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Sunday, February 17, 2013

Booliiska oo Laascaanood ka soo qabtay Wiil uu dhalay Feysal Cali Waraabe iyo Gabadh ay wada socdeen iyo jawaabta uu Feysal ka bixiyay

Laascaanood - Sarkaal ka tirsan Laanta Socdaalka Somalilaand ayaa caawa u xaqiijiyay Waaheen in ay Ciidamadda Booliiska Somaliland ee ku sugan magaalada Laascaanood soo qabteen Wiil uu dhalay Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga UCID iyo Gabadh ay wada socdeen.

Sarkaalka Waaheen Xogta siiyay waxa uu intaas ku daray Ciidanka Booliiska Laascaanood waxay u soo dhaadhiciyeen dhinaca Hargeysa, balse ilaa hada ma cada sababta loo soo qabtay wiilka iyo gabadhaasi.

Dhinaca kale Feysal Cali Waraabe oo aanu goor dhaweyd la xidhiidhnay si aanu wax uga weydiino sababta Wiilka uu dhalay loo xidhay ayaa yidhi ” Inanka anigaa dhalay waxa ay wada socdaan Gabadh Reer Wajeer ah, Wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha iyo Booliiska waanu ka wada soconay qabashada Wiilka iyo Gabadha, waayo ma garanayo meel ay tagayaan laakiin waxaan doonayaa in la hubiyo oo baadhitaan lagu sameeyo” ayuu yidhi.

Feysal Cali Waraabe waxa uu intaas raaciyay ” Gabadhu waa Reer Wajeer markaanu ogaanay inaybaxsanayaan ayaanu baasaaboorkii ka qaadnay, xalay abaara kowdii habeenimo ayay Hutelkii ay deganayaan ka guureen, saaka kowdii ayuu JPS ku sheegay Burco inay gaadhi ka raaceen, markaa Laascaanood ayaa nasiib wanaag lagu qabtay, waxa aad moodaa in dabeecadiisii wax laga bedelay oo ay heleen kooxaha Xag-jirka ah. mar hore waxay isku dayeen inay Yeman tagaan laakiin waan ka joojiyay” ayuu raaciyay.

Saturday, February 16, 2013

Wasiirka Diinta iyo Aw-qaafta oo xabsiga u taxaabay Rag Ajanabi ah iyo Haween Reer Somaliland ah oo ka cashaynayay Oriental Hotel

Sh Khaliil C/laahi Axmed Wasiirka Diinta iyo Awqaafta Somaliland
Ma Doonayno in markale Fadeexadii Jarmalku ay Dalka ku soo noqoto. talaabo adag baanu qaadaynaa” Wasiirka Diinta iyo Aw-qaafta

Hargeysa(Waaheen) Wasiirka Diinta iyo Aw-qaafta Somaliland Sh Khaliil C/laahi Axmed ayaa xabsiga dhigay afar qof oo laba Rag ahi ay yihiin Ajanabi dhalasho ahaan ka soo jeeda Dalka Suuriya iyo laba Dumar ah oo Reer Somaliland ah oo habeen hore ka cashaynayay Hotelka Orientalka Hargeysa.

Wasiirka Wasaaradda Diinta iyo Aw-qaafta oo hotelka ka cashaynayay ayaa arkay afartan qof oo si tallan taali ah isugu kaliyaystay isla markaana ka cashaynayay kadibna waxa uu dalbaday ciidan booliis ah kuwaas oo kaxeeyay afarta qof una dhaadhiciyay Saldhiga, halkaas oo lagu xidhay.

Wasiirka Diinta iyo Aw-qaafta Somaliland oo aanu xalay khadka Telefoonka kula xidhiidhnay ayaa Waaheen uga waramay dhacdadan “waxa ay afarta qof soo galeen Hotelka aniga oo markaas fadhiya, habeenimo ayay ahayd, dad dhaqan iyo Diin leh baynu nahay qaabka ay u socdaan markii aan arkay isla markaana ay ii cadaatay inaanay ahayn dad qoysas u eg ayaan xidhay” ayuu yidhi Wasiirku.

Mar anu weydiinay Wasiirka sababta ay dadkan u xidheen iyadoo maalin kasta ay magaaladda iyo Huteeladda ku soo badanayaan dadka isla taga waxa uu yidhi “ waa rrin aad u fool xun waad ogaydeen wixii inaga gaadhay Ninkii Jarmalka ahaa, markaas ma doonayno Dumarkeena, Diinteena iyo Dhaqankeenaba wax ku Lidi ah in Dalka gudihiisa lagu caadaysto” ayuu Wasiir Khaliil yidhi isagoo baaq Digniin u diray dadka aan qoysaska ahayn.

Mar aanu weydiinay afarta qof cida ay ahaayeen dhalasho ahaan waxa uu yidhi “ Laba Rag bay ahaayeen Suuriyaan ah, labada Haween ahina Reer Somaliland bay ahaayeen, markaa shareecadu ma ogola in dad muxarim kala ahi inay isku kaliyaystaan ama Hudheelo noocan oo kale ah si toos ah isugu yimaadaan, dhawr jeer oo horena arrintaas Bulshada iyo Hudheeladaba waanu kala hadalay. Guddida wanaag farista iyo Culimaduna siyaabo gaar gaar ah ayay uga hadleen” ayuu raaciyay.

Wasiirka oo aanu weydiinay ka hor inta aanay xidhin dadka Ajanabiga ah iyo kuwa Reer Somaliland-ba inay wasaarad ahaan waxyaabaha aan l ogolayn inay qoraal ahaan ugu gudbiyaan meelaha ay ka soo degayaan ama ay ku nool yihiin ba waxa uu yidhi “ Wasaarad ahaan Diinta anagaa qaabillsan Dad Muslim ahna waynu nahay waanu wacyigalinaa Dadka, imikana waxaanu wadnaa Qoraalo inaanu daanacno oo aanu meelaha muhiimka ah ku dhajino ama aanu dhigno si aan mar marsiinyo loogu helin dhaqan xumada caynkaas ah oo kale” ayuu yidhi Wasiirku

Ugu danbayntii mar aanu weydiinay inay wali xidhan yihiin iyo inkale waxa uu yidhi “ Haweenka Waalidkood baanu la kulanay oo aanu kala hadalnay, laba nine e Suuriyaanka ahina waxay u yimaadeen oo ay la shaqeeyaan Shirkadda Maan-deeq ee maamusha Kawaanka Xoolaha Hargeysa, markaa iyagana waxaa noo yimi qoladaas waananu u dignay inaanay mar danbe Haweenka sidaas ula macaamilin” ayuu kaga baxay.

Talaabadan ayaa noqonaysa tii ugu horaysay ee ay Wasaaradda Diinta iyo Aw-qaaftu qaado isla markaana ay ku qab qabato Rag ajanabi ah iyo Dumar Reer Somaliland ah, iyadoo maalin walba ay jiraan falal soo badanaya oo ay dad ajaanib ahi ku shukaansayaan Dumar Reer Somaliland ah taasoo si qarsoodi ah iyo si toos ahba loo arko.

Short URL: http://waaheen.com/?p=59645

No Oil without Water: Water-Tech for the Future

 
Greetings from London.

The shocking news this week (at least to the Guardian) is that secret funding helped build a vast network of climate denial think tanks.

The Guardian reports that “conservative billionaires used a secretive funding route to channel nearly $120 million to more than 100 groups casting doubt about the science behind climate change.”

The key objective: to “redefine climate change from neutral scientific fact to a highly polarizing ‘wedge issue’ for hardcore conservatives.”

Various media outlets have been discussing this for some time, and certainly no one is surprised. But the Guardian article paints this in a different light. It’s not talking about the obvious “visible” funding for anti-climate change camps provided by the Koch brothers or the oil industry in general. This is apparently a new tunnel of funding and an additional $120 million that has remained secret until now. These funds, says the Guardian, were routed through the Donors Trust and the Donors Capital Fund out of the northern Virginia suburbs of Washington, DC. The express purpose of these trusts was to ensure that donors’ money would never be used for “liberal” causes.

And there is another big money issue that has raised a new debate: Obama’s proposal to fund clean-energy research with fees paid by oil and gas producers. The point of Obama’s “Energy Security Trust” may seem cynical to some as it essentially means a lot of drilling today for a cleaner energy future tomorrow. The main idea—announced in the State of the Union address—is to use $200 million in royalties from drilling on federal land to pay for renewable energy development. Over 10 years, this Energy Security Trust would spend $2 billion. The oil and gas industry can’t really complain—it’s a sign that more federal lands will become available, and fast, for drilling. Clean energy advocates also seem to find the plan logical. It’s not a novel idea, actually. Republicans have pursued it before. Congress is likely to agree.

This week also saw the second company convicted of crimes stemming from the 2010 Gulf of Mexico oil spill. Swiss drilling contractor Transocean entered a guilty plea on Thursday before a US district court in New Orleans. The company pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor charge of violating the Clean Water Act for negligently discharging oil into the Gulf. The negotiated settlement includes a $400 million penalty and five years of probation. Transocean also agree to pay a $1 billion civil penalty. Transocean was not facing charges related to the death of 11 workers killed in the Deepwater Horizon accident. Earlier this month, BP Plc, the prime operator involved in the oil spill, pleaded guilty to 14 criminal charges, including manslaughter. BP will pay a $4 billion fine and serve five years on probation. It will also pay a separate $525 million fine related to securities violations. The civil trial for the oil spill will begin on 25 February.

In Syria, rebel forces claimed on Thursday to have captured the town of Shadadah in the Hasaka province and to have taken control of a nearby oil field. This offensive was allegedly conducted with heavy reliance on the Nusra Front, which is a Salafi-Jihadist group supported by Qatar. Rebel forces are moving closer to Aleppo, where they are intent on taking control of the airport and cutting off Assad’s supply chain that runs from Aleppo to Damascus and then in a triangle towards the coast, with Lebanon’s borders nestled dangerously in between. Rebel forces have been trying to capture the Aleppo airport for nearly a month but are out-gunned by regime warplanes.

This week we also had a
chance to speak with the CEO of Canada’s Aroway Energy (ARW), Chris Cooper, who offers a different take on the global game for junior oil and gas companies.  At a time when juniors are risking a lot in volatile venues in the Middle East and Africa, Aroway is planting its feet firmly in homeland soil and in conventional plays. For the smaller juniors, Cooper says this is not a long-term game, and blowing all you’re capital to drill a single unconventional well in a risky frontier won’t pay off. He says Canada still has plenty to offer juniors, and the end game is after all merger and acquisition.

Today’s special report is taken from the Opportunities section of Premium and looks at the various opportunities in water tech. You can see the full report below.

Finally, if you haven’t had a chance to check out our Premium Newsletter offerings, this is the week to do so.
Dan Dicker, trader extraordinaire, gives us some exclusive tips on two hot stocks that are a must-buy for investors. It comes out this weekend, be sure not to miss it.

Two High Risk Venues, With Big Potential Payouts: Somaliland and Lebanon

 Republic of Somaliland 
Somaliland: Somali’s ‘Other’ Country

Somaliland enjoys a certain amount of strategic advantage. It has a long coastline and deep sea ports, and could eventually serve as a major energy hub for East Africa. Foreign oil companies are already on to this and exploration is beginning in earnest.

Chevron was drilling in Somaliland in the late 1980s, and Conoco was laying airstrips, but these licenses were granted by the Somali government, which was taken over by militias in 1991 - a development that saw Somaliland declare independence that same year. So now we’re starting from scratch. There is the little matter that Somaliland is not an internationally recognized country, but foreign investors do not seem to be bothered by this technical inconvenience.

So far, three independent oil companies have signed up for exploration. The most notable is Turkey’s Genel Energy, which has taken the sector by storm in Northern Iraq. Genel will begin surveying in March and expects to drill its first well in early 2014. Somaliland officials are hoping Genel will have the same success it has had in Iraqi Kurdistan.

UK-listed Ophir Energy and Australia-listed Jacka Resources are also in the first exploration. Together, the three companies have seven blocks. Genel owns 75% of two blocks,  Ophir also owns 75% of two blocks. There are a total of 24 blocks up for grabs and they cover one-third of the country’s territory.

No one…

Africa orphaned, under guardianship at World Bank


Justice for Blacks

Segregation exists in the employment practices and positioning of Africans within the World Bank as a result of racist institutional practice. Africans are muted in the Bank’s boardrooms, where strategic policies that have significant bearings on Africa are set and this needs to radically change

In an excellent expose published in this forum Phyllis Muhammad wrote about ‘the twin evils that have bedeviled the World Bank’s relationship with Africa as a continent and Africans as human beings.’ Her article opened a space for a new perspective and discourse, identifying the twin evils as structural and cultural. The structural ‘concerns a ‘democracy deficit’ in the Bank’s governance architecture that has denied Africa voice in the institution’s Boardroom.’ The cultural ‘involves institutional discrimination in the day-to-day management of the Bank.’ See ‘Unmasking Racist World Bank,’ (12/18/2012).

The purpose of this article is to show that Africans are virtually absent at any level to influence global policies that affect their continent’s destiny. Since the late 1990s, Africa has taken center stage of the Bank’s business, accounting for 50 percent of the International Development Association funds. However, as Ms. Muhammad noted ‘Sub Saharan Africa, home for 30 percent of the world’s poor, was allotted 5.55 percent of the World Bank’s voting rights.’ Africans are muted in the Bank’s Boardrooms, where strategic policies that have significant bearings on Africa are set.

A corollary question is: ‘who speaks for Africa at the management, and administrative level in the day-to-day decision making process of the World Bank?’ According to the World Bank, its primary focus in terms of providing voice to its client countries is ‘its diversity in composition associated with its global nature.’ This means in a very broad sense Africans would have a reasonably meaningful role in the Bank’s management in general, and in the Bank’s decision making process for Africa in particular. But alas that is not the case. Blacks in the World Bank’s professional cohort account for a mere 5.4 percent in the seven most important vice presidential units (VPUs) where strategic development policies and poverty alleviation programs are formulated (See Table 1).


It should be noted that the 5.4 percent figure represents mostly entry level professional grades and also includes white South Africans and Africans of Asian origin. If only blacks were to be counted the 5.4 percent will be far below 5 percent. It should also be noted that representation of Blacks at management level in the seven VPUs is closer to zero percent.

What is also notable is that the situation has gotten worse between 2009 and 2011, showing an overall 20 percent reduction in representation of Blacks in professional positions in the seven VPUs from an already low level of 6.3 percent in 2009. This is a reflection of the total disregard for racial equality during Robert Zoellick’s presidency (2007-2012). Making matters worse the HR vice president, Hasan Tuluy, showed no interest in discharging his responsibility. Representation of Blacks declined in his own vice presidency (HRSVP) from 10.1 to 9.2 percent between 2009 and 2011, dropping further to 8.7 percent in 2012 (See World Bank HR Analytics FY2012).

BLACKS ARE SEGREGATED IN THE AFRICA REGIONAL VPU

In general, Blacks are segregated in the Africa VPU. The term widely used inside the Bank is ‘ghettoization’ of Blacks because the Africa regional VPU was nicknamed ‘the ghetto of the Bank’ in a public meeting by one of the Bank’s senior officials in 1996. A 2003 World Bank Report acknowledged ‘Blacks are told they can only work in the Africa region because they can be more competitive there and some nationals do not want to work with Blacks.’ A 2004 study by the Strategic Staffing wing of the Bank’s HRSVP shows that only Africans are segregated in their regional VPU, while other races are widely represented in all Bank VPUs.

In 2005, the Staff Association appealed to the Personnel Committee of the Bank’s Board to ‘address seriously the issue of ‘ghettoization’ to ensure that diversity cuts across the institution.’ Their repeated appeals fell in deaf ears. In 2011, Blacks accounted for 2.1 percent of the professional cohort in the East Asia and Pacific regional VPU. The corresponding figure for the Africa regional VPU is 45.2 percent (see Table 2).



The data also shows blacks are relatively more represented in the Middle East and North Africa (6.7 percent), Latin America and the Caribbean (6.0 percent), and South Asia (5.1 percent) compared to 2.1 percent in East Asia and the Pacific and 4.6 percent in Eastern Europe and central Asia. The 6.7 percent, 6.0 percent and 5.1 percent figures reflect relatively high representation of blacks in regions where the population consists of black and/or brown people. For example, the majority of Black staff in the Latin America and Caribbean regional VPU are in the Caribbean islands.

AFRICA ORPHANED AND UNDER GUARDIANSHIP

How well represented are Blacks in the management of the African regional VPU? The data is available within the Bank, but not made readily accessible. Data compiled by Justice for Blacks from the Bank’s 2008 telephone directory shows the following.

As noted above Black professionals are segregated in the African regional VPU representing 52.2 percent of the professional body, but account only for 20 percent of the management team (see Table 3). Asians account for 24 percent and Europeans, and North Americans represent 52 percent of the senior management cohort in the Africa VPU. Blacks in general have less say in the Bank’s management of Africa than Asians, Europeans and North Americans. Alas, Africa is orphaned and under guardianship.




In comparison, Asians account for 45 percent of East Asia’s and 37 percent of South Asian Management teams. Blacks account for 3 percent of the professional staff in each of the East Asia and Europe and Central Asia regional VPU. The corresponding figures for South Asian and Latin American and Caribbean regional VPUs are 7 percent. The pattern is strikingly similar to what is observed at the lower professional levels, showing that outside of Africa, Blacks are more represented in regions where the large majority of the people are Black or Brown. Another interesting point is that Europeans and North Americans account for 60 percent of the management cohort of the Bank, but represent 74 percent of the management team in Europe and Central Asia (the Bank’s white region). It is a modern day caste system. It reflects what Adrienne Smith called ‘good-enough’ racial equality in her piece published in this forum. See ‘Good-enough Racial Equality at the World Bank’ (12/19/2012)

ARE THERE NO QUALIFIED BLACKS TO FILL MANAGEMENT POSITIONS IN THE AFRICA VPU?

Economic development is not all about complex general equilibrium and macroeconomic models. Nor is it all about fancy econometrics. Economic actions are governed not only by quantifiable macro economic and financial variables, but also by unquantifiable social organization of networks as well as by informal norms and culture that general equilibrium models do not capture. Intimate knowledge of Africa’s norms and culture is important in shaping its development trajectory. Nonetheless, not a single black African has been appointed regional chief Economist for Africa. This, in and of itself, is conspicuous in light of the fact that most of the Chief Economists for Asia have been Asians, including the current one. What can explain the virtual absence of Black managers in the African regional VPU? Is there not an adequate pool of qualified Blacks to fill management positions in Africa?

Overall, Blacks account for 15 percent of the Bank’s work force, but a large majority, including those with MBA and PhD degrees, are concentrated in sub-professional levels or short term consultancy assignments. The Bank’s own 1998 report acknowledges that ‘black staff members are recruited disproportionately in the secretarial grades, ignoring the educational and professional success they have achieved.’ The report goes on to note that ‘many of them are qualified for the professional ranks of the Bank.’ A 2005 Staff Association report highlighted:

• It is not unusual to see many black graduates of US Ivy league schools in critical areas in demand in the Bank trapped in the short term consultant stream after many years in the Bank (15 years for some).

• It is also not unusual to see Bank staff of African descent, with more than 30 years of Bank experience, with excellent performance evaluations, graduates of US Ivy League schools, with PhDs, in the sunsets of their careers [never having broken into the management ranks.]

Let us provide three examples out of several dozens of cases.

CASE 1: EN V. WORLD BANK (2000)

Mr. EN holds two graduate degrees from leading universities and Grandes Ecoles in France, including an MBA and Masters in Economics and two Post Graduate degrees in Banking and Finance, and Information Systems and Business Reengineering. Grand Ecoles in the French system are equivalent to Ivy Leagues in the US. Mr. EN was one of 17 graduate students accepted into one of the Post Graduate programs out of 700 competing candidates.

Mr. EN authored two widely referenced books on African economic development. He also won two Awards of Excellence from the World Bank and IFC, the private sector wing of the Bank. These are awards given to exceptional performers. Mr. EN is a globally recognized expert who has delivered keynote speeches in a number of high level forums in Africa, Europe and the US.

Anyone with such an extraordinary achievement and international recognition should have move up the World Bank’s management ladder in a short time. Indeed, two of Mr. EN’s post graduate classmates are vice presidents in the World Bank. Others are in leadership positions at the IMF and a number of large private corporations. Unfortunately, in the eyes of some World Bank managers Mr. EN’s achievements could not overshadow two major handicaps: His color and place of origin.

During his tenure with the World Bank (1995-2000), Mr. EN was a Team Leader for Private Sector Development (PSD) for a number of African countries. In spite of being a team leader, he had the lowest salary in the team. Some of his team members were paid more than 70 percent than he was. Mr. EN complained about this unjust salary differential. The HR reviewed his salary and sent him a note acknowledging that his salary was low and advising him to talk to his manager. He did as advised and this was the beginning of the end of Mr. EN’s position in PSD. The manager claimed that he would need to first ‘open Mr. EN’s position for competition’ before he could adjust his salary. On this basis, in 2000, Mr. EN applied for the very position he had been holding and performing with excellence since 1995. Shortly thereafter, he was informed that the position had been cancelled for ‘budgetary reasons’ and his service was no longer needed in PSD.

Mr. EN applied for the position of manager for Strategy in the IFC. He went through a series of interviews which went very well. IFC promised to send him a letter of employment. While he was waiting for the letter, he was informed that the manager’s position had been cancelled and he would be hired as Senior Strategy Officer. Mr. EN was given a position one pay scale below what he was cleared for. His performance with IFC was excellent as documented in his annual performance evaluation and his Award for Excellence. Unfortunately, a new director came and made it clear from the day he arrived in the department that he was not interested in having Mr. EN in his department. The director claimed he needed to reorganize the department and let Mr. EN go even though he was the only member of the team with an Award for Excellence.

CASE 2: BK v. World Bank (2011)

Having earned a Masters Degree, graduating at the top of his class, and being an award winning Ph.D. in Economics from one of the leading universities in France, Dr. BK joined the Bank through the very selective Young Professionals (YP) program in 1986. The YP program annually selects about 30 high caliber youngsters out of a pool of 10,000 accomplished applicants from around the world. Most YPs go through the ranks fairly quickly to high-level management positions. Two of Dr. BK’s YP cohorts made it to Vice president. Many are Directors and the rest are at least Sector Managers. Dr. BK was the only one who did not break into the management grade, despite an excellent performance record and recognition at different levels including by a former President of the Bank, James Wolfensohn, for exemplary work. Every time he was up for promotion or for a higher grade assignment the Bank freely violated its rules and kept him trapped bellow the glass ceiling.

Between 2005 and 2010 Dr. BK applied for 14 positions, but without success. During all those unsuccessful attempts, he made the shortlist only a few times. This is despite the Bank’s hyped public relations campaign to assist qualified Africans to get promoted to management ranks following the Bank’s highly publicized but never enforced ‘zero tolerance for discrimination.’

Far from assisting Dr. BK, the Bank blocked his promotion repeatedly using discriminatory actions. For example, for one of the management positions his prospect for promotion was high as the most qualified applicant in the shortlist. However, the Bank gave the position to a non-black candidate, who was not even on the short list. It should be noted that the chosen candidate’s application was turned down by the short-listing Committee because the candidate did not meet the advertised minimum requirement for the position.

Dr. BK had seven different racial discrimination cases. In the first two cases the Bank mediated the cases and compensated him financially without admitting fault. In the next three cases the Bank’s Tribunal reviewed his charges of discrimination and summarily dismissed them, but found that the Bank violated its HR procedures in the recruitment process in which Dr. BK was denied higher level positions, and the Tribunal awarded him financial compensation instead. In the last two cases the Tribunal ruled he could not be compensated because he had been compensated in previous similar cases, even though cases six and seven involved separate causes of action that he presented on the merits without relying on any of his previous cases.

BO V. WORLD BANK (2011)

Dr. Bo has an exemplary professional career at the Bank. For example, he task managed the influential ‘Can Africa Claim the 21st Century’ report (2000); and co-managed the ‘Evaluation of the Banks Comprehensive Development Framework: CDF’ report (2001). The CDF was a major milestone in development partnership, aimed at enhancing recipient countries’ ownership of their development discourse by moving away from the dysfunctional and ill-fated ex-ante conditionality to ex-post and results-oriented aid relations. The CDF provided the conceptual framework for the Bank’s poverty reduction strategy paper (PRSP) aid modality. Moreover, as the Bank’s leading expert on the economics of civil wars and conflicts Dr. BO directed four major research projects on the subject during 1999-2008 that produced more than 30 research papers, three books, two special editions of journals, and several policy and operational products.

Having gone through a very extensive competitive process, Dr. Bo was short-listed, interviewed by senior managers and selected to fill the Chief Economist position for the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region of the Bank. His appointment was stopped by former President Robert Zoellick, who insisted that the Bank ‘can do even better’ and instructed his senior management team to reopen the competition process and expand the list to include women and candidates with ‘a better name recognition in the MENA region.’ The President’s instruction ‘to do even better’ without clearly defining what that means is a telling example.

After the Bank failed to find a woman candidate who met one of the key selection criteria for the job, ‘deep knowledge about the MENA region,’ the Bank dropped the requirement altogether. Obviously, a candidate without knowledge of the region cannot have name recognition in the region as an expert. Therefore, it, too, was dropped from the criteria and Dr. Bo’s selection was ruled out and the position was given to another candidate. This is blatant discrimination considering the current chief economists for Latin America, East Asia and South Asia regions are from their respective regions with name recognition.

According to the Bank’s definition, ‘discrimination takes place where staff who are in basically similar situations are treated differently.’ Why was Dr. Bo’s appointment treated differently? Why did the search for a candidate ‘with a better name recognition,’ presumably better than Dr. Bo, end up selecting a candidate without name recognition? Did the Bank ‘do even better’ by appointing a candidate who did not meet the two abovementioned selection criteria? Did the Bank ‘do even better’ by not appointing Dr. Bo, who met all the selection criteria?

Dr. Bo’s appointment as Chief Economist would also have served an important diversity objective, of which the Bank’s record is nothing short of appalling. If appointed, Dr. Bo would have been the first Chief Economist of African descent since the inception of the World Bank over 65 years ago.

Each of the above three individuals filed discrimination complaints, but the Tribunal summarily rejected their discrimination claims with abject disregard for the merits of their cases. A further review of the Tribunal’s systemic violation of the due process rights of Blacks is presented with breathtaking evidence by Taye Abayre in an article entitled ‘World Bank: Anatomy of a Criminal Tribunal.’ Suffice it to say that such a persistent, pernicious pattern of denying African staff due process in promotion cases, particularly those cases of African staff occupying the professional levels, whether by Bank management or its Tribunal, firmly institutionalizes the culture of obstructing Africans from influencing global policies that affect their continent’s destiny. Depriving Africa of the wisdom of its own professional development experts leaves it orphaned.

Joint Statement by the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights Laureates on the centenary of International Women’s Day

Education is the key to jobs -- to income -- to human dignity itself.
Robert F. Kennedy
Robert F. Kennedy spoke these words at the University of Alabama in March 1966, and they still bear a fundamental truth: that human dignity rests on having the opportunity to reach our full potential, and this opportunity, in turn, rests on our access to quality education.

But 45 years later, over half a billion women across the globe have never been given the opportunity to learn to read and write, and millions of girls more are denied even the most basic schooling. This unconscionable situation underpins the key theme of this year’s International Women’s Day: women must be provided equal access to education and training, particularly in the fields of science and technology, in order to create a pathway for a career and a dignified living.

The right to education is enshrined in many of our international covenants: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Convention against Discrimination in Education; the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The right to education includes available, accessible, acceptable and adaptable education; but innumerable barriers to education and vocational training for women and girls around the world remain.

The RFK Center is working to eliminate such barriers through its Right to Education program, a joint project with RFK Human Rights Award Laureates in the Dominican Republic, Colombia and Guatemala. In these countries, structural discrimination effectively has deprived many Afro-descendants, indigenous minorities and ethnic minorities -- especially children of migrant workers and internally displaced people -- of even the most rudimentary education. Together, we exert pressure on the governments of these countries and others in the region to comply with their legal obligations to provide equal access to education.

In addition, through the RFK Center’s human rights education initiative, "Speak Truth To Power", students worldwide are being taught that when faced with injustice and inequality they must abandon the role of bystander, and, instead, join today’s heroes as human rights defenders.

As Robert Kennedy urged in his speech at the University of Alabama, we must “ensure that every child learns, to the full limit, his capabilities.”

Today, the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights joins with our courageous Laureates and defenders, and with the rest of world, in honoring the contributions and achievements of women and in urging for more progress in providing women everywhere with equal access to education and opportunities.

Signed By:

Magodonga Mahlangu, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (2009 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Stephen Bradberry, Alliance Institute (2005 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Berenice Celeyta, La AsociaciĂłn NOMADESC (1998 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Delphine Djiraibe, Public Interest Law Center in Chad (2004 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Abel Barrera Hernandez, Tlachinollan Center (2010 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Doan Viet Hoat, International Institute for Vietnam (1995 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Martin Macwan, Dalit Shakti Kendra (2000 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Dr. Mohammed, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative (2007 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Sonia Pierre, MUDHA (Movement of Dominican Women of Haitian Descent) (2006 RFK Human Rights Laureate)
Loune Viaud, Zanmi Lasante (2002 RFK Human Rights Laureate)

Council Alert: Human Rights Council to negotiate landmark resolution on laws affecting human rights defenders


The UN Human Rights Council’s 22nd session will be held from 25 February to 22 March 2013 and consider a range of significant thematic and country-specific human rights issues and actions.

The purpose of this Alert is to provide timely and expert information as to some of the issues and actions likely to arise during the course of the Session.

Human rights defenders
For human rights defenders there are several relevant initiatives. Norway will lead negotiations on a resolution focusing on legislation that affects human rights defenders with the goal of improving the protection of human rights defenders and eliminating laws which impair their work. ISHR has watched the development of this resolution closely and will continue to engage in line with our mandate to support and strengthen human rights defenders. The resolution will build on the report of the Special Rapporteur, Ms Margaret Sekaggya, to the UN General Assembly in 2012. This report considered the issue of the ‘criminalisation’ of human rights defenders through laws which are used or misused to hinder, obstruct or render unlawful actions to promote and protect human rights.

ISHR will organise a side event with the Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders on 5 March (from 12pm – 2pm) which will provide an interactive space for further discussion of the issue of criminalisation and the specific impacts this has on human rights defenders around the world.

The Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders will also present her latest report to the Human Rights Council, the subject of which is the role of national human rights institutions in the promotion and protection of human rights. She will also report on country visits made to Honduras, Tunisia, and Ireland (report not yet available).

Based on the thematic calendar of resolutions, a resolution on peaceful protests is also likely to be negotiated at this session.


Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action
Another relevant and significant initiative will be the commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action (VDPA).

The VDPA reaffirmed many of the tenets that underlie the work of human rights defenders including the universality, interdependence, and indivisibility of human rights, as well as recognising the crucial and legitimate role played by NGOs in protecting human rights, and their need for ‘protection in national law.’ Austria is organising a panel discussion to commemorate this anniversary, giving space for States and civil society to offer their own perspectives on the main achievements of the VDPA and the challenges ahead for implementation. ISHR board member Mr Gustavo Gallon from the Colombian Commission of Jurists will be amongst the panellists. The panel discussion will take place on 25 February.


Panel discussions
There will also be panels held on the following themes during the session:
  • Human rights mainstreaming, with the aim of promoting a human rights based approach to the post-2015 development agenda, and in particular ensuring that human rights education is integrated into that agenda
  • Human rights and persons with disabilities, focusing on work and employment
  • Rights of the child, discussing the challenges to the realisation the right of children to enjoy the highest attainable standard of health
  • Impact of corruption on human rights, with a view to producing recommendations on how to protect human rights in the fight against corruption, and how to strengthen anti-corruption efforts through a human rights-based approach
  • Promoting technical cooperation, including sharing best practices and challenges, to strengthen the judiciary and the administration of justice in order to ensure human rights and the rule of law

Provisional dates for all these discussions are included in the programme of work for the session.


High-level segment
The session is particularly busy with 17 special procedures presenting reports to the session. The four-week session also includes the ‘high-level segment’ where dignitaries from States will address the Council. The general segment of this part of the Council’s programme gives space to four representatives from civil society to address the Council, to highlight concerns of victims of human rights violations and offer their own perspective on what the Council could bring to the promotion and protection of human rights.

While the high level segment does not offer space for dialogue and does not contribute directly to the debates ongoing at the Council, it provides an opportunity, on the sidelines, for discussion of human rights issues between States at the highest level. The readiness of States to send dignitaries to address the Council also attests to the significance that States attach to the Council. This year Germany’s President will address the Council, the first time a sitting president has done so.


Country situations
Other potential highlights of the session include a resolution on Sri Lanka, announced by the United States. The resolution will focus on the promotion of reconciliation and accountability in the country. Sri Lanka was reviewed by fellow States on its human rights record last September, at the 14th session of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR). The outcome of that review will be considered for adoption by the Human Rights Council at this session, along with the outcomes of the reviews of the 13 other countries considered at the 14th session of the UPR.

The Commission of Inquiry into the situation in Syria will present its latest report for discussion at this session. The Chair of the Commission, Mr Pablo de Grieff will participate in an interactive dialogue with States on the findings of the report. The report is not yet available. The fact-finding mission on Israeli settlements will also report to the session.


Human rights and ‘traditional values’
The Advisory Committee will submit its report on traditional values to this session of the Council. The report emphasises the universality of human rights and notes that traditional values can play a role in the promotion and protection of international human rights standards through human rights education and training. At the same time, the report concludes that States also have a responsibility to take action against stereotypes and negative, harmful and discriminatory practices justified by traditional values. The presentation of the report to the Council is an opportunity for States and civil society to reflect on these conclusions and to reach an understanding as to where traditional values fit within the universal human rights framework that was reaffirmed in the VDPA.


Renewal of special procedure mandates
The following special procedure mandates also need to be renewed by States at this session, through the negotiation and adoption of a resolution:
  • Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran
  • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism
  • Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief
  • Special Rapporteur on the right to food


Useful documents for the session


List of resolutions to be introduced at the 22nd session as announced by States during the organisational meeting

Armenia
  • Prevention of genocide
Austria
  • Rights of persons belonging to minorities
Belgium
  • Rights of children whose parents have been sentenced to death, calling for a panel on the 24th session of the Council
Brazil
  • Racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance, with focus on education as a tool to address this problem
Cuba
  • Right to food, including extending the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the right to food
  • Composition of the staff of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
Denmark
  • Torture and other cruel and degrading treatment and punishment, focusing on rehabilitation and redress
Ecuador
  • Synergies between the Human Rights Council and the Universal Periodic Review, and the role of parliamentarians, requesting a panel at a later session of the Council
EU
  • Freedom of religion and belief, including extension of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief
Iran (NAM)
  • Enhancement of international cooperation and human rights
Mexico
  • Protection of human rights in the fight against terrorism, including extension of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on promoting and protecting human rights while countering terrorism
New Zealand, Mexico
  • Right to work and employment of persons with disabilities
Norway
  • Protection of human rights defenders
Pakistan (OIC)
  • The situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories
  • Racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related forms of intolerance
Portugal
  • Education as a tool to prevent racism
Sweden
  • Iran, extending the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation in the country
Turkey
  • Birth registration and the right of everyone to recognition as a person before the law
Uruguay (GRULAC), EU
  • Right of the child to enjoy the highest possible level of health
Uruguay
  • Human rights and humanitarian activities post-conflict and post-natural disaster, requesting a study from the Human Rights Council’s Advisory Committee
United States
  • Promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka

French imperialism moves deeper into Mali

Clashes escalate in Gao as warplanes bomb northern mountains


Despite French military intervention and claims of success in fighting Islamist militias, the conflict in Mali is getting worse. There is also some evidence of imperialist propaganda about the course of events

by Abayomi Azikiwe

French defense ministry officials have said that they are planning to make a withdrawal from Mali by April. Since January 11, when the French military began to bomb and launch a ground invasion into this resource-rich country, the government in Paris has declared that its operations are limited and they were only there as a precursor to the intervention of a regional force from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Although several thousand troops from various African states including Chad, Nigeria as well as the national army of Mali have entered the battle alongside the French, the former colonial power also made an appeal for the United Nations to take over the operations which are really designed to secure the resources of Mali for the benefit of western industrialized states. Earlier UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon had publicly stated that direct intervention by the international body would jeopardize its personnel carrying out humanitarian work inside the country and throughout the region.

On February 10, in the northern city of Gao, armed combatants opened fire on Malian military forces in the downtown area. Soon French helicopters entered the fray firing into areas in the center of the city in a battle that lasted well into the evening.

According to a report of the fierce battle published by the Associated Press, “The attack in Gao shows the Islamic fighters, many of them well-armed and with combat experience, are determined and daring and it foreshadows a protracted campaign by France and other nations to restore government control in this vast Saharan nation in northwest Africa. The Islamic radicals fought against the Malian army throughout the afternoon and were seen roaming the streets and on rooftops in the center of Gao, which has a population of 90,000. (Feb. 10)

The fighters involved in this round of clashes were thought to be from the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MOJWA). Since the French were reported to have entered Gao on January 26, MOJWA has been firing on their military units from outside the city.

French Gen. Bernard Barera claimed that the MOJWA combatants utilized small boats to cross the Niger River into Gao. On February 9 a bomb was detonated at a checkpoint near the entrance of the city.

Abdoul Abdoulaye Sidibe, a member of the Malian parliament based in the capital of Bamako in the south of the country, said that MOJWA had held Gao prior to the French intervention. In relationship to the battle that began on February 10, Sidibe said that, “There was a whole group of them who took up positions in front of the police station and started firing in all directions.” (Globe and Mail, Feb. 10)

Just two days before on February 8, a reported suicide bomber driving a motorcycle detonated explosives at the same entrance to Gao. During the fighting on February 10, people remained in their homes to avoid injury and no civilian casualties have been officially acknowledged.

During the clashes on February 10, a police station was taken over by the MOJWA guerrillas. The next day, February 11, French combat helicopters bombed the station in an effort to drive out the fighters.

French used its Air Force bumpers to kill Muslim Malian in the name of terrorists

Journalists who observed the French military assault on the police station said that the building was destroyed and bodies were left lying in the rubble. These clashes over a three-day period illustrate clearly that the previous claims by France that the targeted groups had been driven from the cities and towns of Konna, Gao, Sevare, Timbuktu and other areas must be viewed with skepticism. (Al Arabiya, Feb. 11)

French military spokesmen have also claimed that the Islamist groups have fled into the northeast mountainous region of Adrar des Ifoghas. Fighter jets have been carrying out bombing operations under the guise of destroying the bases of the fighters and disrupting their supply lines in the area.

The overall security situation in Gao has been deteriorating for several weeks. A number of Malian soldiers have been reported killed by landmine explosions on the main road leading further north.

Even France has admitted that there are units of Islamist fighters in the areas between the major towns who are engaging them in mobile operations. “We are in a dangerous zone…we can’t be everywhere,” a French officer told journalists.

Other fighting units have been seen in Batel, some 15 miles outside of Gao. France is continuing to deploy additional troops into Mali, said to now number 4,000.

In the town of Tessalit on February 8, French military spokespersons said they had taken the airstrip in the area. The airstrip will be used to back up 1,000 Chadian troops who are being deployed in the Adrar des Ifoghas mountains. (Globe and Mail, Feb. 11)

Meanwhile in the capital of Bamako, there were clashes between rival elements within the Malian military. The guard regiment, known as the “red berets,” which was loyal to ousted President Amadou Toumani Toure, overthrown in a coup last March 22, have refused to be sent to the frontline alongside the French in the north.

Troops who backed the military coup led by Capt. Amadou Sanogo, the Pentagon-trained officer, attacked the barracks occupied by the guard regiment and members of their families on February 8. Reports indicate that as many as three people were killed and six others were wounded.

One of the major reports that emanated from the north of Mali claimed that the Ahmed Baba Institute, which houses thousands of manuscripts from the ancient kingdom founded during the 13th century, had been burned to the ground by retreating “al-Qaeda linked rebels”. This story was credited to the former mayor of Timbuktu, Halle Ousmane Cisse, an allegation which inflamed passions across Mali, Africa and the world.

However, a subsequent report published by Khadija Patel revealed that this claim was false. Patel said that “Contrary to reports that emerged, the library has not been razed to the ground.” (Daily Maverick, January 30)

Even Sky News reporter Alex Crawford reported from inside the library illustrating that the institution was relatively unharmed. The Institute was funded by the African Renaissance Fund based in South Africa as part of a continental-wide effort to preserve and study the ancient civilizations which flourished prior to the advent of European slavery and colonialism.

Patel’s report also notes that “Time Magazine’s Vivienne Walt, who has been tracking the fate of the manuscripts for the last nine months, has emphatically debunked the confusion surrounding the manuscripts. She claims she has found the manuscripts to be in safe hands after all.”

Mahmoud Zouber, the Malian presidential aide on Islamic Affairs, told Time magazine that “The documents which had been there are safe, they were not burned. They were put in a very safe place. I can guarantee you. The manuscripts are in total security.”

These developments in Mali are indicative of the role of imperialist propaganda and psychological warfare designed to build public support for military invasions and occupations. Similar scenarios have been carried out in relationship to interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria.

Consequently, as in other military adventures by the imperialist states and their allies, it is necessary to expose the lies that are being spread through the corporate media. Anti-war and anti-imperialist forces within Africa and the capitalist states must organize to oppose military interventions throughout the continent and in other parts of the world.

* Abayomi Azikiwe is editor, Pan-African News Wire

* BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

Friday, February 15, 2013

The World's Most Dangerous Place

by James Fergusson - review James
The outlaw state: Somali government soldiers in northern Mogadishu, 11 March 2010. Photograph: Mustafa Abdi/AFP/Getty Images
Fergusson's reports of life in conflict-ridden Somalia make for sobering reading

General quiz time: which country tops the global corruption table? Which country is the worst for piracy? Which country lost more than 29,000 children under five to famine in 2011? The answer is Somalia, a country of such horror that it has fallen from sight.

James Fergusson, freelance journalist and author of several books on the Taliban, has a talent for shedding light in dark places. None is darker, or more dangerous, in his view, than Somalia, the "outlaw state". While most reporters – and some two million Somalis – have opted to stay away, Fergusson has risked his life to cover the ground and, an even greater achievement, succeeded in making the Somali mess understandable and relevant.

Somalia was two countries during the colonial period and one of the more hopeful African states at independence in 1960. But a military coup at the end of the 60s led to two decades of misrule and corruption, and then to civil war. Much of the tension was caused by inter-clan rivalries. As if that wasn't bad enough, the country then became a happy hunting ground for radical Islamist groups. In southern Somalia, the Salafist Islamic Courts Union imposed a strict sharia. When they were expelled by a liberating Ethiopian force, much of the country then fell even further.

The al-Qaida-affiliated al-Shabaab organisation turned the country into "a zone of total grief", a place where life was short and brutal and where one's brightest hope was martyrdom, although even that prospect was tainted. Islamic martyrs die in the belief that they will be pleasured by 72 virgins in paradise. Fergusson reports that al-Shabaab manipulated this hope by showing recruits films that they claimed were recordings made by martyrs already in heaven, but which were shot in Bollywood. It is this sort of insight, alongside his harrowing account of life in the grief zone – a description of Mogadishu hospitals sticks in the mind – that gives Fergusson's book its power.

Even more troubling, in some ways, is the fact that the grief did not stay at home. Fergusson tracks the Somali diaspora across four continents in an attempt to understand their sense of identity and the ways in which they are led astray. The British ambassador in Somalia talked of "a kind of threat we haven't seen before", a threat beyond borders, with disaffected Somalis involved in many international terror attacks, including the July 2005 London Underground attempts. The more than two million Somalis in Kenya seem particularly vulnerable. As chaos spreads across Africa, from conflict in Mali to hostage-taking in Algeria, and as our prime minister talks of a "large and existential threat¦ a generational struggle" against jihadis, Fergusson's portraits seem all the more terrifying. But there is hope.

Fergusson's introduction, written as the book went to press last autumn, reports the unexpected retreat of al-Shabaab, whose units had pulled out of Mogadishu. Since then, they have lost their other stronghold of Kismayo to a combined force of Kenyan, Ethiopian and Ugandan-led African Union soldiers.

The threat of piracy has also reduced. And Somalia has a new president, elected by MPs and promising to broaden the country's democracy. Trouble continues – there was an assassination attempt on the new president even before he had been sworn in. And it remains to be seen whether the rump of al-Shabaab hardliners continue to fight in Somalia, or whether they unite with other al-Qaida affiliates, Boko Haram in Nigeria and al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb. But the one thing Fergusson's book makes very clear is that unless the country's – and the region's “ underlying problems of poverty and lack of education are addressed, David Cameron's prediction of a generational struggle might come to seem optimistic.

Somaliland, Troupled Times Ahead By Mohamed Abdillahi Omar, the Current Somaliland Foreign Minister

source: http://www.lughaya.com/?p=16950

Responsible Government: “A government of the day must explain itself and be accountable to the people and have the confidence of the elected representatives otherwise must be removed from power!” If an administration cannot perform and act like a government it is not a government!
Mr. Omar, the current Somaliland foreign minister was a member of Diaspora and extreme vocal critic for change during the Rayale administration, but failed Somaliland people in his lack of experience, lack of vision and his unknown and fraudulent credential.

Mr. Omar accused the previous foreign minister Mr. Duale of being outsider and not listening the outcry of the international communities such as EU and Britain. Can Mr. Mohamed A. Omar step aside this time around as he advocated during his campaign against Rayale and Du’ale?

Mr. Mohamed Omar mentioned two main points in his article in 2008:

“The two most crucial goals that are indispensable for Somaliland’s political future are:

1- The country’s democratic process and
2- Putting the Country’s international standing at risk”


In his article also, he did talk about a young women called Hanna Hassan Jama, who where shot by government soldiers during Rayale’s time; did he talk about Jimcale and the young boy who severely wounded by government soldiers and helplessly sitting under a tree a broad day light in downtown Borame?
Late HanaHassanJama
What a shame and hypocritical and lack of moral campus; this constitutes a pure greed and failure. He must resign if he is true to his word and his academic claim.

Even Britain cannot trust him and Ahmed Siranyo’s team. Is it therefore a clear embarrassment to Mr. Mohamed Omar? This brash of failure is another set back to Somaliland’s international standing. Recently, President Sherif Sheikh Hassan said also there will be no front seat and especial treatment for Somaliland as it is another semi-regional autonomy administration such as AwdalState, Galmudug or Puntland. The international donors will not also have a direct communication with Somaliland anymore. Meaning, Somaliland will not therefore receive direct donor funding; it will get the funding through greater Somalia and under the blue flag.

Did Mr. Omar for see this failure when he was advocating for change?

Read his article below:


As Dahir Rayaale hangs on to power beyond his presidential term and delays elections, Somaliland sleepwalks into a political crisis. This puts the country’s democratic process and its international standing at risk – the two most crucial goals that are indispensable for Somaliland’s political future.

Although the president’s term of office ends on 15 May, the country’s Upper Chamber, unelected body known to be close to the President, has unilaterally extended his tenure by one year recently, thereby ignoring the election plans agreed by all political parties and the National Election Commission (NEC). It is widely believed that Rayaale was behind this move, in a bid to extend his time in office.

In Somaliland, the move has caused widespread political furore. The opposition parties, the elected Lower Chamber of the Parliament, civil society and members of the public have expressed their objections to this unconstitutional step.

From the international community, the reaction was loud and clear too.The European Union, a key partner in Somaliland’s democratisation programme, articulated their concerns on the decision and called on all political groups in Somaliland to stick with the original election plans agreed by all stakeholders.

The government’s initial response to the public challenge was militaristic. The capital city of Hargeisa was put on curfew and armed military men are now patrolling the main streets. On 26 April, Hana Hassan Jama, was shot dead in Hargeisa by patrolling soldiers, and became the first victim of Rayaale’s stop-and–search orders. She was an innocent young girl who poses no threat to the national security.

To the outside world, the government’s reaction was equally shocking.In an astonishing statement, the Foreign Minister, Mr. Abdillaahi Du’ale, accused the European Union of interfering in Somaliland’s affairs, and told the EU that his government does not need their financial and technical support to Somaliland’s democratisation programme.

This statement is damaging to Somaliland’s international position andcan negatively affect the search for recognition. One could actually argue that the Minister and the President, who has supported his Minister’s statement in a speech at the Parliament, have both shamelessly failed to serve Somaliland’s national and long-term interest in favour of their personal short-term political aims.

This comes from a government, which is supposedly promoting thedemocratisation process and the country’s relations with the international community – the two most important strategic objectives of Somaliland.

There are some possible explanations for the government’s behaviour.One explanation may be that Rayaale is trying to repeat what his predecessor, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, did in 1994, when the Guurti, (the current Upper Chamber) controversially extended his term of office. Egal then found himself embroiled in a range of conflicts with opposition forces, which lasted until October 1996.

It is also possible that Rayaale and his associates might have accepted the notions of multi-party democracy on paper only, and having won the 2003 election by a dubious small margin, are not ready to risk losing power, particularly, in the context of increasingly popular and incredibly powerful and united opposition, ready and eager to take overpower. Rayaale seems to be feeling the heat already. Another explanation could be that Rayaale is modelling ideas he borrowed from his peers in the region. Ethiopian Miles Zinawe has been in power since 1991, killing and detaining opposition figures during the 2005 parliamentary election. The Ethiopian Parliament still has empty seats, as detained MP did not take their seats.

In Eritrea, Isaias Afworki has nothing better to offer. He was elected as president by a transitional legislation in 1993, and he cancelled indefinitely the parliamentary election that was planned to take place in December 2001. The Eritrean constitution was ratified in May 1997but has not yet been put into effect.

In Somalia, Abdillahi Yusuf, whose term of office will finish soon,does not appear to be preparing his country for the scheduled multi-party elections in the next year.

Yet, unlike Rayaale, Zenawi, Afworki and other leaders in Africa such as Mugabe offer historical narratives to justify their attempts to stay in power. Their desire to rule originates from their status as leaders of national liberation movements. They have liberated their countries either from colonial powers or oppressive regimes. Therefore, they perceive themselves as the heirs of their people’s freedom and feel connected with the grassroots through this history.

Interestingly, the above examples make Somaliland an odd one. In Somaliland, there is situation now in which the leader of the country’s popular liberation movement, Ahmed Siilaanyo, is an opposition leader,and all that he is asking for is a fair and timely election. This is in contrast to the mainstream political reality in Africa, which Somaliland should be proud of.

Somalilanders are not alone in taking their democracy serious. Mostnotable, president Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria was forced out when his term finished. In Kenya, people have attempted similar approaches. And, increasingly, other African nationals are demanding for their voices to be heard.

With the public fiercely opposing the controversial power extension,there is bound to be a political crisis in Somaliland after15 of May,the day the presidential term officially runs out. Forming a transitional administration, that would lead the nation to an election,is the most urgent political question Somaliland has to address. The Lower Chamber, the only democratically elected body in the country after the 15 of May, must fill in the vacuum and help the country get through these worrisome days. It needs to provide an interim leadership, uphold the rule of law, offer a level playing field for the competing political parties, and above all, avoid conflict. This could be a defining moment for Somaliland’s House of Representatives.

Mr. Mohamed Abdillahi Omar

Source: American Chronicle