Bradley Manning Was Convicted of Espionage, and We Protested at the White House

The best party I’ve been to all summer happened Tuesday night in DC’s Dupont Circle neighborhood, and the whole thing occurred after only 24 hours’ worth of planning. Attendees totaled around 200, someone brought along a sick PA system, and then somehow we ended up outside of the White House asking the president to pardon Army Private First Class Bradley Manning.

So it wasn’t actually billed as a party, per se, but rather a rally—a last-minute politically charged rendezvous—assembled the evening before in anticipation of a long-awaited verdict in the court-martial of Manning. And though things didn’t go as well before the judge as they could have, the news wasn't all bad—as you probably know by now, Manning was acquitted of "aiding the enemy" but convicted of violating the Espionage Act and could now face 136 years in prison. His sentencing hearing begins today.

Twenty-five years old and thrice nominated for the Nobel Prize, Pfc. Manning has managed to attract a lot of attention in the three years since he was arrested and charged for leaking classified files to the website WikiLeaks. Supporters and the soldier himself say those documents exposed atrocities and prompted discussions across the world about US actions in the Middle East. Some even credit those revelations with expediting the end of the Iraq War. And although he never quite became a household name, what was perhaps Manning’s biggest day yet occurred Tuesday when all eyes were on a military court in Fort Meade, Maryland, where a judge would decide if the soldier should be convicted of “aiding the enemy” and 21 other counts including computer crimes and espionage for leaking documents to WikiLeaks.

If anyone celebrated anything Tuesday night with regards to the case, it was likely because Colonel Denise Lind, the presiding judge in Manning’s military trial, acquitted the soldier of aiding the enemy and in turn refuted the government’s accusation that he indirectly helped al-Qaeda when he sent thousands upon thousands of files to WikiLeaks after his first deployment abroad in 2009. Had Lind ruled otherwise, a conviction on that count alone could have yielded Manning a life sentence. Now spared from being found guilty of the most serious of charges, after Tuesday’s court session, the soldier faces only a maximum term of 136 years behind bars.

Should it matter at that point, Lind has already said she’d take 112 days off an eventual sentence in order to compensate Manning for the several months he was held in isolation after his initial capture (and she's since upped that figure to 1274 days an eventual sentence). By default the sentencing will go to the Army Court of Criminal Appeals, but a pal of Lind told the Washington Post last month that Manning’s decider has been appointed to soon sit on that panel too—a promotion that must be ordered by the President himself and approved by the Senate.

President Obama, who campaigned on a platform of transparency and whistleblower protection, was caught on camera saying Manning “broke the law” years before Lind’s verdict. He has since prosecuted more whistleblowers under the World War One-era Espionage Act than all other presidents combined, and earlier this week his administration had to actually send Russia a letter promising not to torture or kill NSA leaker Edward Snowden if he is ever extradited to the US to be tried for espionage.

Manning has already been tortured while kept in isolation, and after Tuesday’s verdict, he is officially—in the eyes of the American justice system—a bona fide spy several times over. For sharing sensitive files with the antisecrecy site, Manning ultimately scored six convictions under the Espionage Act, a Computer Fraud and Abuse Act violation, and multiple counts of stealing from the government.

By sharing those files, Manning told the court earlier this year, he hoped to spark public debate. I’m not certain 200 angry supporters in front of the White House was what he had in mind, but without a doubt it made people start talking. Even if it was the three-dozen tourists snapping iPad photos at ten o’clock on a Tuesday, that was still a discussion far beyond the scope of what the soldier will enjoy anytime soon as he sits in jail for letting the state’s dirty laundry be aired on the Web.

Standing around Dupont an hour earlier, the collectively shared emotion didn’t exactly resemble joy. And as celebration over the acquittal combined with impassionate anger directed at the Obama administration for equating Manning’s deed as an act of espionage, a catalyst in the form of an army snuff film leaked by the soldier spawned the most beautiful event I’ve experienced all summer in the city.

Before we all marched to the White House, someone showed the crowd a film that WikiLeaks called “Collateral Murder” when it published it in 2010. The now infamous helicopter footage from a US Apache chopper shows American troops fatally shooting civilians and journalists over New Baghdad in 2007, and Manning will get a maximum of two years for sharing it with the world. It’s since been viewed on YouTube millions of times and, apparently, is now screened to strangers in city parks. And in case you haven't experienced it yet for yourself, there's nothing quite like standing in the heart of a major city alongside hundreds of passersby as a film is screened showing soldiers from your very own country opening fire on innocent people. If that sounds sadistic, I'd recommend you watch it under similar circumstances and try to say it isn't a worthwhile experience.

David Coombs, Manning’s defense attorney, showed excerpts from that film no fewer than three times during his client’s court-martial. And although a handful of those in the circle knew the Apache crew’s dialog word for word, something about seeing war crimes being committed—and projected in a park down the road from the president’s house—creates a kind of indescribable emotion that could only be close to being called celebratory because it evokes an anger that seemingly can’t be calmed.

By the time the crowd descended on 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue Tuesday night, a ten-foot-tall cardboard marionette of Manning had made its way into the congregation and was mugging next to a mock Lady Liberty, while nearly a dozen demonstrators in dead silence stood before the president’s house with black-backed signs made of blue lights reading “Free Bradley.” Somewhere around mile two of the march I had lost Bill, a septuagenarian supporter who has been to Fort Meade more than 20 times to attend the hearings. For every 75-year-old with a sign there was also a brace-faced boy in a Guy Fawkes mask, chanting, “Free Bradley Manning,” a cheer for what Manning has done—and not as an enemy of America.

Manning will likely be decades closer to death if he’s ever released from prison, but supporters put that behind them Tuesday night and, even though the verdict is said and done, soldiered on. Next comes the sentencing phase, then, likely, a series of appeals. As long as Pfc. Manning is on the other side of jail bars, though, activists will call him a political prisoner—another accidental icon representative of an oppressive state.

And, at least in absentia, Manning is the life of the party. He's brought people together around the world by making those disclosures, and his prosecution has put modern democracy and journalism on the defensive end of a rather depressing battle. As long as misery likes company, though, a legion of supporters around the world intend on staying focused on their fight. Others might soon do the same, too—great news since the freedom of the press depends on it.

“The 'aiding the enemy’ charge has fallen away,” WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange wrote after the verdict. “It was only included, it seems, to make calling journalism ’espionage’ seem reasonable. It is not.”

Assange went on to call Lind’s ruling “the first ever espionage conviction against a whistleblower,” and, in turn, “a dangerous precedent and an example of national-security extremism.”

And if that doesn’t sound like a reason to grab 200 strangers and make some noise, I certainly don’t know how to party.



Andrew Blake is a producer at RT. Follow him on Twitter: @apblake

Somalia: Embassy building in Somalia after deadly attack- PHOTO

World Bulletin - The photos of the staff building of Turkey’s Embassy in Somalia were published on Tuesday.

One Turkish security guard was killed and four others were injured on Saturday while two suicide bombers were killed as another suicide  bomber blew himself up in front of the staff building of Turkey’s  Embassy in Somali capital Mogadishu.

The staff building of Turkey’s Embassy is now unusable. The photos of the building were published on Tuesday.

Disruptions to diaspora remittances threaten Somalia

New report from Oxfam shows banks and regulators can do more to keep the funds flowing.
- See more at: http://politicsofpoverty.oxfamamerica.org/2013/07/31/disruptions-to-diaspora-remittances-threaten-somalia/#sthash.ZA27zuVq.dpuf

Disruptions to diaspora remittances threaten Somalia

New report from Oxfam shows banks and regulators can do more to keep the funds flowing
- See more at: http://politicsofpoverty.oxfamamerica.org/2013/07/31/disruptions-to-diaspora-remittances-threaten-somalia/#sthash.yUJZOcKb.dpuf

New report from Oxfam shows banks and regulators can do more to keep the funds flowing

A remittance clerk examines the passport
of Scott Paul (at counter) during his trip
to Somaliland last year. Photo: Scott Paul

Scott Paul is a senior humanitarian policy advisor at Oxfam America.

It felt like magic. My friend in Minnesota stepped into a shop and threw down some of my cash. Fifteen minutes later…poof! The money transfer had been vetted, and after a quick ID check, my money was there for the taking across the world in Somaliland.

My personal money transfer was a mere demonstration of the money transfer system. But for people in Somalia, remittances from relatives abroad are nothing short of a lifeline.

A new joint Oxfam, Adeso and Inter-American Dialogue report estimates that Somali migrants around the world send approximately $1.3 billion to Somalia each year to help their families back home. Of that approximately $215 million comes from Somali-Americans and Somalis in the United States. This is nearly the same amount of development and humanitarian assistance that the US government sends to the country.

Remittances represent a significant share of Somalia’s economy. Depending on how GDP is calculated, I’ve seen between 25-40 percent. Regardless, remittances help reduce Somalia’s reliance on assistance from foreign governments and international organizations.

The role of remittances during the food crisis in Somalia in 2011 was plain to see; the generosity of the Somali diaspora played a vital role in helping Somali families survive. But when a bank in the United States closed the accounts of several Somali-American money transfer operators (MTOs) that year, it became clear that the entire remittance system could come to a screeching halt at a moment’s notice.

Somali-American MTOs—really the only game in town when it comes to distributing cash in Somalia—need bank accounts in the United States to facilitate transfers from Somali-Americans. They have found those accounts hard to come by in recent years. Though they have invested significantly in anti-money laundering compliance systems, policies, and training, most US banks haven’t taken heed.

Oxfam found that many US banks have branded Somalia a risky destination for money transfers and have unceremoniously closed the accounts of Somali-American MTOs without providing any specific reasons.

Is it the banks’ fault that remittances are under threat? Well, let’s just say they can do better. Oxfam’s research shows that banks have closed Somali MTO accounts at twice the rate of Latin American MTO accounts, and without offering any justifications. We surmise that they simply think of Somalia as a risky destination and don’t even bother looking into the checks and processes that companies have in place to prevent money laundering.

For the most part, the banks in question have refused to substantively engage with the money transfer companies, which have been asking how they can further improve their compliance systems. Admittedly banks are operating in an environment of regulatory uncertainty. The Treasury Department on one hand has assured banks that they could open accounts for high-risk money transfer companies, provided they do their due diligence. But Treasury auditors’ scrutiny of money transfer company accounts and the threat of multimillion dollar fines on banks send a different message.

Ultimately, putting the remittance system on strong footing is going to take a concerted and collaborative effort from government and the private sector. With so much at stake and so many people depending on their services, banks and the regulators can make a greater effort to keep the lifeline to Somalia open.

Poof!



You can read the report from Oxfam, Adeso, and the Inter-American Dialogue here, which includes recommendations for banks, governments, MTOs and US and Somali authorities.
 

Source: http://politicsofpoverty.oxfamamerica.org

New report from Oxfam shows banks and regulators can do more to keep the funds flowing. - See more at: http://politicsofpoverty.oxfamamerica.org/2013/07/31/disruptions-to-diaspora-remittances-threaten-somalia/#sthash.ZA27zuVq.dpuf

Disruptions to diaspora remittances threaten Somalia

New report from Oxfam shows banks and regulators can do more to keep the funds flowing.
- See more at: http://politicsofpoverty.oxfamamerica.org/2013/07/31/disruptions-to-diaspora-remittances-threaten-somalia/#sthash.ZA27zuVq.dpuf

Somalia's Lifeline Under Threat

 

Raymond C. Offenheiser

By Raymond C. Offenheiser,President, Oxfam America

In the midst of Somalia's 2011 famine and its worst drought in decades, Oxfam's Somali partners called on us not to find more money for their emergency programs, but to raise alarm that the stream of money Somalis receive from family and friends abroad was in danger of drying up.

Fear of U.S. anti-terror and money laundering laws was leading American and international banks to close the bank accounts of U.S.-based money transfer operators, sometimes indiscriminately.

Today, as more accounts are being closed, Somali families are facing the possibility of being unable access funds from friends and relatives that they desperately require to meet basic needs, threatening to stress some to the breaking point and cause substantial disruption to Somalia's economic recovery and growth.

So together with Adeso, an African humanitarian organization, and the Inter-American Dialogue, Oxfam took an extensive look at the threats facing Somalia's remittance system. We found a system under threat.

Somali migrants send home approximately $1.3 billion in remittances each year -- more than Somalia receives in humanitarian assistance, development assistance and foreign direct investment combined. About 20 percent of the total comes from Somalis based in the United States, who send approximately $214 million -- almost the equivalent of one year of U.S. foreign assistance to Somalia -- to families and friends each year.

Bank accounts in the United States, which are necessary for the transactions to go through, have been hard to come by for Somali money transfer operators, who are the main financial link to a country that has been all but cut off from the international banking system for decades. U.S.-based banks, as well as international banks, are afraid of U.S. anti-money laundering laws that penalize banks for failing to prevent illicit transactions by their customers.

In fact, our research shows that U.S. banks are closing the bank accounts of Somali money transfer operators at twice the rate of their Latin American counterparts, and without offering any justifications.

Why is this happening? We believe that many U.S. banks think of Somalia as a risky destination and don't even bother looking into the checks and processes that companies have in place to prevent money laundering.

While the Treasury Department has assured banks that they could open accounts for high-risk money transfer companies, provided they do their due diligence, Treasury auditors' scrutiny of banks and money transfer company accounts and the threat of multimillion-dollar fines often sends a different message.

Banks have mostly avoided discussing the issue. What is most worrying is that many banks have refused to talk with the money transfer companies, which have been asking how to improve their compliance systems to prevent their accounts from closing. With lives at stake, we think banks can do better.

Somalia's recovery and stability are extraordinarily fragile. And many Somali families continue to rely on remittances to meet their most basic needs. Ultimately, putting the remittance system on strong footing is going to take a concerted and collaborative effort from all parties involved -- Somali authorities, the U.S. government, banks, and the money transfer operators.

With roughly a quarter billion dollars of direct, community-level support at stake, all stakeholders must work to ensure that members of the Somali diaspora in the United States can send their money to Somalia as long as they are willing and able to do so. Their poor and vulnerable families deserve nothing less.

Follow Raymond C. Offenheiser on Twitter: www.twitter.com/@oxfamamerica 


Raymond C. Offenheiser is the President of international relief and development organization Oxfam America

Somalia: From tension to truce: How Somalia can disarm their war-torn nation

Peace — it’s an idea not often associated with Somalia. As civil war continues to contain the nation, a blueprint for peace is slowly being pieced together. Somali expert John Siebert, explained to the Voice of Russia just how Somalia can kick start their nation’s potential peace pact.

Various measures in the future need to be taken, in order for Somalia to obtain peace throughout their war-struck nation. Security within the country stays unbalanced as al Shabaab and other groups create violent attacks in Mogadishu and in the countryside as well.

“With the international military mission, AMISOM, the Somali Government needs to provide a basic level of security without allowing a military and police response to overwhelm its thinking and meager budget,” John Siebert, Executive Director, Project Ploughshares said.

Another challenge which citizens of Somalia must acknowledge is the availability and existence of light weaponry. Siebert said to the Voice of Russia that there is a history in the Horn of Africa of coercive or forced disarmament that has proved counter-productive.

Knowing this, the locals should implement a gun control plan. This initiative would regulate who would have the right to keep guns, while electing people of local communities to confiscate weapons from those who are the main cause of violence.

Still, there are not just a select few in Somali communities who can make a change toward the better. Residents of different shapes and sizes need to be contributing to the peace-building efforts.

“Unless the people of Somalia more effectively own these developments through direct participation and fashioning the cultural affinity of changes, the country may persist in turmoil,” Siebert commented.

Providing core services like water, healthcare, and education are obvious initiatives which also need time, monetary support, and attention put toward them.

On a larger scale, a productive conversation needs to happen between the Somali government stationed in Mogadishu and officials in Puntland and Somaliland.

“There is no hope for international recognition and support for smaller entities within Somalia. They will all sink or swim together at the end of the day. This process will be incredibly difficult, but necessary,” Siebert explained.

Signatures and handshakes between different politicians in Somalia will not solve the other burden that Somalia carries on their shoulders day in and day out. Whether they are warlords or combatants, there are bound to be some who disagree with how the emerging Somali government decides to proceed with negotiation efforts.

“There are always spoilers who see greater advantage in fighting than building a new society. Spoilers need to be isolated and brought to justice, if at all possible,” Siebert commented.

On the bright side, outsiders can help influence the future of Somali in a number of ways. To illustrate Somaliland and Puntland need to have mature talks with the Somali government in restarting their national entity. Although this will take an abundance of time and an unlimited amount of creativity, it is worth a shot in an effort to rebuild Somali in a peaceful manner.

Perhaps fast tracking the peace efforts in Somalia could become a reality if the US got more actively involved, however Siebert does not think this is the best idea.

“A military response to terrorism threats has dominated USA relations with Somalia, with disastrous results for many Somalis,” Siebert said.

For now, the safest tactic for the US to stick to is to offer the nation in chaos humanitarian and development assistance throughout their ongoing transition to peace.

Focusing on peace is the most vital goal for them to accomplish.

“Keep talking with all Somalis and with your opponents no matter what the set-backs.That old saying, “war is politics by other means,” needs a counter-part, “politics must replace war on the road to peace,” Siebert gave as advice for Somalis to live by.

Somali’s future can be bright if politics, diplomacy, and law are used as key tools in executing the violence in the nation. Peace in Somalia, would lead to stable development in the nation—which would benefit its nearby neighbor Kenya.

However, before Somalia reaches their goal of peace within the nation, tough talks, and persistent steps toward disarming the trouble makers along with constant international assistance are vitally important to eradicating violence and stabilizing the nation.

Sarah Neary

Egypt: U.S. State Department Daily Press Briefing: Egypt, Somalia

Document

Excerpt from the U.S. State Department Daily Press Briefing

 

Egypt

QUESTION: Can we go to Egypt?

MS. PSAKI: Sure.

QUESTION: I'm wondering, since Saturday's phone calls the Secretary made, has there been more contact, that you're aware of, between him and Egyptian officials? What do you make of the situation there today?

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm. There has been - and let me just make sure I get the full list here. So since Saturday, the Secretary also spoke today with Egyptian Interim Vice President ElBaradei. He spoke with EU High Representative Cathy Ashton this morning as well. And he's been in close contact with his counterparts in the region, including the Emiratis and the Turks and the Qataris as well, given they all have a stake in the outcome in events.

QUESTION: Those were foreign ministers? Sorry.

MS. PSAKI: Exactly, yes. Sorry, that was - I was shorthanding it there for you.

QUESTION: UAE, Turks, and Qatar?

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm. Exactly.

QUESTION: Okay. Sorry. I didn't mean to interrupt.

MS. PSAKI: No, no, no, no. Not at all.

QUESTION: Go ahead.

MS. PSAKI: As you know, EU High Representative Ashton is in Egypt now. We fully support and appreciate her efforts to calm tensions, prevent further violence, bridge political divides, and help lay the basis for a peaceful, inclusive process. That was the discussion - the focus of the discussion this morning that the Secretary had with her. And we expect we'll be - continue to be in close contact.

Go ahead. Sorry.

QUESTION: No, no.

MS. PSAKI: I was just continuing - and you saw the comment - the statement, I should say - that we put out from the Secretary this weekend that highlighted - that strongly condemned the violence and called for restraint by all parties. That, of course, remains our focus.

QUESTION: Do you still believe that Egypt is on the brink, as it suggested in the statement from Saturday, or has it receded from the brink?

MS. PSAKI: Well, we've seen ongoing violence. I think what he said in his statement - and I'd have to pull it up in front of me - was he encouraged parties to pull back from the brink. So certainly --

QUESTION: Right. Which implies that they're on the brink, right?

MS. PSAKI: (Laughter.) Yes. This is quite an analogy on the brink.

QUESTION: You're not suggesting that it doesn't mean that, do you?

MS. PSAKI: I think the Secretary - I mean his statement made clear that we were concerned about the level of violence. It's something we're continuing to monitor. He's been in very close contact with his counterparts and with High Representative Ashton on these exact same issues. So we're continuing to press on that.

QUESTION: But do you think that - well, first of all, brink of what? And then - and second of all, do you think today that they have, in fact, pulled back from that brink, whatever it is?

MS. PSAKI: Well, I don't - this is one of the reasons why the Secretary is in close contact with High Representative Ashton. I don't have an analysis of what's happening on the ground. Obviously, we're continuing to call on all parties to exercise restraint and to focus on moving towards an inclusive process.

QUESTION: But I just - do you still think they need to pull back from the brink, or have they pulled from the brink sufficiently to assuage or ease any of your concern?

MS. PSAKI: Well, the Secretary remains focused on it, so we haven't - we were --

QUESTION: Right. Would you say the same thing today that you said, that - would he say the same thing today that he said Saturday?

MS. PSAKI: I believe he would. He's continuing to --

QUESTION: All right. Okay. So you still --

MS. PSAKI: -- call for all parties to exercise maximum restraint and --

QUESTION: Okay.

MS. PSAKI: -- focus on depolarization.

QUESTION: All right. Then just along those lines, is there any concern in this building or elsewhere in the Administration that you're aware of that the - that your decision last Thursday to avoid making any determination on whether this - whether President Morsy's ouster was a coup or not has essentially given the Egyptian military the green light to go ahead and do whatever it wants?

MS. PSAKI: No.

QUESTION: There's no concern about that --

MS. PSAKI: I don't want to - obviously there are a range of issues discussed, Matt, but that decision was made - and we talked about this quite a bit on Friday - with the goal in mind that our focus is encouraging Egyptians to take steps to enable the interim government to quickly and responsibly transition back to a stable, democratic, civilian, inclusive government.

QUESTION: Okay.

MS. PSAKI: We do not want to take sides. We still feel aid is in our national security interests. Nothing has changed from our position from Friday.

QUESTION: Well, if the goal in mind of not making a decision was to encourage an inclusive process, do you think the immediate - what happened in the immediate aftermath of your non-decision advanced that goal?

MS. PSAKI: Matt, I think we expressed pretty clearly our concerns about the violence that ensued this weekend.

QUESTION: Right. So instead of this non-decision promoting or advancing your goal, it in fact did not. Correct?

MS. PSAKI: I'm not making that --

QUESTION: It took it a step backwards.

MS. PSAKI: I'm not making that link between the two.

QUESTION: Okay. So you don't see - there is no concern that there is a link between the two?

MS. PSAKI: I have not heard from our team that that's something we're focused on.

QUESTION: Okay. But since - I just want to make sure that I understand, so we're starting from the same point here. Since Friday --

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: -- would you say that Egypt has advanced toward that goal or receded from that goal?

MS. PSAKI: Matt, we know that this process is going to take time. Obviously they're going through the process now.

QUESTION: Yes, but on Saturday the Secretary said they were at the brink.

MS. PSAKI: But I'm not going to give a day-by-day grade. Obviously, we're focused on it. The Secretary's --

QUESTION: Only on days that you feel like it?

MS. PSAKI: I don't think I have ever given a day-by-day grade.

QUESTION: Well, you did on Saturday.

MS. PSAKI: How did we give a day-by-day grade?

QUESTION: Well, he urged them to recede - to pull back from the brink.

MS. PSAKI: And we certainly continue to urge them to restrain violence --

QUESTION: All right.

MS. PSAKI: -- to focus on the inclusive process moving forward.

QUESTION: Is Lady Ashton taking a plan with her, to the best of your knowledge? Has she taken, like, a real concrete plan that - to put Egypt back on the road that you want her to?

MS. PSAKI: I would point you to her office. I don't have anything to read out in terms of the specifics.

QUESTION: Yeah, but the Secretary spoke with her this morning. And he also --

MS. PSAKI: She - he did.

QUESTION: Yeah.

MS. PSAKI: But again, I don't want to - I don't have more to read out for you about her plans or their private conversations, just that they're remaining in close contact, and we're very supportive, of course, of her efforts.

QUESTION: Is it logical to assume that she does have a plan that may have been coordinated with the United States?

MS. PSAKI: I don't want to jump to any conclusions. I would point you to her office to read out any specifics of her agenda there.

QUESTION: Jen, I'm a little confused because now there are reports that the White House is saying that Jimmy Carter is going to North Korea on a private trip. Is that correct?

MS. PSAKI: I've only seen, Jill, what the Carter Center put out, which was that he was not going on the trip. So we'll have to check and see what the actual status is here, but it sounds like his office would have the most up-to-date information.

QUESTION: (Off-mike.)

MS. PSAKI: Sure. Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) the High Commissioner visit Ashton to Egypt. Especially there are reports that she was going to meet, or at least as much as we know, that was planning to meet President Morsy --

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: -- and --

MS. PSAKI: I - go ahead.

QUESTION: -- and the possibility of asking some special treatment with him. Do you - what do you believe - how he is going to be - he has to be treated?

MS. PSAKI: Well, we certainly, of course, believe that the High Representative should have access to Mr. Morsy. And I think we've stated a number of times in here about our concerns about making sure that his treatment is at a high standard.

QUESTION: Are you --

QUESTION: Another question related - I mean, just still on - I'm still on Egypt. In the last few days, beside the violence, of course, there are some news outlets, especially related to Islamist organization or Islamist movements, were badly treated. Do you have anything to say about that? Or are you raising this issue, or the only issue is the security measures or the freedom of Morsy?

MS. PSAKI: I'm not sure I totally understand your question. Can you --

QUESTION: I mean, the issue of freedom of expression --

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: -- there are some concern by some journalist or news organization that they were treated badly in the last few days. Do you have anything to say about that?

MS. PSAKI: Well, I believe I've spoken about this before. But if not, let me reiterate our belief that the media should have every right to have - we believe in the freedom of media, certainly, in Egypt, anywhere around the world, just like we believe in the freedom of expression, and we're certainly concerned about any unequal or unfair treatment of media organizations. And that's something that we speak out about often.

QUESTION: It was reported a few days ago that Ambassador Patterson met two of the leaders of Muslim Brothers, who are mainly now - even they - last week even they met High Commissioner Ashton.

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: And it seems that even they are - kind of I don't want to jump to conclusion, but there is like they are - they have their own reservations to be part of the political. Do you have a readout of that meeting or something?

MS. PSAKI: I'm not familiar - I can't even confirm that independently for you. I don't have any details on her recent meetings, but --

QUESTION: So the other question is related to the security or the issues of the instability of the Sinai. Generally, it was mentioned before that you are concerned about the security and stability of Sinai.

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: But as a matter of fact, in the last two days or three days, more and more issues are coming out and as it was reported in today's Washington Post front page --

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: -- there is a big issue. Do you have anything to say about that?

MS. PSAKI: Absolutely, and we certainly saw those reports and have been following closely events on the ground. We remain concerned about the security situation in the Sinai, and more broadly we continue to believe that securing the Sinai is vital to Egypt's future and for the region. As we have said before, we condemn any violence in Egypt and any incitement to violence. Violence has not and will not achieve the Egyptian people's aspirations for dignity, democratic governments, and economic equality.

QUESTION: Egypt.

MS. PSAKI: Egypt?

QUESTION: Yeah.

MS. PSAKI: Oh, go ahead, Said.

QUESTION: A quick follow-up. Is the United States planning to submit requests similar to the EU on access to Morsy?

MS. PSAKI: I don't have any update for you on that. Again, we, of course, support and we believe she - that High Representative Ashton should have access to Mohamed Morsy while she's in Egypt.

QUESTION: Okay. But wouldn't that facilitate - help facilitate, bring about the things that you are seeking in Egypt by being able to see Mr. Morsy and that he's actually in good health and so on?

MS. PSAKI: Well, I think we've been pretty clear that allowing the full range of political parties as well as civil society organizations to take part is vital to a successful democratic process, and that's our focus, is an inclusive process moving forward and the interim government delivering on that in the months ahead. So that's, of course, very applicable to the arrests and the continued detainment of many members of the Muslim Brotherhood. It's hard to have an inclusive process if they're not able to participate.

QUESTION: Have you cautioned the military not to hold Mr. Morsy indefinitely under administration detention --

MS. PSAKI: I think --

QUESTION: -- under all kinds of charges?

MS. PSAKI: Well, we've been very clear that there should be a process put in place for his release that takes into account security and a range of other issues.

QUESTION: I'm just curious, on what grounds do you think Catherine Ashton should be allowed to have access to Mr. Morsy?

MS. PSAKI: How do you mean, "on what grounds?"

QUESTION: Well, I mean, what, because he was a former president? Why exactly should the Egyptian authorities allow her to visit him?

MS. PSAKI: Well, I think we've been very clear that we believe an inclusive process means the participation of all parties, and --

QUESTION: Right --

MS. PSAKI: -- certainly the detainment of many members of the Muslim Brotherhood, including Mr. Morsy, makes it difficult to move forward with that.

QUESTION: Right, but why - you're not calling for her to have access to any - I mean, he's been accused of crimes by the --

MS. PSAKI: Well, she has a - she has a range of meetings --

QUESTION: Right.

MS. PSAKI: -- there. That, of course, was the question that was asked, so I wanted to provide an answer.

QUESTION: Right. But I - but you believe that the Egyptians should allow her access to him because why?

MS. PSAKI: Well, she's going to be meeting with a range of officials. Obviously, as we all --

QUESTION: So he is still relevant? You believe that he is still relevant to the process?

MS. PSAKI: Well, we think the Muslim Brotherhood and all parties should have a role in the process moving forward.

QUESTION: All right. If you're getting called, I've got another subject real quickly.

QUESTION: I just wonder if it's more because you fear that his conditions of detention might not be up to standard.

MS. PSAKI: Well, again, that's obviously - we want to make sure that he is treated well, and that certainly is something that we're focused on and we've conveyed. But again, I really don't have any more to read out of her specific plans while she's there.

Somalia

QUESTION: And the last one. Al-Qaida affiliated groups attacked a Turkish mission in Somalia and their one security official was killed during the attack. Do you have a comment on that, any statement?

MS. PSAKI: Well, of course, we condemn all violence and certainly a circumstance like that as well. I will talk with our team and see if there's more I can provide you with an update.

QUESTION: Are you coordinating the efforts with the Turkish side? Because you are very involved in Somalia in terms of the fight against al-Qaida in the region.

MS. PSAKI: Well, certainly, as you know, the Secretary speaks with Foreign Minister Davutoglu, including this past weekend, on a very regular basis. I'll let you know if there's any update in terms of coordination to provide to all of you.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) I thought he spoke today with him.

MS. PSAKI: He spoke - sorry. Let me be clear. And I was talking about calls since Sunday, but I - or since Saturday.

QUESTION: Oh.

MS. PSAKI: This morning he spoke with High Representative Ashton and with interim Vice President ElBaradei.

QUESTION: Okay.

MS. PSAKI: The other calls happened over the course of Saturday and Sunday.

QUESTION: UAE, Turkey, and Qatar?

MS. PSAKI: Exactly. He's - those all three happened yesterday.

QUESTION: Okay.

MS. PSAKI: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: Thank you.

MS. PSAKI: Thanks, everyone.

Somalia: CAR may become 'new' Somalia

An unidentified Seleka fighter with R4 at the Bangui
 firefighters barracks, turned into a Seleka base. (Xavier 
Bourgois, AFP)

Ouata-Nana - The villagers ran away in panic when rebels brandishing machetes and AK47 assault rifles appeared from the bush, leaving the Red Cross medical workers standing alone in a dusty clearing in Central African Republic.

The landlocked former French colony - one of the poorest places on earth - has been plunged into chaos since the Seleka rebels seized power from President Francois Bozize four months ago, triggering a humanitarian crisis in the heart of Africa largely ignored by the West.

With the country outside the capital Bangui in the grip of rebel warlords, many aid groups and UN agencies have pulled out, leaving its 4.5 million inhabitants to fend for themselves.

Rebel Colonel Issene Yaya, who confronted the Red Cross workers in the remote northern village of Ouata-Nata, had come to collect protection money from local chiefs and to lay down the law.
Yaya was furious the Red Cross had not recently visited Ouandago, 10km from Ouata-Nana, where the rebels had made their base.

"You, Red Cross people...I could make you pay a dear price at the end of my gun barrel for your behaviour," Yaya told the aid workers in the local language Sango. Behind him, his camouflage-clad fighters, wearing protective magical charms, chatted in Arabic, the tongue of neighbouring Sudan and eastern Chad.
After delivering an ultimatum to Ouata-Nana's mayor for four local chiefs to bring $1 600 to them the next day, the rebels disappeared, leaving the village deserted.

Central African Republic's porous borders mean Arabic-speaking marauding raiders, poachers and soldiers of fortune from neighbouring Chad and Sudan form part of the armed groups that have preyed on the countryside in recent years.

Seleka, a coalition of five rebel groups whose name in Sango means 'alliance', launched its uprising after Bozize failed to honour the terms of a previous power sharing deal. Many northerners resented Bozize, who seized power in a 2003 coup, for surrounding himself with his own Gbaya tribesmen.

"What sin, what wickedness did we do for God to reserve this fate for us?" asked Marie Loana, a 72-year-old woman outside her hut in Ouata-Nana, empty after her family fled into the bush.

Atrocities against Christians

After the 24 March rebel takeover, Seleka's leader Michel Djotodia was named interim president of Central African Republic in a deal brokered by regional powers intended to lead to elections in 18 months.

But he has failed to prevent his troops, many of whom are Muslims from Chad and Sudan, from committing atrocities against the Christian population.

The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) says rebels have killed at least 400 people and carried out dozens of rapes since seizing power. It qualifies this as war crimes.

With health services across the country close to collapse, medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres has accused the international community of turning its back on the country.

The fighting has displaced 206 000 people inside Central African Republic and pushed 55 000 refugees across its borders.

"We have to appeal to the conscience of the world to help these people living in some of the worst conditions on earth," EU Commissioner for international cooperation Kristalina Georgieva said during a visit this month to the country.

"Unless the state returns, this risks turning into a new Somalia, where local warlords control the country."
In a bid to prevent the nation - which borders with six other states - from dragging the region into anarchy, the African Union last week decided to boost a small regional peacekeeping mission (Cemac) into a 3 600-strong force.

The decision came after Seleka gunmen killed 15 people in Bangui on 13 July when their truck was found to contain T-shirts supporting Bozize. The bodies of seven victims were found floating in the Ubangi river.

"All seven bodies showed signs of torture. Some of the men had their genitals cut off, their eyes gouged out... It was really an atrocity," said Joselin Likomba, a Red Cross worker.

Life here is torture

Security has improved somewhat inside the chaotic capital this month, following months of looting and killings, after Seleka fighters were ordered off the streets unless patrolling jointly with the Cemac regional force.

"Seleka fighters are committing crimes with total impunity," FIDH said in a report, estimating the group's ranks had swollen from 5 000 at the time of the coup to some 20 000 fighters.

"In the provinces, where Seleka holds power and the state does not exist, there is no justice."

The European Union, the country's largest humanitarian donor, has so far pledged $26.5m to stabilise the country, hoping this will bring aid groups back.

"The very presence of humanitarian organisations can be a deterrent to looting, killings and rape," said Georgieva, who held long talks with Djotodia in Bangui. "It is not clear he understands how to get a grip on security in his country."

Since independence from France in 1960, Central African Republic has been trapped in a cycle of coup after coup. France's military has intervened more here than anywhere else in Africa, supporting successive military strongmen including self-proclaimed Emperor Jean-Bedel Bokassa from 1966 to 1979.

With President Francois Hollande keen to end France's meddling in its former colonies, French soldiers did not act to stop Seleka toppling Bozize. France's military has secured Bangui airport but otherwise remained neutral.

The humanitarian situation may be about to worsen as terrified villagers flee deep into the forests, scavenging for food, meaning they are missing the planting season. Malnutrition rates, already double those of last year, are poised to leap.

In Ouata-Nana, only one of the village chiefs appeared to pay Yaya 50 000 CFA. Two others fled to Chad while the fourth headed south with his family to Bangui.

"They will kill us if we don't pay," said one of the chiefs, Paul Idamba. "Our life here is torture. It is hell."

- Reuters

Somalia: Al-Shabaab may be tool in Somalia bombing, envoy says

Turkish FM Davutoğlu visits police officers who were wounded in the attack on Turkey’s mission in Mogadishu. AA photo

Al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab insurgents, who claimed responsibility for a suicide car bomb attack on the Turkish Embassy annex in Mogadishu on July 27 that killed a Turkish guard and a Somali bystander, may just be tools carrying out an “outsourced” attack, the Turkish Ambassador to Somalia has suggested.

“The al-Shabaab organization may have been used as ‘subcontractor’ in this attack,” Ambassador Cemalettin Kani Torun was quoted as saying by Anadolu Agency in a report posted from Cairo on July 30.

Al-Shabaab fundamentalists have carried out a series of bombings, attacks and killings in a bid to overthrow the internationally backed government in Somalia.

In the Turkish capital, the Ankara Public Prosecutor’s Office has launched an investigation into the attack. The investigation was launched by the Ankara Public Prosecutor’s Office sua sponte (Latin: “of their own accord”) and is based on Article 13 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK). Article 13 refers to which offences Turkish law should apply when committed in a foreign country, regardless of whether or not it is committed by a citizen of Turkey.

The autopsy report concerning the slain police officer from the Special Forces tasked with protecting the Embassy annex, Sinan Yılmaz, is also included in the investigation file.

No change in Turkey’s Somalia policy: FM
Elsewhere in Ankara, while officials reiterated Turkey’s resolve to continue its humanitarian assistance to Somalia’s people, three Turkish security officers who were wounded in the attack were discharged from hospital. The fourth officer, who underwent leg surgery, will have to stay at the hospital for a while although his health is good, said Safa Kapıcıoğlu, the director of the Atatürk Training and Research Hospital.

On the government front, speaking at a joint press conference following talks with Mexico’s visiting Foreign Minister José Antonio Meade Kurıbreña, Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu said Turkey’s policy concerning Somalia would not change, “no matter what the risks are.”

“Some terror elements who are annoyed at the normalization in Somalia and some circles who have been annoyed at Turkey’s activities on this subject in Somalia may have aimed at harming Turkey’s Somalia policy and its humane manner in Somalia through these kinds of attacks,” Davutoğlu said today.

For his part, Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdağ delivered lengthy and exclusive remarks solely related to Somalia, speaking to Anadolu Agency.

“Our humanitarian assistance and our aid to our siblings there in the fields of health, education and infrastructure will continue without slowing down from now on. No power will be able to prevent us from giving this aid,” Bozdağ said.

Turkish prosecutor launches investigation into Somali attack

Security agents stand guard at the gates of the office housing the Turkish embassy staff following a suicide car bomb attack in Somalia's capital Mogadishu, July 27, 2013. REUTERS photo

Ankara’s Chief Public Prosecutor has opened an investigation into the bomb attack on the Turkish mission in Somalia.

The investigation has opened as part of Article 13 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), which is related to crimes committed abroad. The autopsy report of the police officer, Sinan Yılmaz, who was killed in the attack, was also attached to the investigation file.

A car loaded with explosives rammed into the gates of an office housing Turkish embassy staff in the Somali capital on July 27, killing one police officer and wounding four others.

Eritrea Denies Allegations Over Neighboring Somalia

Eritrea ‘continues support’ to Somalia’s Al-Shabab, says Ethiopia 

Presidents of Sudan and Eritrea: left, Omar Hassan al-Bashir and Isasias Afwerki. The two countries have signed bi-lateral agreements., a photo by Pan-African News Wire File Photos on Flickr.

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

In fresh allegations made by Ethiopia on Monday, the East African nation said that efforts to maintain peace and stability in Somalia is taking longer due to Eritrea’s continued support of the Islamist militia group, Al-Shabab.

The Ethiopian government said despite ongoing efforts by regional governments and the African Union peace keeping force (AMISOM), Eritrea continues to undermine peace efforts in war-ravaged Somalia.

“Although relative peace and security is gained in Somalia, Eritrea didn’t reduce its support to Al-Shabab and remains to be a destabilising influence”, Ethiopia’s foreign affairs spokesperson, Dina Mufti, told Sudan Tribune.

“Eritrea continues to violate UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions and the country absolutely remains to be a regional security threat”, he added.

The Ethiopian government said it has its own, as well as international evidence to support its latest allegations against the secretive Red Sea nation.

Mufti said there was a need for tightened sanctions to cripple Eritrea’s negative role across the volatile East African region.

Eritrean envoy to the African Union (AU) in Addis Ababa was on Monday unavailable for comment.

In 2009, the UNSC imposed sanctions against Eritrea for its role in financing, as well as providing arms and military training to the Al-Qaeda-linked group, Al-Shabab.

The sanctions also include an arms embargo, travel ban and assets freeze against the country’s senior political and military officials.

Asmara has repeatedly denied allegations of backing Al-Shabab, accusing the US and its regional ally Ethiopia of running “smear campaigns” aimed at tarnishing the country’s Image.

Eritrea has repeatedly demanded that sanctions be lifted, however, the UN monitoring group on Somalia and Eritrea - a panel which investigates violations of imposed sanctions, insists it is too early, arguing that Eritrea has shown little improvement.

Relations between Ethiopia and its former province remain tense after the two neighbours engaged in a 1998-2000 border war that killed an estimated 70,000 people.

TIMETABLE FOR PULL-OUT

Meanwhile, Mufti has dismissed unconfirmed reports that the Horn of Africa nation is planning to pull-out the thousands of troops it deployed in Somalia.

“There is no an immediate plan of withdrawing our troops from Somalia”, Mufti said

According to the Ethiopian official, troop pull-out depends on the pace of progress achieved in Somalia.

“Ethiopian forces will remain in Somalia until AU peacekeepers and particularly the Somali government forces build up military capability that would fully enable them to defend existing security threats in their soil,” he said.

He reiterated that Ethiopia will continue to extend all necessary support to the Somali government until such time durable peace and stability is achieved.