Two Somali men accused of the attempted hijacking of a Japanese-operated tanker off the coast of Oman pleaded guilty in Japanese court

Two Somali men accused of the attempted hijacking of a Japanese-operated tanker off the coast of Oman pleaded guilty in Japanese court on Tuesday (January 15th), AFP reported.

The two were among four pirates who arrested in March 2011 by US Navy personnel when they allegedly attempted to seize the tanker armed with submachine guns.

On trial are Mohamed Urgus Adeysey and Abdinur Hussein Ali, who said they are from Somalia and are believed to be in their 20s or 30s, but reportedly said they were not certain of their own dates of birth. They are the first people to face trial under Japan's new anti-piracy law.

The men will hear the court's formal verdict on February 1st.

The two other suspects will go through a different trial process because they are believed to be juveniles under Japanese law.

Six things U.S. can do to help Somalia

By Maria Burnett, Special to CNN

Editor's note: Maria Burnett is a senior researcher in the Africa Division at Human Rights Watch. The views expressed are her own.

When the new Somali president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, took office in September, the United States encouraged him to “usher in a new era of governance that is responsive, representative, and accountable.” This week, President Hassan Sheikh is in Washington to discuss how to get this done.

Since the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, the country has been wracked by civil conflict with serious human rights abuses by all sides. The human rights situation remains poor in areas under government control, while the Islamist armed group al-Shabaab continues to commit serious abuses throughout the country. Somalia needs U.S. support to address the cycles of violence that have plagued its people for more than two decades. This means that human rights and accountability should be high on this week’s agenda, including in discussions about Somalia’s security and stability.

The U.S. should set six pillars as the foundation for its ongoing engagement in Somalia:

First, the U.S. should work with the new government to help it reclaim a monopoly on protecting its citizens. Since al-Shabaab withdrew from much of Mogadishu last year, clan and freelance militias – many of them loyal to local politicians, including former warlords – have reassumed control of parts of the city. In some places, the police are mostly spectators. Peace will mean little to Mogadishu’s residents, including many who fled famine and fighting in southern parts of the country over the last two years, until the militias are brought to heel. Disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating hundreds of thousands of armed men in Somalia will not be easy, but it’s crucial. Somalia’s much abused population should not be forced to look to clan militias or even to the militants of al-Shabaab again to fill the protection gap.

Next, the United States must take the lead in bringing human rights reform and accountability to the security services. Militia members are not the only ones committing abuses. The U.N. and others are extremely concerned about the high levels of sexual and gender based violence in Mogadishu. The U.S. should set clear benchmarks for respecting international humanitarian and human rights law and place accountability for serious abuses such as rape and torture at the heart of further support for government forces. The police need help to investigate these crimes properly and ensure access to services for victims. And Somalia needs an effective vetting mechanism to keep those responsible for past abuses out of government forces.

The U.S. should also help the government protect journalists. It should support investigations into the numerous deaths of journalists in the last few years, including 15 killed in government-controlled areas in 2012 alone, the deadliest year on record. Access to information is crucial to progress in Somalia. Journalists, who have played a critical and fearless role in reporting on the country’s conflict, need to know they cannot be attacked with impunity. But so far, there have been no prosecutions for journalists’ killings. While the U.S. should commend President Hassan Sheikh’s commitment to set up a task force to look into these killings, it should push for speedy, concrete results. The ongoing detention of a freelance journalist, Abdiaziz Abdinur Ibrahim, for interviewing a woman who alleges she was raped by security forces, shows that the police are currently part of the problem facing the media in Somalia, rather than part of the solution.

Another critical need is to get children out of the security forces and back to school. The U.S. should continue to work with the government to prevent the recruitment and use of children within its forces, including vetting the age of recruits. The U.S. should also be making sure that detention of alleged former child soldiers by the national security agency and other security forces is a measure of last resort. This will mean expanding access to child protection activities such as demobilization, rehabilitation, and reintegration programs that include psycho-social counseling, vocational training, and schooling.

The U.S. should also throw its weight behind a beefed-up U.N. human rights monitoring team in Somalia. The U.N. is reviewing its presence in Somalia this month, so the United States should call for a significant increase in the number of U.N. human rights monitors. A regular flow of credible information on human rights from the ground, especially in areas of southern Somalia where information on the various actors and armed groups is more limited, is key to deterring violations and ensuring accountability.

Finally, the U.S. should help Somalia tackle longstanding impunity by supporting establishment of an international commission of inquiry to map and document some of the worst abuses over the past years. This would be a groundbreaking effort to provide a basis for future accountability. Any attempts to seek truth or justice would draw on such a commission and its very existence could serve as a deterrent to would-be criminals.

At long last, there is room for optimism in Somalia. Previous transitional authorities have quickly lost ground because they and their international partners have not made human rights and accountability a priority. President Sheikh Mohamud and key supporters such as the U.S. will need to focus on these issues for this optimism to endure and become a reality.

US to Recognize Somalia's New Government

January 16, 2013 

US Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson (file photo)

VOA News - A senior U.S. diplomat says the United States is officially recognizing the government in Somalia, opening formal diplomatic relations for the first time since militants shot down two U.S. military helicopters in Mogadishu in 1993.

Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson says visiting Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will exchange diplomatic notes Thursday to confirm the new relationship.

Carson said the new Somali government has made significant progress in stabilizing the country and defeating al-Shabab Islamic militants.

African Union and Somali forces have pushed the militants out of a number of major towns. But al-Shabab still controls a large part of the country as it tries into turn Somalia into a strictly Islamic state.

Carson says U.S.-Somali relations are a long way from where they were when militants shot down two American helicopters in October 1993. Scenes of dead U.S. solders being dragged through the streets of the Somali capital were broadcast worldwide, arousing anger and revulsion in the U.S. and elsewhere.

Somalia has not had a strong central government since 1991. Various warlords and groups spent the next two decades trying to seize power.

A new parliament sworn in six months ago elected Mohamud president, ending eight years of ineffective and unstable transitional government.

GAARRIYE HADDUU TEGAY, MA GOBLAMAY AFKEENII

Bashir Goth

With the death of Mohammed Hashi Damac (Gaarriye), the Somali people have lost a great poet and a literary custodian. Apart from the many masterpieces and deeply intellectual poetry that he left behind, Gaarriye will be remembered in particular for his monumental efforts in founding and teaching the metrical structure of Somali poetry. He is to Somali poetry what Al Khalil ibn Ahmed Al Farahidi is to Arabic poetry.
I had the honour of meeting Gaarriye in July 1998 when we both participated in a poetry evening at a fund-raising event for Amoud University in Abu Dhabi. One cannot find words to mourn the loss of such a literary giant, but silence at such a great calamity is not an option either especially from a fellow poet.

Therefore, I wrote the following elegy to capture at least some glimpses of his memory as a poet. I will suffice myself to convey to the readers the impression I got from him during the almost four-hour awareness raising event and my social interaction with him the following day.

The poem will try to shed light on his versatile character and the unique style of his delivery, his strong presence and his passionate and electrifying engagement with the audience during poetry recitations.

Gaarriye used to appear in a fighting mood when reciting a poem. He used to muster all his physical, emotional and intellectual power to interact with the audience. His sonorous voice that rose and fell with the intonation of the verse defied his petite physical look. He roared, electrified and mesmerised the audience. As the American sports writer Tom Smith is attributed to have said: “it is really very easy to be a writer – all you have to do is sit down at the typewriter and open a vein.” So if Gaarriye opened a vein in writing his poems, he opened many veins in trying to pass his poetry’s ownership to his audience. His style reminded me of a line by the Arab Abbasid poet Abu Tayyeb Al Mutanabi who said:

أنا الذي نظر الأعمى إلى أدبي/ و أسمعت كلماتي من به صمم

(I am the one whose poetry even the blind can see and made even the deaf hear my words.)

My tribute poem, therefore, tries to capture this with the following lines:

Carraduu ka goohuu

Gucumaale aar iyo

Siduu yahay gudgude roob

Gurxanka iyo yeedhmada

Ka gariirin jiray iyo...


Although every poem in Gaarriye’s anthology can constitute a masterpiece by itself, I can arguably say that the most important poems of all his verse will remain Ergo and Hagarlaawe. Just like Timacadde has been immortalized by his “Kaana siib, Kanna Saar” and his “Dugsi ma leh qabyaaladi” and Sayyid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan is remembered by his poem “ Koofilow Adaa Jiitay oon Dunida Joogayne...”, remembering Gaarriye’s name will also invoke the following lines in the memory of the Somali speaking people:


“Dharaar baa iman doonta-irsiqa laysku cidhiidhiyoo- wax la uunto la waayo.
Dharaar baa iman doonta mujrim -oogo madowoo- islaam sheeganayaa agablaay hambadaada- isa sii kaba raasho…

“Hadeydaan i adeecinoo- ergedaan ahay maanta ka abaal ka dhacdaan- Ilaahay balankii ibtilaa dhici doonta

Dhulkay eyro ku fooftana Afrikaan madmadowiyo
Ajnabaa degi doona iyagaa talin doona…

“Sidaan aaminsanahayna, Abkuu doono ha sheegtee

Wuxuun baa ehel ii ah, Dadka kaan af aqaano

Ee si wax iila arkaaya, Ee ina midayso ujeedo..

--Cutubyadaas sare waa wada Ergo



“Anigana hadhow iyo faallo, Halista inaan ka hafeeftay

Oo weliba hiifi iga gaadhay, Hagarlaawe, ii geli buuga…”

--Hagarlaawe

It was reported that when the Abbassid poet and philosopher Abu Al Ala Al Marri heard one of Al Mutanabi’s lines he admired it so much to the extent that he said: if Al Mutanabi did not write any other poetry but that line it would have been enough. The line was:

لك يا منازل في القلوب منازل

(O, my homesteads, you have homes in my heart)


I can also arguably say that if Gaarriye did not write any other poetry but Ergo and Hagarlaawe they would have by themselves constituted an entire anthology due to their profundity and literary richness.


In the following stanza of my tribute I tried to sum up the depth, breadth and intellectuality of Gaarriye’s works:


Wallee gabay mug weyn iyo
Murti gaaxinteediyo

Ma la hoyday geeraar

Iyo garasho waaayeel


For non-Somali speakers, in the fourth stanza it mentions how he was a man of tenacity, an ebbless river and a fearless hero under whose protection people felt safe. It describes his words as shooting out of his heart like arrows (Abwaan erayaduu gano) but turning into the sweet fruits of the Gob tree when they reach the ears of his audience. It marks how his words echo with the people and are quoted as maxims on every occasion. It shows how he was an ever lit fire from which people took embers to warm up; a man of bounty whose generosity reached all the community and a man of integrity (gob – sweet fruits) in supporting justice and thorns in the tyrant’s side (Ma ahaa gob iyo qodax).

In the 5th stanza the poem reassures Gaarriye that a man like him who travelled through the journey of life; both good days and bad days, who witnessed the days of independence (Gobaad) with its dreams and promises and later saw war and hostilities and stood on the ruins of once prosperous cities ( Guluf iyo colaad iyo, Guri ba’ay dul joogsaday...); a man who promoted peace and good neighbourliness; a man who rejected injustice and evil (his Ergo and Hagarlaawe poems in mind); A man who left behind such enormous history cannot be buried by death ( Taarikh gu’ weyn dhigay, geeridu ma duugtee).

The last stanza applauds Gaarriye’s command of the Somali language and his talent and skill in weaving verses with grace and beauty. It finds a befitting conclusion to bid him farewell in words of lyric (Tix baan kugu gunaanaday).

Abiidaba nin loo go’o
Oo lagu galaashiyo
Geesigu ma waaree
***
Gaarriye hadduu tegay
Tixdu gibil madaw iyo
Geybmaar ma xidhatoo
Ma goblamay afkeenii
Ma gaagaxday odhaahdii
Ma gallooftay heestii
Gegyigiyo dadkeenii
Carraduu ka goohuu
Gucumaale aariyo
Siduu yahay gudgude roob
Gurxanka iyo yeedhmada
Ka gariirin jiray iyo
Ma gammiintay ciiddii
*****
Wallee gabay mug weyn iyo
Murti gaaxinteediyo
Ma la hoyday geeraar
Iyo garasho waaayeel
*****
Wallee geed adayg iyo
Durdur aan gudhayn iyo
Halyey lagu gabbada oon
Gibidhsiga aqoon iyo
Abwaan erayaduu gano
Goonyaha dalkoo idil
Laga goosan jirayoo
Goobtii la joogaba
Guubaabadiisiyo
Xikmaddiisa gaarka ah
Gaarriye siduu yidhi
Gundhigga iyo sheekada
Lagu goyni jiray iyo
Gole laga dab qaatiyo
Godol reera deeqiyo
Ma ahaa gob iyo qodax
*****
Gaarriyow gobaad iyo
Nin sidaada geeddiga
Guluf iyo colaad iyo
Guri ba’ay dul joogsaday
Oo gacal wanaagiyo
Nabad soo gardaadshoo
Ka gilgishay xumaanoo
Taariikh gu’ weyn dhigay
Geeridu ma duugtee
*****
Af Soomaaligaad galab
Iyo goor arooryaad
Sidii geenyo shaaximan
Goobayn taqaaniyo
Galladdii Ilaahay
Gaar kuugu deeqaan
Kugu sii galbiyayoo
Tix baan kugu gunaanaday
*****
Guullana firdawsiyo
Inuu goobta aakhiro
Guryo samo ku geeyaan
Duco kuugu guusoon
Gurmad kuugu soo diray

-Bashir Goth, Oct.1, 2012.

Divided Somaliland and the way out

By:  Bashir Goth

The Local Council Elections that were held in Somaliland on 28th November 2012 left behind bitterness, bloodshed and deep divisions between the clans as well as moments of joy and celebration. Although the election started in a festive mood, its aftermath proved the fears of observers about the irreparable fissions that such unfettered democracy and flawed electoral system could bring to a tribal society like Somaliland. And on top of this comes the lack of independent judiciary that could handle disputes with fairness and the government’s rejection to abide by the rules it put in place.

In the following paragraphs therefore I will try to highlight the election’s twists and turns and its good, bad and ugly stories.

Bashir Goth

The Good:

One of the good things about the election was its beautiful festivals and the joyful mood that prevailed during the campaign. It was beautiful to watch an isolated and internationally unrecognized state holding its 2nd municipal election, the first one was in 2002, and the 4th nationwide election since 2003. Parliamentary elections were held in 2005 and presidential elections in 2003 and 2010. And despite its glaring flaws, the local council election was another undeniable landmark in Somaliland’s quest for democratic transformation.

It was a joy to watch the people exercising their democratic rights like any country in the world in party campaign forums. The youth and women have filled the campaign rallies to unmistakably show that they are the real force and game changers in the country. The youth have temporarily forgotten their unemployment status and used their positive energy in a constructive way despite the tribal undercurrents that denied them to achieve their full potential.

The long queues of the voting day, a symbol of democracy, peace and refinement, were admirable. It is always reassuring and heartening to see African people going to the polls and not to trenches to fight their case, to cast a vote and not carry a gun to settle disputes, to peacefully play by the rules of the game no matter how flawed they are and not resort to my-law-in-my-hand tribal fashion.

One whole month of festivities from 29th October to a long day of civilized voting on 28th November was enough to show the world that Somali people can be good, law-abiding citizens as any people in the world and that they are not always unruly, chaotic and warrior nomads as the world media loves to portray them.

The fact that several women were among the elected councils was also another promising development that showed the society’s changing attitude, albeit timidly, towards the role of women.

The Bad:

In a tribal nomadic society where people are divided on clan loyalties, the opening of the door for multiparty system has shown its devastating effect. In mature democracies, political parties run and campaign on ideological and political platforms. They have strategies to follow and political objectives to achieve. They try to win the support of the voters on their political, economical and cultural merits. Yes, political divisions could be rife and deep but they are based on economic and political interest rather than narrow and primitive ancestral bonds and blood ties. But in Somaliland like elsewhere in Africa, the political parties have no agenda, no strategies and no real and tangible objectives. It was boring to listen to party speakers repeating old platitudes and burnt out ideas. Their vital selling points were their clan identities and it was unfortunate to see all that exercise, mobilization and festival moods swallowed up by the tribal vortex. It was not difficult to see who voted for whom when the results came out. They showed how Somaliland politics rests purely on tribal crutches.

The Ugly

The ugly episode of the election was the government’s high handedness in dealing with the people’s complaints after the results were announced. It is natural for the losing parties or candidates in any election to feel cheated and demand for justice. In advanced countries such complaints go to the election commission which plays a neutral role. If the complainants don’t find the election commission’s decisions convincing, they go to the courts. In Somaliland, there is a general feeling that neither the election commission nor the justice system is free from government control. People therefore revert to the only tested institution they know and that works for them – the clan. Some parties and candidates therefore showed their grievances and complaints through clan protests and rallies.

However, instead of handling the issue with tolerance and understanding, the government resorted to the use of force. Untrained and uncontrolled police force acting like clan militia used live ammunition on peaceful protestors, killing about ten young people and wounding many others in Hargeisa, Borama, Lughya and Zeila.

Even worse than the cold blooded shooting, was the government’s lack of sympathy for the families of the victims and their indifference to the loss of human life. It took Silanyo almost one week to make a statement on the killing of five young protestors in Hargeisa and when he finally did he made it weak and remorseless which only added insult to injury. It was equally ugly and despicable to see the powerful cabinet minister Hirsi Ali Haji Hassan boasting in an interview to one of the websites that the government has paid the blood money to the families of the victims. Just like that, with no emotion, no regret, no remorse, and no promise of investigation and punitive action against the rogue police force. But at least here a statement was made, but the president has failed abysmally by not uttering a word about those killed by his policemen in Borama, Lughaya and Zeila.

In an episode reminiscent of dictatorial regimes, I watched the video of policemen shooting live ammunition indiscriminately at peaceful youth demonstrators in Borama. At one time, a policeman was strolling in the street with the gun in his hand after finishing his shooting business. He was threatening and swearing loudly, calling his victims as Waar laaya, Eeyda, eaydu dhashay which literally means “Kill them…the dogs sired by dogs.” By watching this, one couldn’t help but remember the ugly tribal militia brutalities that we saw elsewhere in Africa.

In the historical city of Zeila, the police have disbanded a group of peaceful squatters in the town’s local council building by force; killing at least one person and wounding others.

With all these crimes taking place, President Silanyo did not send a single message of condolence to the families of victims let alone apprehend the police individuals whose faces and criminal acts were watched by thousands on Youtube. But in an apparent act of defiance and a show of support and approval for his police force, Silanyo was quick to express sadness and send deep hearted condolences when several policemen were killed in a car accident. While on the contrary, the President did not think the life of a young girl who was run over by the police when they were departing Borama was worth his sympathy.

The government’s unnecessary interference in the election of municipality mayors in major towns was to reignite bitter clan rivalries. The government tried to arm-twist council members in Erigavo, Buroa, Berbera and Zeila through monetary bribes and otherwise to get their favorite candidates elected as mayors. This was a provocative tactic aimed at inciting people to take arms and fight in an illusionary war.

The government used Berbera and Zeila as testing grounds for its divide and rule policy. But it was fortunate to see the communities of these two areas act more wisely than the government and abort the government’s plans of pushing them into an internecine civil war. The communities in these two coastal towns who live in the most inhospitable areas in the region do not need to kill each other for the greed of opportunistic politicians but instead they need help to secure the basic subsistence of living such as water for human consumption and for their dwindling herds.

As a foreign friend who frequently visits Somaliand wrote to me recently “the people seem resigned to be stuck with bad politicians, though they deserve better, and get on with their own lives as best as they can.” Unfortunately the Silnayo government did not stop only at being a bad government but has also become a brutal one true to the Somali saying” Indha la’aantii, dad cunimo ayey ku darsatay”. And the tragedy is that there is no formidable political opposition as Silanyo seems to have succeeded in breaking the will of all potential political opponents by opening government coffers and silencing them with cash. It is only the lonely but courageous voice of Faisal Ali Waraabe and UCID party that still stands between Silnayo and his ambition to create a dynasty in Somaliland.

The way out:

Disappointed with the poor performance of Silanyo, the much touted UK educated leader, former SNM veteran and one of the longest serving ministers of Siyad Barre; the people of Somaliland are desperate for a bail out from their current economic and political wilderness.

Many of them view the much anticipated Somalia-Somaliland talks as a Godsend exit strategy. The way Somalilanders swarm around Fawzia Yusuf Haji Adam, Somalia’s Deputy Premier and Foreign Minister, wherever she goes indicates how much hope they attach on her as their potential life line. We saw this during Fawzia’s recent visit to the UK and we saw it again when she made a stopover in Berbera airport en route to Mogadishu. Anyone who was anybody in Hargeisa came to visit her. No one even remembered the accusation of national treason that the government leveled against her when she accepted to serve in the cabinet of the new Somali government. Some of them including Somaliland’s Foreign Minister and Speaker of the House of Elders even went further, threatening her that she would be imprisoned if she ever returned to Somaliland. But on the contrary it was Silanyo’s government itself that was beleaguered by Fawzia’s presence at its airport.

Given to all foregoing factors and finding itself to be more divided than any time before, Somaliland needs a new direction to regain its vitality and the trust of its people. And the way of change is clear. It is to negotiate with the Somali government from a position of strength with clear strategy and tangible objectives. But in order to do that Somaliland first has to hold an inter-clan reconciliation dialogue similar to the one held in Borama in 1993. It is only through a united voice from Zeila to Taleh that Somaliland can legitimately sit as an equal with their partners in Mogadishu.

Export Ban On Miraa Hurts Meru Economy

With the closure of the overseas market, more than fifty per cent of khat produce in Meru will be going to waste.

By MARTIN MURITHI
Tuesday, 15 January, 2013

The effects of a ban on khat (miraa) export to the Netherlands, and another impending ban from sixteen other European countries, have started being felt across Nyambene region of Meru county where crop worth more than Sh13.5 million is going to waste daily. Within the last four years, Meru has earned more than Sh2 billion from the sale of khat in Europe.

Farmers and leaders from the region have bemoaned the ban and expressed need for alternative sources of income from other crops. Every year, khat has been bringing more than Sh500 million to the region from the European states, amidst radical calls from many sectors of the county government seeking to have the produce taxed for improvement of key facilities and infrastructure. There are also calls to have enhanced research conducted on the plant and to seek ways of processing and repackaging so that it can access new markets in durable form.

According to Dan Aritho who has been an exporter to the Netherlands, export khat is picked in the morning, passed through a series of packaging in smaller cartons and then taken to the Jomo Kenyatta airport ready for transit. “The vehicles ferrying such produce leave early and move at terrific speeds owing to the perishability of khat. Within less than twelve hours it’s normally in the market and our traders sell it while fresh,” said Aritho.

Once it gets to the market, the traders pay via electronic money transfer and the money is used to purchase khat for the next export day, which is normally done four days in a week. Khat meant for export is normally top grade and plantations are harvested every twenty-one days provided the rains are adequate and after 35 days when the rains are depressed.

Netherlands has been a distribution centre for other European nations that have been consuming the commodity which include Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, Germany, Greece Hungary, Ireland, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The Dutch government issued letters signed by the state secretary for health, welfare and sports M J Van Rijn to all traders selling khat to cease stocking it since it had been classified under the opium act - the same category as bhang which is smoked in coffee shops.

Consumption of khat in Kenya has also been generating income where more than Sh30 million is traded daily around the major towns. Local consumption in Meru county remains a negligible five per cent of total production and with the closure of the overseas market, more than fifty per cent of the produce will be going to waste and this will take a great toll on the farmers who have been nurturing the herb for over 100 years.

The immediate effects of the ban have been witnessed in Maua town where more than fifty of more than 100 vehicles which were used to ferry the produce are parked at collection points, awaiting possible new markets. Economy grounded Similarly, thousands of young people, most of who dropped out of school at tender ages and relied upon the business for survival, will be left to look for other less lucrative sources of income, unlike when they earned more than Sh3,000 a day after picking khat.

While speaking on phone from Schiphol in the Netherlands, a renowned trader, Gideon Mugambi, said most of the kiosks have stopped operating across the country and some of the traders contemplate flying back to Kenya. According to the Nyambene Miraa Traders Association chairman Edward Mutura, the economy of the region will be grounded.

Dutch government now bans khat (miraa)

 

The Dutch government has banned the use of khat, a leaf native to East Africa chewed for its stimulant properties mainly by the Netherlands’ sizeable Somali community.

“The drug khat is banned,” the Dutch Immigration, Health and Justice departments said in a joint statement.
Khat is grown in the Horn of Africa and has for centuries been chewed by users in Kenya, Ethiopia, Somalia and Yemen.

“The problem lies especially within the Somali community, which is much larger than the Kenyan or Yemeni communities within our country,” immigration department spokesman Frank Wassenaar told AFP, adding there were about 27,000 Somalis living in the Netherlands.

“If taken in moderation there are no major problems, but an investigation showed it to be problematic among some 10 percent of khat users,” leading to health and social issues, added the statement.

An independent report commissioned by the Dutch government has cited noise, littering and groups of men who “roam the streets perceived as threatening”, as some of the effects.

With high unemployment and low education levels, the Dutch Somali community was “late” in terms of integration, the report said.

Imported legally via Amsterdam’s Schiphol airport four times a week, khat is distributed throughout the Netherlands but also in Germany, Sweden, Denmark and Norway, it added.
Around 843 tonnes of khat, worth a minimum 14 million euros passed through Schiphol in 2010, up from 714 tonnes in 2009 and 693 tonnes in 2008.

Britain and the Netherlands currently allow the import, trade and consumption of khat, according to a European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction letter of July last year entitled “Drugs in focus.”
Fifteen of the European Union’s 27 states and Norway list khat as an illegal narcotic, while in the other EU countries, the plant was not subjected to any controls, the EMCDDA letter said.

Posted in Health and Nutrition | Tagged ban, Dutch, govt, health, khat, miraa | 0 Response

The hidden effects of chewing miraa

As a section of the Kenyan population take up spiked drinks such as Yokozuna, to a tragic end, others are seeking a less potent kind of high, khat – more commonly known as Miraa.

For several years now the number of cars with loud music and tinted windows that are parked at select petrol stations in the country is growing, to the point that visitors to mini-shops at the station have no parking space.
Often with sleek rims, the cars’ occupants pose as they chew miraa stems in cocktail of either Big G (yes it still exists) or peanuts.


The revelers rarely take the khat with alcohol, as the latter is prohibited in the gas stations.

According to Wikipedia, Miraa contains the alkaloid called cathinone, an amphetamine-like stimulant which is said to cause excitement, loss of appetite, and euphoria. In 1980, the World Health Organization classified khat as a drug of abuse that can produce mild to moderate psychological dependence, albeit less than tobacco or alcohol.

Though popular in certain areas of the country, Kenya has Somalia to thank for the vast profits being raked in by the multi-million shilling cut-throat trade – the chief export of Meru County.

According to research, chewing miraa is the most prevalent form of drug abuse in Somalia.
Various medical reports have indicated that chewing Miraa leads to increased energy levels, alertness, confidence and mood elevation.

However, prolonged use has several side effects, such as insomnia, a condition that the users sometimes try to overcome with sedatives or alcohol.

A survey conducted by DARS and Synovate in Hargeisa in June found that the youth there are aware of the adverse effects of consuming the drug.

59 percent of those surveyed said chewing miraa leads to family problems while 58 percent felt it hinders personal development.

Consumers often divert income to purchase Miraa, neglecting their families in the process.
The withdrawal symptoms include lethargy, mild depression, slight trembling and recurrent bad dreams.
The study further says that, continued use may endanger health in that the resulting anorexia leads to malnutrition and increased susceptibility to infectious diseases.

The same story could be said for Kenya, if young people are not made aware of these side effects.
The miraa high takes hours to achieve and users stay with the buzz for several hours, making it extremely popular. Parents neglect cautioning their children about it because it seems like a lesser evil than tobacco or alcohol. However, reversing the side effects of the drug are much more taxing.

Other conditions that can be caused by miraa chewing are oral cancer, constipation and impotence. Do you know someone you can educate?

Somalia TT President meets Michaud, other members of U.S. Congress

Published Date Wednesday, 16 January 2013 01:30


Written by Staff Report

U.S. Rep. Mike Michaud, D-Maine, joined a bipartisan gathering of members of the U.S. Congress to welcome Somalia President Hassan Sheik Mohamud to the U.S. Capitol Tuesday, Michaud's office reported.

This was the newly elected Somalia President's first visit to the United States as President and first meeting with members of Congress, Michaud noted. In the meeting, he discussed the recent security gains and economic development in Mogadishu. Over the last several months, the U.N. Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that the number of attacks on aid workers fell from 13 in October to four and five in November and December, a press release stated. The African Union Mission in Somalia has liberated

Mogadishu and other areas from Al-Shabaab, and more humanitarian relief is reaching those who desperately need it, Michaud's office reported.

In a BBC report, Mohamud is described as "a moderate Islamist."

"He has won respect for his work in civil society and education, being one of the founders of Mogadishu's Simad university, where he was a lecturer and served as its first dean for 10 years until he resigned to enter politics," the BBC reported.

Al-Shabab in Somalia: France signed intel agent hostage's "death warrant" with rescue attempt

MOGADISHU, Somalia

Somalia's al Qaeda-linked rebels said Wednesday that France signed the death warrant of a French intelligence agent when it launched a rescue operation last weekend that failed to bring him home.

The militant group al-Shabab has held the French agent, Denis Allex, since July 2009. Al-Shabab said in a lengthy statement Wednesday that the group decided to kill Allex in retaliation for the Friday-Saturday overnight operation. Two French soldiers and 17 Somalis were killed during the rescue attempt, French officials say.

France's defense minister has said Allex is likely already dead. Al-Shabab has said Allex was still alive after the rescue attempt.

  

Vague language from the Islamist extremists in Wednesday's statement does little to make things clear. Al-Shabab did not offer proof Allex is alive or say when he would be executed if he is still alive.

  

"With the rescue attempt, France has voluntarily signed Allex's death warrant," the statement said.

Adm. Edouard Guillaud, France's military chief of staff, said officials there believe al-Shabab's announcement is propaganda.

  

"We have had no indication since Friday night's raid that Denis Allex, since that's his name, on the fact that Denis Allex is alive," he told Europe 1. "We think that he is in all likelihood dead. ... It's a technique that they have already resorted to in other cases that didn't concern us."

Al-Shabab also said it had been willing to free Allex in exchange for "Muslim prisoners." It accused France of persecuting Muslims and pointed to a recently launched military operation by French forces against al Qaeda-linked extremists in Mali.

  

French troops go after Mali militants on the ground

Transported by helicopters, the French commandos attacked the al-Shabab position early Saturday in an attempt to free Allex. France's defense minister has said the government decided to stage the rescue a month ago, when Allex's location seemed to have settled down "in a spot accessible by the sea." U.S. military aircraft briefly entered Somali airspace to support the rescue operation, President Obama said Sunday, but did not use weapons. 

Fierce fighting broke out after the French troops landed. French officials said they counted 17 dead among the Islamists.

Al-Shabab once controlled all of south-central Somali, including the capital, Mogadishu. African Union troops pushed al-Shabab out of the capital in 2011, but the Islamist rebels still control wide swaths of rural southern Somalia.

© 2013 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Somalia to Minnesota: One immigrant's perilous journey by land and sea

By Ibrahim Hirsi, TC Daily Planet

January 15, 2013

Abdullahi Elmi recently sat quietly at a Minneapolis coffee shop with a bright smile on his face. His eyes ran over the chatty young Somalis around him.

It was a weekday, and he expected them to be at work or in school. “What are they doing here?” asked astonished Elmi, who recently arrived in Minnesota through harrowing journeys on the deserted African borders and stormy seas.

If they came here through my route, they wouldn’t have wasted a second,” he said with the big smile now transformed to a loud laugh. “I would have been doing something useful with my time right now.”

Because of the protracted civil war in Somalia, Elmi’s dream of attending university faded when he graduated from a Mogadishu high school in 2006. Like many young Somalis his age, Elmi vowed to migrate to Europe for education and a better life.

For the first time, Elmi left Somalia in 2008 with a group of strangers, trusting his life with a smuggler to whom he gave $15 to get him to Djibouti, an East African country that borders Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia.

On top of an overcrowded pick-up truck, Elmi traveled for days on the dry and dusty land between Somalia and Djibouti with only a 5 kg container of water in his hand.

People were literally sitting on each other,” he said of the 25 passengers on the vehicle, which was supposed to hold 10 people. There was no space to breathe. And the driver was driving like he didn’t care about their safety.

If you’re weak, you could get thrown off from the car,” he added, “and the driver would keep driving.”

A car in which a friend of Elmi rode overturned on the way a month before Elmi’s trip, with 30 people killed, his friend told him. The rest didn’t get an emergency response for weeks.

They had no food or water,” Elmi said. “They had to drink their urine.”

Every year tens of thousands of people, mostly young, migrate through this route, drawn by the promise of a life of contentment in Europe, according to a recent study, “Boat Ride to Detention: Adult and Child Migrants in Malta,” by the Human Rights Watch.

Most of these migrants, like Elmi, travel with little or no information about what they will encounter during the trip as they go through the borders of Djibouti, Eritrea and Sudan, which then connect to rickety timber boats in Libya with a dream to reach Europe.

Often times, however, they end up in indefinite detention in Malta, a tiny island in the Mediterranean between Libya and Italy, even though they don’t plan Malta as their destination — but aim for European countries, especially Italy, the study said.

All I wanted to do was leave Somalia,” said Elmi, who would end up in a Maltese detention center. “I would never have taken the trip had I known what I know now.”

In Djibouti, Elmi was introduced to another smuggler, who took him on the top of a Jeep that sped fast on the irregular and dangerous deserted ground between Djibouti and Eritrea. He was dropped about 70 miles away from the Eritrea border.

There is the border,” Elmi said the smuggler told him. “He gave me names of men [smugglers] in Eritrea.” Elmi walked across the border with no map or navigation system. No person or home was in sight, and no food or drinks were in his possession.

Elmi finally arrived in Emkulu Camp Eritrea. The camp, which welcomed the first wave of Somali refugees 12 years ago, hosts about 4,000 Somalis, according to a 2008 report by the International Organization for Migration. He stayed in Emkulu for 10 days before he transitioned to a Sudan refugee camp, Shagarab, with the help of smugglers.