southern voters said they wanted to secede from the north, and a few months later they got it.
There were two important outside factors that made independence happen. First, the United States played a key role supporting the south's demand for independence (more on this later). Second, the Sudanese government was loathed by much of the world for its human rights abuses and its affiliation with terrorist groups; this made it easier to build international pressure against Khartoum.
7. I remember South Sudan's independence being treated as a huge success. Was that not true?
Yes, it was a big success, promising southern Sudanese a reprieve from decades of war and the autonomy they'd long desired. It went peacefully enough, which was great, and it seemed like a promising sign for the world's ability to resolve terrible conflicts. But things have really gone south since then.
South Sudan endured violent ethnic conflicts (sometimes with the South Sudanese government part of the problem), fought a brief war with Khartoum in which South Sudan was far from blameless and even briefly shut off oil production to punish the north. In May 2012, less than a year after it had helped establish South Sudan as an independent country, the United Nations threatened it with economic sanctions for its bad behavior.
South Sudan's government, meanwhile, has been plagued by infighting and widespread allegations of official corruption.
Poverty and poor governance are big problems for South Sudan. But the biggest of all may be the fact that the country has never really resolved its ethnic rivalries. Until this most-basic problem can be solved, there will always be the possibility for another conflict.
8. What does this all have to do with Darfur? Anything?
On the surface, not really. Darfur is a part of the Republic of Sudan, not South Sudan, and so is not involved in South Sudan's conflict.
But the Darfur conflict that killed so many civilians in the mid-2000s, and which the United States labeled a genocide, is not totally separate from what's happening in South Sudan. The SPLM also fought in Darfur, on behalf of people there who wanted autonomy from the Khartoum government. More significantly, both South Sudan and Darfur were huge political and popular causes in Western countries, and especially in the United States.
The two causes fed into one another; U.S. political and religious groups had beenadvocating on behalf of South Sudan since the late 1980s, long before Americans started thinking about Darfur. But the "Save Darfur" campaign was much, much bigger. Outrage over Darfur made it easier to pressure Khartoum to allow South Sudan's independence referendum; it also focused popular and political support within the United States, which proved crucial.
Not everyone thinks this is a good thing. Some South Sudan-watchers say that the years of activism have convinced Americans that Khartoum is the "bad guy," which is not necessarily false, so much as it sets up South Sudan as the "good guy" or underdog. And that can make it harder, they warn, to hold South Sudan's government accountable for its many missteps, ultimately worsening the country's crisis.
9. I skipped to the bottom. What happens next?
It's not clear how long this conflict will go; as it becomes more decentralized, it gets more dangerous and tougher to end. The South Sudanese government has agreed to meet for peace talks.
But the really important thing isn't this latest conflict but South Sudan's deeper issues. As African Union official Abdul Mohammed and Tufts University’s Alex de Waal wrote Monday in a guest op-ed in The Washington Post, we "should not be content with patching together a ruling coalition" between rival ethnic groups. "A power-sharing formula could become just another division of the spoils, and elections could become another exercise in ethnic division," they warned.
When British explorers at
the end of the 19th century first made their way across the vast deserts
of what is today Somaliland, they were surprised to find a landscape
strewn with numerous and puzzling stone tumuli, graveyards, and
crumbling towns. The largest of these, long known to locals but first
explored by A.T. Curle while surveying the countryside in 1935, was
called Amud. There, just outside the modern town of Borama, Curle found
hundreds of stone houses, mosques, and courtyards, full of glass and
Chinese porcelain dating back nearly 500 years. Even older trinkets have
been found along the coast dating back at least 2000 years to the time
of the Berberi traders mentioned by Greek and Egyptian merchants—some
believe the Berberi traders were active even in the times of Pharaonic
Egypt.
Somaliland is a country rich with the mostly-undocumented history of
wealthy, productive civilizations. Over the last thousand years, the
country has played host to the Muslim sultanates of Ifat and Adal, Bantu
hunters, and nomadic waves of Somalis and Oromo, each leaving their
successive traces on the land. But the de facto independent state’s archaeological heritage has been left almost entirely unstudied, unmapped, and unpreserved.
Read complete story here http://roadsandkingdoms.com/2013/the-grave-robbers-of-hargeisa/
The resident of Mogadishu would wait much longer than expected to enjoy fiber optic internet connectivity in the city.
This has come after a disagreement between two major companies thus DALCOM and Hormud telecommunication companies involved in the connection process concerning the distribution in Mogadishu.
Dalcom has been involved in the connection process for the last one
year linking important areas such as Mogadishu airport and process which
was expected to conclude mid of 2014 is now stopped following a
disagreement from Hormud telecom side.
Government of Somalia intervention effort to mediate the two
companies did not bear any fruit shuttering the dreams of many residents
in the city in enjoying connectivity and according to economic analyst
if two companies will not solve the issue amicably and allow the
completion of the process there will much loss in several upcoming business depending on internet connections.
Dalcom which is alignment of various Somali telecommunication
companies has spent more than 7 million US dollars in bringing fiber
optic in Somalia coast.
Attn:Amnesty
International, International Secretariat UK; Amnesty Intern. US, Canada; East
Africa Desk Office Uganda, East
& Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Network, Uganda; International Minority Rights London
URGENT ALERT: SERIOUS MINORITY RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN SOMALILAND
MAGAALADA BOORAMA OO ISU BEDESHAY
CADAABTII IFKA EE GABOOYAHA SOMALILAND
Magaalada Boorama
Ka
dib markay ogaadeen Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika ee HORNWATCH
Duruufo muuqda oo dhinaca amaanka ah oo haddii la soo bandhigo Xadgudyo iyo
Tacadiyo dhinacayada Garsoorka iyo Dhaqanka ah oo haysta Bulshada la takooro,
lagana tirada badan yahay ee ku nool gobolka Awdal ayay Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda
Aadamiga HORNWATCH go'aansadeen in ay mudo dheer kolba dib u dhigaan soo
saarista iyo baahinta tacadiyada ay warinayso warbixintani.
Balse
markii aanu hubinay in aan xaalku ka soo raynaynin ayay go'aansadeen
Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga HORNWATCH in ay cod dheer ku sheegaan
Warbixintan.
Sanadka
2013 ayaa dhamaanaya iyadoo Somaliland ay ka socdaan xadgudubyada dhinaca
Garsoorka iyo Dhaqanka ah ee lidka ku ah Bulshada la takoor.
Bari
oo ah maalintii ugu dambaysay sanadka 2013 waxa Maxkamada Racfaanka ee Gobolka
Awdal la horkeenayaa 2 dhibane oo ka tirsan beelaha la takooro Somaliland oo
magacyadoodu kala yihiin Mustafe Haybe Jaamac 21sano jiriyo Bedel Cabdi Aaden 22 sano jir .
Difaacayaasha
Xuquuqda Aadamiga HORNWATCH ayaa ogaaday in maanta Garyaqaan Amiin Sheikh Said Sheikh Hassan oo ah Qareenkii 2aad ee
Xuquuqda Aadamiga oo difaacayay labadan dhibane ayaa maantaMaxkamada Racfaanka Gobolka Awdal u sheegay
in uu iska casilay adeegii dhinaca xuquuqda aadamiga ah ee uu siinayay labadan
dhibane kadib markii uu u baqay naftisa, waxana hore kiiskan isaga casilay Garyaqaan Xasan Cali Xasan kadib markii
sidan oo kale bilowgii dacwadan uu isku dayay in uu siiyo labadan dhibane iyo
qoysaskooda laga tirada badan yahay caawimo qaanuun u baqay amaanka naftiisa.
TALO
SOO JEEDIMO DEGDEG AH:
1.Difaacayaasha
Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika ee HORNWATCH waxay sida ugu dhaqsaha badan oo
aan dib u dhac lahayn uga codsanayaa Wasiirka Arimaha Gudaha JSL iyo
Gudoomiyaha Gobolka Awdal in bulshada la takooro ee ku nool magaalo madaxda
gobolka Awdal ay damaano qaadaan amaankooda iyo amaanka meherahooda iyo
guryahooda, si ay ugu suurtogasho in ay dib ugu soo noqdaan dadka ka soo jeeda
bulshada la haybsooco ee hore arimo dhinaca amaankooda ah awgood uga qaxay
magaalada Boorama.
2.Sidoo
kale waxay Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga HORNWATCH ka codsanayaan in
fadhiyada Maxkamada Racfaanka ee Kiiskan laga soo bedelo magaalada Boorama
maadaama oo tan iyo marki sanad iyo badh ka hor ee ay bilaabmeen dhagaysiga
dacwadan ay si joogto ah u soo weerarayeen mid ka mid ah qabiilada ugu tirada
badan ee dega Magaalad Boorama oo uu ka soo jeedo Marxuunka isgubay. Sidaasi
darteed, iyadoo laga duulayo amaanka dhibanayaasha Qareenkooda iyo guud ahaan
ehelka iyo qoysaska dhibanayaasha oo ah kuwa sida gaarka ah loo
bartilmaameedsanayo waxay Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga HORNWATCH ka
codsanayaan Gudoomiyaha Maxkamada Sare in dacwadan dhagaysigeeda loo bedelo
goob aan ahayn Boorama oo sharcigu ogol yahay.
3.Difaacayaasha
Xuquuqda Aadamiga Caalamka iyo muwaadiniinta xoriyada iyo xuquuqda aadamiga
jecel ee reer Somaliland in ay qaadaan talaabo kasta oo ay ugu hiilinayaan
dhibanayaasha takoorka dhaqanka bulshada la hayb sooco ee Somaliland.
4.Gudoomiyaha
Maxkamada Sare iyo Wasiirka Arimaha Gudaha Somaliland, waxa aanu ugu baaqayanaa
in uu u fidiyo muwaadiniinta la haybsooco ee Gobolka Awdal oo dhibanayaal u ah
bulshada aqlabiyada ah ee magaalada madaxda gobolka Awdal, gaar ahaan labada
wiil oo magacyadoodu kala yihiin Mustafe
Haybe Jaamac 21sano jiriyo Bedel Cabdi
Aaden 22 sano jir kuwaasi oo Maxkamada Gobolka Awdal ku riday Xukun dil ah
oocadaalada darada ah:
a)in ay si buuxda u
siiyaan labadan dhibane xuquuqaha iyo xoriyadaha aasaasiga ah ee uu jideeyay
Dastuurka dalka Somaliland gaar ahaan:
ĂĽQodobka 24: Xaqa Nolosha, Nabadgelyeynta Jidhka, Dhawrsananta
Karaamada Muwaadinka, Dambiyada lidka ku ah Aadaminimada sida jidhdilka,
qudhgooyada sharciga ka baxsan - Farqada 1aad Nafta Aadanuhu waa deeq Ilaahay,
waana qaali; qof kastaana waxa uu xaq u leeyahay noloshiisa, waxaanu ku waayi
karaa oo keliya marka Maxkamad horteed uu ku caddaado dembi uu sharcigu
jideeyey in dil lagu mutaysan karo, Farqada 2aad Qofku waxa uu xaq u leeyahay
in la nabad geliyo jidhkiisa; ciqaabta jidhka iyo waxyeelo kasta oo loo geeysto
damiirka qofkuna waa reeban yahay;
ĂĽQodobka 8aad: Sinnaanta Muwaadiniinta: Farqada 1aad -
Muwaadiniinta Somaliland iyadoon lagu kala saarayn, midabka, qabiilka,
dhalashada, luqada, lab;
5.Difaacayaasha Xuquuqda Aadamiga Somaliland ka digayaan in
la marin habaabiyo baadhitaanada dadka loo hayo iyo kuwa aan wali loo soo qaban
dilalka loo gaystay haweenka Gabooyaha si sharciga loogala baxsado, taasi oo
dhacda aalaaba marka hay'adaha sharci fulinta oo 99% ka soo jeeda beelaha
tiradabadan.
6.Haddii Madaxda Sare
ee Hay'adaha SharciFulinta Somaliland iyo Wasiirka Arimaha Gudaha Somaliland ka
baaqsadaan sharci horkeenida dadkii dilay haweenka Gabooyaha Somaliland taasi
waxay sababi doontaa in dacwado iyaga lidku ah aanu u gudbino beesha caalamka
iyo garsoorka adduunka.
7.Xafiisyada Hay'adda
Qaxootiga Qaramada Midoobay ay ku leedahay wadamada Somaliland, Itoobiya iyo
Jabuuti waxanu ku wargalinaynaa tacadiyada ay warbixintani warinayso oo
saameeyay in ka badan 100 ruux oo ka soo jeeda bulshada la takooro ee
Somaliland ee degta magaalada Boorama kuwaasi oo qaarkood gaadheen xeryaha
Qaxtootiga ee UNHCR ay maamusho oo ku yaal bariga dalka Itoobiya, Sidaasi
darteed, waxanu ugu baaqaynaa UNHCR in ay siiso gargaarka aadaminimo ee
lagamamaarmaanka ah iyagoo buuxiyay shuruudaha u dagsan Qaramada Mibooday ee
lagu noqdo Qaxooti.
Suleiman Ismail Bolalah
Gudoomiyaha
Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda
Aadamiga Geeska Afrika (HORNWATCH)
Magaalo
Madaxda Gobolka Awdal ee Boorama oo ka mid ahaan jirtay magaalooyinka dhifta ah
ee beelaha la takooro ee reer Somaliland ay ku noolaan jireen takoor heerkiisu
ka hooseeyo kan magaalooyinka kale ee dalka ayaa iyaduna isku rogtay cadaabtii
ifka ee Gabooyaha Somaliland kadib markii 2 sano ka hor wiil beelaha tirada
badan ka soo jeedaa oo ALLE haw naxariistee lagu magacaabo Aydiid Cabdiqaadir
Cali oo uu dhalay Sarkaal Sare oo ka tirsan dambi Baadhayaasha Booliska Gobolka
Awdal oo lagu magacaabo Cabdiqaadir Cali uu jeclaaday gabadh yar oo ka soo
jeeda beelaha la takooro ee loo yaqaan Madhibaanka oo lagu magacaabo Malyuun
Haybe Jamaac. Markii wiilka qoyskiisu u diideen in uu gabadha Midgaanta ah
guursado ayuu isaga laftiisu qudha iska jaray kadib markii uu is qabadsiiyay
gaas iyo dab, nasiib daro wiilka aabihii oo ah sarkaal boolis ah waxa uu
xabsiga ku guray dad tiro badan oo ka soo jeeda Gabooyaha dega Boorama kuwaasi
oo ay ka mid yihin gabartii uu jeclaaday wiilkiisu Malyuun Haybe
Jaamac, aabaheed Haybe Jaamac, wiilkiisa Mustafe Haybe Jaamac 21sano jiriyo Bedel Cabdi Aaden 22 sano jir oo isagu ka soo jeeda qabiil ka mid ah Gabooyaha oo la yiraa
Yibir iyo xubno kale oo Gabooye ah.
Xadhigaasi
waxa barbar socday weeraro haweenka iyo dhalinyarada qabiilka wiilku ka dhintay
ku qaadayeen goobaha ay ka degan yihiin Gabooyuhu magaalada Boorame, gaar ahaan
meheradaha ay ku ganacsadaan iyagoo burburinayay miisaska ay hilibka ku
iibiyaan, rayiislayaasha, kabotolayaasha iyo meelaha birta ay ku tumaan, taasi
oo sababtay in wiigag isxigxiga dadka laga tirada badan yahay ee Gabooyaha
Boorama in ay ka soo bixi waayaan guryahooda.
Gudida
Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika ayaa xiligaasi diiwaangaliyay in ka
badan 100 ruux oo u badan rag iyo dhalinyaro markii ay nafahoodii u baqeen ka
cararay magaalada Boorama iyagoo tagay magaalooyinka Hargeysa ilaa Burco
qaarkoodna waxay ka talaabeen xadka u dhexeeya Somaliland iyo Itoobiya iyagoo
gaadhay xeryahay qaxootiga Somalida ee ku yaal bariga dalka Itoobiya oo ay
maamusho Hay'ada UNHCR.
Bilowgiiba
dacwada waxa dambi baadhe ka noqday Aabihii dhalay wiilka dhintayDambi Baadhe Boolis Mr. Cabdiqaadir Cali Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika ee HornWatch oo si
taxadir leh ula socotay geedi socodka dacwada ciqaabta ah ee lidka ku ah 2 wiil
ee Gabooyaha ah, ayaa ka marag kacaya in 2-da wiil ee Gabooyaha ahi aanay helin
gabi ahaan garsoor dhex ah oo cadaaladeed iyo nidaam baadhiseed oo xaq ku
dhisan, Maxkamadayntooda ayaa la xaqiijiyay in ay u dhacday si ka fog nidaamka
cadaalada dalka, Xuquuqda Aadamiga, Diinta Islaamka iyo xataa dhaqanka toosan.
Baadhayaasha
Xuquuqda Aadamiga HORNWATCH waxay xogogaal u noqdeen in Qareen ka tirsan Ururka
Qareenada Somaliland oo caawimi qaanuun oo lacag la'aan ah ku difaacayay Labada
eedaysane markii dad cadhaysani soo weerareen fadhiyadii Maxkamada Gobolka
Awdal dacwada oo socota isla markaasina ay dhaawaceen xubno ka mid ah
eedaysanayaasha iyo eheladooda oo Maxkamada u yimi dhegaysiga dacwada, ayuu
Qareenkii naftiisa u baqay waxanu markiiba joojiyay caawimadii qaanuun ee uu
siinayay 2 wiil ee dhibanayaasha ah iyo qoysaskooda.
Sidoo
kale Gudida Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika waxay baadhitaanka kiiskan
ku ogaadeen in Qareenkii 2aad ee difaacayay eedaysanayaasha Gabooyaha ah oo
lagu magacaabo Amiin Sheikh Said Sheikh Hassan uu ku waayay Gunadii uu ka heli
jiray adeega caawimada qaanuun ee uu lacag la'aanta uu ku siiyo qoysaska
Gabooyaha ah ee eedaysanayaasha kiiskan, Gunadan oo ay siin jireen Ururka
Qareenada Somaliland ee Somaliland oo fuliya Mashruuc ay maalgaliso hay'ada
Qaramada Midoobay ee UNDP. Gudoomiyihii hore ee ururka Qareenada Somaliland Mr.
Maxamed Siciid oo fulinaya codsi aan toos ahayn oo uga yimi Gudoomiyaha
Maxkamada Racfaanka Gobolka Awdal oo ay qaraabo dhaw yihiin Abdiqadir Ali oo ah
Aabaha dhalay wiilka isdilay, isla markaasina ah Garsooraha haatan gacanta ku
haya kiiskan oo maraya maxkamada darajada 2aad ee Racfaanka.
Maxkamada
Gobolka Awdal ee dacwada qaadayay, ciidanka Booliska ee baadhayay kiiskan,
dhamaantood waxay la safteen Dambi Baadhaha Booliksa ah ee Wiilkiisu isdilay
Mr. Cabdiqaadir Cali maadaama oo ay isku beel ka soo wada jeedaan.
Baadhayaasha
xadgudubyada ee HornWatch waxa kale oo ay baadhitaan qoto dheer ku ogaadeen in
maragyadii ogaa in wiilka dhintay isagu is dilay oo ay ka mid yihiin dukaankii
gaasta uu ka iibsaday, meheradii uu Mobilkiisa u dhiibtay iyo dad arkayay
markii uu gaasta iyo dabka is qabadsiiyay dhamaantood waxay u safreen dhinaca
Itoobiya oo ay ku maqnaayeen mudadii dacwada socotay difaaca eedaysanayaasha
iyadoo horena loo sii siiyay lacagta aya ku noolaan karayeen.
Maxkamadda
Gobolka Awdal ayaa iyadoo iska indho tiraysa sharciga iyo qanuunka waxay dil
toogasho ah ku xukuntay labo wiil oo arday ah oo ka soojeedaha midgaha reer
boorama gaar ahaan MADHIBAAN iyo Yibraha.
Kiiskan
ayaa waxa uu si ba'an u saameeyay dhinacyada amaanka iyo nolosha guud ahaan
Gabooyaha dega magaalada Boorama iyadoo in ka badan 100 oo badankoodi yihiin
rag ka baqay in beesha uu ka soo jeedo Wiilka isgubay ay gaadhsiiyaan dil iyo
dhaawacyo jidheed ay ka qaxeen guryahoodii iyo meheradahii ay ku lahaayeen
magaalada Boorama oo isugu jira timojarayaal, hiliblayaal, kabotolayaal iyo
tumaalista birta, waxana ay amaan u raadsadeeb Magaalooyinka kale ee Somaliland
gaar ahaan Hargeysa iyo Burco, halka qaar kalena ay ka talaabeen xadka u
dhexeeya Somaliland iyo Itoobiya iyagoo magangalyo waydiistay Hay'ada Qaxootiga
Adduunka ee gacanta ku haysta xeryaha qaxootiga Soomaalida ee ku yaal bariga
dalka Itoobiya.
Gabood
falada iyo tacadiyada ay la nool yihiin bulshada lagu takooro gudaha dalka
Somaliland codkooda cidina ma maqasho iyaguna malaha awoodii ay ku soo bandhigi
lahaayeen, faqriga iyo saboolnimada qotada dheer ee haysta awgeed iyo iyagoo
aan talo iyo tusaale midna ka odhan karin arimaha saameeya noloshooda iyo
mustaqbalkooda toona.
Gudida
Ilaalada Xuquuqda Aadamiga Geeska Afrika oo isku dayay in ay ogaadaan sababta
ay cid uuni uga hadli wayday tacadiyada baahsan ee ay la nool yihiin qaybaha
bulshada Somaliland ee latakooro ayaa waxay ogaadeen xogahan hoos ku qoran:
Xukuumada Somaliland
ayaa magacawday saraakiil sarsare oo ka soo jeeda beelaha la hayb sooco waxa ka
mid ah
Hal xubin oo ku jirta
golaha Wasiirada (Wasiir ku xigeenka Wasaarada Hawlaha Guud), inkastoo magac
ahaan mooyee aanu ahayn nin ka war haya waayaha iyo duruufaha adag ee dhaqan
dhaqaale oo ay la nool yihiin beelaha uu ka soo jeedo ee la hayb soocaa,
Barkhad Jama Hirsi Batuun, La taliyaha Gaarka
ah ee Madaxwaynaha dhinaca arimaha beelaha laga la hayb sooco yahay,
Mr. Abdilahi Hassan Digaale Gudoomiyaha Deg.
Axmed Macalin Haruun isla markaasina ah Gudoomiyaha ururka samofalka bulshada
la hayb sooco ee USWO oo dhawaan Duqa Caasimada Somaliland u magacaabay xilka Gudoomiyaha
Degmada Axmed Macalin Haruun ee caasimada Hargeysa.
Saraakiisha ugu jirta
bulshada Somaliland ee la takooro dawlada ayaa iyagu sameeya talaabo kasta oo
ay ku cabudhinayaan dadkooda dulman waxana ay aaminsan yihiin haddii
tacadiyadaasi banaanka u soo baxaan amase iyaguba ka hadlaan in ay waayayaan
xilalka sarsare ee ay ku qaataan mushahaarooyin fiican.
Dhinaca kale, habdhaqan fool xun ayaa
dishooday badi hogaamiye dhaqameedka beelaha la hayb-sooco, kaasi oo
midkastaaba kan kale ka soo horjeedo oo buranayo.
Haweenka Beelaha La takooro haddii aad u
dhabo gasho nolosha iyo waayahooda waxad ogaanaysaa in ay boqoljeer ka tacadi
iyo xadgubub badan yihin tacadiyada haleela haweenka beelaha aqlabiyada ah oo
ah kuwa inta ugu badan laga maqlo warbaahinta
.
Daladaha Ururada Bulshada Rayidka ah ee
haweenka ugu waawayn dalka dhamaantood waxa iska leh Haweenka ka soo jeeda
qaybaha bulshada ee aqlabiyada ah, waxayna ku guuldaraysteen in ay dalahooda
samafal ku soo daraan ururada haweenka qaybaha bulshada tusaale ahaan dalada
haween ee ugu wayn Somaliland oo lagu magacaabo NAGAAD WOMEN UMBRELLA oo
ururada xubnaha ka ahi tirobadan yihiin hadana hal urur oo ka soo jeeda ururada
haweenka la takooro ee Somaliland kuma jiro, halka Gabooyaha Somaliland ay
leeyihiin kaliya labo (2) urur samafal bulsho oo aad u yaryar (Ubah Social
Welfare Organization (USWO) iyo Voice of Somaliland Minority Women (VOSOMWO)
isla markaasina aan ka helin wax gacan qabasho ah oo la taaban karo Hay'adaha
Samafalka Caalamiga ah, Qaramada Midoobay iyo guud ahaan beesha caalamka.
Maadaama Daladaha waawayn ee haweenka Somaliland aanay u war haynin tacadiyada
iyo gaboodfalada argagaxa leh ee ay la nool yihiin haweenka ka soo jeeda
qaybaha bulshada Somaliland ee la takooraa, had iyo goor kuma soo hadal qaadaan
marka ay xusayaan maalmaha caalamiga ah ee Tacadiyada Lidka ku ah Xuquuqda
Haweenka.
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